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V 



/f 



V 



"At the campaign prooeadt, the Ittue It teen to be Joined, not between the 
relative personal qualitiet of the candidates, but between the principlet, history, and 
tpirrt of the two great parties."— iiia«]Mr'« Wee/Oyt s^„ isao. 



■ ♦ < 



THE 




Campaign Text Book 



1880. 



^ '» ■ 



1>IJBI«I0H£D BY THC 

RBPUBI^ICAN CONGRBSSIONAI^ COMMITTBB, 



/ 



THE TWO VOICES 



THE NORTH. 



From. President Lincoln's Second Inaugural. 

" With malice toward none, with charity for all, with 
firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, 
let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up 
the Nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have 
borne the battle, and for his widow and orphans— to 
do all which may achieve a just and iastmg peace 
among ourselves and with all nations." 



From a Speech of Oen. Oarjidd. 

" I hope my public life has s'iven proof that I do not 
cherish a spirit of malice or bitterness toward the 
South." 



fi-nm a Speech of lion. Mr. Ilorr. 

" We of the North do not seek sectional strife. • • • 
What you really need is \o go to work. (Great laugh - 
ter.J You should have more schools, more enterprise 
and thrift, and less recklessness of life, less hatred 
of what you caH carpet-baggers— damned Yankees ! 
Your business enterprise should be conducted more 
with piety and less with pistols! What Mississippi 
needs to-day is more corn and cotton and less cussed- 
ness, [laughter and applause!; more mills, more man- 
liness; less murders, less moonshiners. What would 
improve South Carolina is more hams and fewer Ham- 
burghs. She should raise more horses and hogs and 
less hell. [Great applause.]"— CoDgrenaiouai Ucourd. 



THE SOUTH. 



Speech at Kizer Hill, Alabama, July 'Msf, 1HS«> 

"The Confederacy still exists, my friends, and Jeff 
Davis, the best friend we ever had, is yet our President 
and devoted to our interests, and if Hancock is elected, 
• * • you will be paid for all the property you have 
lost through Radical rule; * * * a solid South will 
now give us entire control of the general Government, 
and we can redress all our wrongs." 



From a Speech of Hon. Mr. lilackburn, of Ky., 1S7'.». 

"We do not intend to stop until we have stricken the 
last vestige of your war measures from the statute 
book." 



Robert Toombs to a Friend in Washington. 

"But what are we to do? We cannot put in one of 
our own men this time, and have to take a 'Yank.' 
That being the case, let us take one who is less ' blue- 
bellied ' than the most of them. You may depend upon 
it, sir, that, 'Yank' or no 'Yank,* if elected, the old 
boys of the South will see that ' Hancock ' does the 
fair thing by them. In other words, he will run the 
machine to suit them, or they will run the thing them- 
selves. They are not going to be played with any 
longer. If you hear any man say that 'Hancock' can 
not carry all of the South, you may put him down as a 
d fool." 



i 



THE 



Republican 



UC410 




IGN TEXT BOOK 



FOR 



1880. 



-•-♦-•- 



CONTENTS: 



(For Extended Table of Contents, eee Pages iii to xil.) 



Chap. I. The Impending Crisis, 

II. Spirit of " Solid South/' 

lU. Dem. Revolutionary Intent, 

lY. Special Sessions— Vetoes, 

V. Session 1 879-80— Vetoes, 

VI. Oero. Election Frauds, 
Vil. Dem. Administrative Looting, 

VIII. ' Solid Southern '' Claims, 

IX. Southern Whiskey Revenue, 

X. Hatred of Union Soldiers 

XI. Bounties and Pensions, 
XII. Late Southern Outrages, 

XIII. Peonage and Black Laws, 



Page 



41 



«4 



t( 



l( 



(4 



t( 



(( 



44 



14 



t « 



1 

4 

10 

38 

51 

56 

90 

100 

111 

115 

119 

125 

128 



Chap. XIV. 
XV. 
XVI. 

xvn. 

XVIII. 

XIX. 
XX. 

XXI. 

XXIt. 
XXIIL 
XXIV. 

XXV. 
XXVI. 



(' 



(I 



It 



41 



(I 



14 



44 



41 



1( 



(4 



«( 



Labor Question, Page 1 32 

Homestead Question, " 145 

Tariff Question, ** 150 

Greenbacks, Resumption, &c. " 1 54 

Dem. Fin'cl Administration, " 163 

Relative Weight of South, " 169 

National PlaUorms, 1880, •< 173 

Platform Analysis, '56 1 /SO " 1 77 

Letters of Acceptance, ** 1 86 

Gen. W. S. Hancock, •• 18'9 

Hon. Wm. H. English, •• 1 96 

Statistical Tables, «• 205 

Addenda, •« 215 



^»» 



PUBLISHED BY THE 

REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE,* 

-^ WASHINGTON, D. C 

1880. 



%l^\ 






Ciomplled by GEOHOE FRANCIS DAWSON, (TreaBurer of the Bepiiblican Oongresslonal 

Committee, and Ex-Librarian of United States Senate,) Washington, D. C, 

by direction oi tlie Republican Congressional Committee. 



Printed hv PWii' ii i;;i,l>KKSi>:KVK. lOl rhauiti^rs Street, Vew Yorlt. 



CONTEISTTS. 



CHAPTEE I. 

The Impending Crisis. 

PART I— t*age 1— The Paramount Issne of the 
Hour— Democratic Leaders preparing for 
Violence— If P'raud fails, then Porce— Demo- 
cratic belief that Tilden was "legidl^" 
elected — Tilden cheered as "President" in 
1880— Democratic leaders declare in advanqe 
there shall be "no Arbitration " this time- 
Wallace shrieks "Aggression '* — Representa- 
tive Hill declares that they will inaugurate 
Hancock whether they elect him or not— 
Speaker Randall and Inauguration by 
Force— Governor Stevenson declares Han- 
cook is "Elected" President— Declarations 
of John Kelly, of New York, Barnes of Ga., 
Montpfomery Blair, General Preston of Ky., 
Ck>l. Williams, Col. McDaniel, and others, 
showing the Programme of Force. 

PART II— Page 3«-Th^ Power behind the 
Throne — Direct as well as Internal Evidence 
that Hancock was Nominated by the "Solid 
South" — Testimony of Senator Wallace, 
Qen^al Joseph E. Johnston, and Wade 
Hampton— Hampton's condition pledge — 
The evidence conclusive. 



CHAPTER II. 

Spirit of the Solid South. 

V 

PART I— Page 4— Wade Hampton's Speech 
at Stauiiton, Va., backed by Proofs of Genu- 
ineness — The Indissoluble Bdnds of the 
Confederacy — The " Glorious Heritage " of 
hate and lust of Power — He adjures Virginia 
by her Confederate "Traditions" to stand 
by the " Solid South"— A "Glorious Past"— 
" Our one great object^" Hancock's election — 
l49ok only to that; Fight for it!"— Elect 
Hfuacoek and the North also shall be Bull- 
dozed—The Republican vote North shall 
disappear — "Peace and Union" when the 
Soutia^ can .Dictate — "Consider what Lee 
and Jackson would do were they alive. 
These are the same principles for which 
they fought. * * Do not abandon them 
now ! " 

PART n— Page 5— The Confederate Briga- 
diers in the Senate— They eulogize Jeflf 
Davis, and would Pension him and the Con- 
federate Soldiers — How they Voted— Zach 
Chandler's scathing denunciation. 

PART m— Page 7— Jefferson Davis' last set 
Speech — The right of Secession now vindi- 



cated— A " Necessity " for the Safety and 
Freedom of the Southern States " — The duty 
to fight for it — The South will abide by the 
Constitution as they construe it —Assurance 
• of full Triumph to the South — The coming 
Southern Domination — "Principles and 
Practices" of the Slave-holders to be Re- 
stored — The Mississippi Shot-gun means 
Southern Restoration — The spirit which 
animated his hearers — Spirit of the Missis- 
sippi Press. 

PART IV— Page 8-^Further Testimony as to 
the Spirit of the South, from Southern 
Democratic, Greenback, and other sources — 
Senator Morgan says the recent Alabama 
Election shows " conclusively the Spirit of 
the 3outh ! " — A Greenback Orator Astound- 
ed in Alabama— "The Confederacy still 
exists!" — "Jeff Davis is yet our Presi- 
dent !**- A "Solid SoMth will give us con- 
trol, and we <jan redress all our wrongs" — 
Voice of Virginia's Democracy — The hour at 
last has come to take the Presifdency, " and 
resume the .Record of Glory where in 1861 
it unhappily closed ! "—Governor Wiltz of 
Louisiana says the South is solid for Han- 
cock — " Xhere is no occasion now for Bull- 
dozing." The Negro must side with the 
Democrats, " w: go to the Wall "— " The Im- 
perishable Heritage of Glory" transmitted 
by Rebels — White Republicans to be brand- 
ed as Enemies — White Republicaxi candi- 
dates to be "Saturated with Stoncih"— 1,000 
Democratic votes "equal to 5,000 vile 
Radical" votes — "We have the Count" — > 
T he Democrats control South Caf61ina, and 
"intend to Retain it at eye^r Hazard!" — 
Heroic deeds of Rebel Sires- -We offer no 
Excuse for being a Solid South^-The Cen- 
tral National Greenback Organ oti* the Spirit 
of the South— The party of Hate, Malice, 
and Subversion — Advises Greenbackers to 
" Work against it. Vote against it, Refuse its 
Alliance ! 



CHAPTER ill. 

Heyolutionary Froceedln^g and PurpoMs 
of the Democratic Leaders. 

PART I— Page 10— Introduictioo to the Evi- 
dences of Tilden's Revolutioilary Inten- 
tions — Democratic Revolutionary Proceed- 
ings thus far— Their remarkable growth — 
How a Minority can Overthrow a Govern- 
ment—Forcible Dlustrations of the peril that 
Potter strove to Precipitate — Plausible pre- 
texts for Revolution always r^ady. 



PAKT n— Page 13— The first Potter Letter : 
deolarine tbie Election should be thrown 
into the Hoaae— That the EoaBe is the an\e 
judge of Presidential Elections, caa. act | 
alone on its own informatioa, and is Sii- ' 
preme — Tilden as Commander-in-Chief. I 

PAET m— Page 15— The Electoral Commis-! 
Bion Act— Votes proving it a DemoccntiL- 
MeasDxe— The Gleotoial Count — the voto m~ [ 
v"1 announced — Subsequent KeyolutionBry i>t"- , 
ceedinm of the House before th' Adjoi-im- 1 
ment of the Forty-fourth Congress — FiElds | 
Quo Warranto bill and vote on it. i 

PABT rV— Pa^e 17— Report of House Com- 1 
mitt«e afflrmmg the right of the Hougp to 
go behind retama, and its Authority over ' 
the Count— Vote on Burohard's Amendment i 
to it. I 

PART V— Page 17— Morrison's letter on Til- 1 
den's " pluok"— Tilden thought he hud ' 
"packed" the Electoral Commission — ilen- 
dncks urges the House to declare Tililtn 
dnly elected — Votes by which the Hiiuee 
makes ibai Eevolutionary Declaration— 
Subseqnant Democratic Protests decLariri<; 
Hayes "a usurper" — Tilden officially noti- 
fied of his Election— Did he take the Oatli?- 
Bevolutionary Talk — Hewitt's enforced 
Besignatiou and singular Apology — Judge 
Black's threat. 

PAET VI— Pago 20- The Manhattan Clnb 
■Keoeption — Ordeta which the Democrstic 
House did its best to Enforce — TreasoniLble 
Utterances of Tilden, Dorsheimer, D«'ibj 
Field and others— One Thousand DiRtin- 
euished Democrats from twelve different 
States applaud the Treason ! 

PAKT TH— Page 23— Maryland selected to 
make the Fiist Movament in the Plot — The 
Montgomery Blair Quo Warranto Reeoln- 

PAET Vm— Page 23— The Potter Iniquity 
founded upon the Maryland Initiativ.^-- 
Bandall's ruling on Question of PriTile;;e — 
The Revolutionary intent admitted—^Th*: 
votes in fulL 

PART IX— Page 25— The Casey Toung Eeao- 
lution— The Democratic Caucus Befose to 
Declare that "it Is not Intended to Disturb 
Hayes" — Republican Canons Waminc the 
People that the Potter Movement is Uevo- 
Iftionary — BapubUcan National CongresB- 
ional Committee's Address to the Penpl^ 
Declaring that the Potter Plot is to Suborn 
Witnesses, Declare Hayes an Usurper, and 
put Him out. 

PAET X— Page 26— Aleiander H Stevens' 
Letter of Warning to Potter— The TiW*=n- 
Potter Rnfflans Hoot him Down in thi' 
House — Interview with Stephens — "Snur; 
the Joiner" — "The People want Peace nnii 
Quiet." 



InTeatiaation and Declaring that the House 
has no Re volutioDary Purpose — Withdrawn 
Under Democratic Pressure after a Vote 
Which Showed no Quorum- Ben Wilson's 
Resolution to Kxtend the Investigation if 
the Democratic Committee Believes in it- 
Wilson's AdroiBsion ha to " Intent" of the 
Potter Inqniry— National Democratic Com- 
mittee Approves the Potter Movement and 
Eefosea to Disavow the Treasonable Intent 
—An Influential Democrat admits the In- 
tent if they can only Make a Case. 



sions Touching the Motives at the Bottom 
of the InquiiT— The Revolutionary Intent 
Laid Bare by his own Words— No Jesuitism 



PABT xni— Page 31— Alex. H. Stephens' Sec- 
ond Letter to Potter— Successfully Defends 
the Hale Amendment, and Shows up the 
Potter Movement in its True Colors— " Most 
Unwise, Most Unfortunate, and Most Mis- 
ohievous" — "A Contemptible Farce or a 
Horrible Tnwedy "—Potter's Jesuitical Whie- 

las^DelusiTeandGr" 

a Great Aroh-flend." 

PAET XIV— Page 31— The Burchard Resolu- 
tion — The Democrats "Forced t^ainst their 
Will" to declare an Opinion on Hayee' 
Title — They are taken by Surprise, are 
Panic-stricken and Bonted — A Graphic De- 
scription of the Scene— The Vote by which 
a Bevolntionary House, Driven by Sudden 
Fear, Condemns its Own Treasonable Par- 



PART XV— Pago 33— The neit Democratic 
Move — Throwing Sawdust in People's Eyes 
—Vote on House Judiciary Committee Be- 
and Besolution a mere piece of Clap- 



Kap, 



PAET XVI— P8«e 33— The work of the Potter 
Committee— Impeachment of Hayes and 
Wheeler Talked of— How it was to be Done 
-Hayes Out and Tilden in, or Hayes Out 
and Thurman in — Democratic Authorities 
lor it. 

PABT XVII— Page 34^— Why Impeachment 
was Abandoned — Bebuke from the North — 
New Tactics — Forcing the Extra Session — 
Political Riders- The New Revolution — 
"Starving Out," instead of "Shooting 
Down," the Government— Eitra Session — 
Threats of Senators Beck and Thurman and 
Representatives Hurd, Muldrow, Singleton, 
Tucker, Kitchin, O'Connor, Chalmers, Me- 
Mahon, Sparks, Tucker, and Blackburn — 
"He who Dallies is a Dastard, He who 
Doubts is Damned 1 " 

PART XVin— Page 37— Beaten at all Point«, 
(see chapters containing Vetoes) Hie Demo- 
cratic Leaders fall back on the Fraud Issue 
—The Game " Played out"— The Bitter End 
to which they seek to Drive the North — ■ 
Role or Ruin — Supremacy of the South or 
Civil War- The Answer from the North. 



00NTENT8. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Speelml Sesslim of ISI^— The Vetoes and 

Votes. 

i»ABT I— Page 38— The President's Call for 
. an Extra Session— Why it was Necessary to 
Issue it. 

PAET n— Page 38— Veto of £he Army Appro- 
priation Bill— Military Interference at Elec- 
tions— Supervisors and Marshals Prohibited 
from Preserving the Parity of Congressional 
Elections — Votes in House and Senate on 
the Bill. 

PART in— Page 42— Veto of the Bill to Pro- 
hibit Military Interference at Elections — 
Votes in House and Senate — ^Brief History 
of the Act which this Bill Proposed to Re- 
peal — It was a Democratic Measure De- 
signed to Support the Bebel brigadiers in 
the Field— It reacts, and hence the fight 
against it. 

PABT rV— Page 45— Veto of the Legislative, 
* Executive and Judicial AppropriaSkion^Bill , 
— Repeal or Modification .of the Law touch- 
ing Supervisors and Marshals at Congress- 
ional Elections, and Jurors in U. S. Courts 
J —Votes in House and Senate. 

PAET V— Page 48— Veto of the Judicial Exr' 
penses Appropriation Bill — U. S. Marshal 
and Deputies at Congressional Elections — 
' Votes in House and Innate. 

PAET VI— Page 49— Veto of the U. S. Mar- 
shals' Appropriation Bill — ^Votes in House 
and Senate. 

PART Vn— Pfcige 51— Message of the Presi- 
dent to Congress, urging the Necessity of 
Immediate Appropriations for U. S. Biiurshals 
and their Deputies — ^The Democratic Con- 

fress Contemptuously Declines to do it — 
enator Windom's Bill Making Appropriar 
tions to pay Marshals and Deputies defiantly 
amended, and then Postponed Indefinitely. 



CHAPTER V. 

BOKiitar fieMlon (Sd) ISIfl-S*— v. s. Biar- 
slials and their depatles—Vetoes and 
Votes, 

PAET I— Page 51— The First Deficiency Bill 
— General and Special Deputy Marshals — 
PoUtical riders— Veto and Votes in both 
Houses. 

PAET n— Page 53— Special Bill regulating 
TOy, etc., of Deputy Marshals— Veto and 
Votes. 

PAET m - Page 55— Payment of Marshals and 
Deputies for 1880— Latest action in both 
Houses— Propositions and votes. 



CHAPTER VI. 

A History of Democratic Election Frauds 
fttini 1844 to 188«. 

PAET I— Page 5^— " Counting in " Peculiarly 
a Democratic Invention and Peculiarly* a 
Democratic Practice — Counting in of Folk 
in 1844— Of Buchananinl857— The Attempt 
to Count Tilden in in 1876— The Earlier 

' Frauds compared with the Later. 

PAET n— Page 59— Popular Votes vs. Electo- 
ral Votes — ^Popular and Electoral Votes of 
Harrison and Van Buren, Polk and Ciay, 
Harrison and Cass — lilden's Pretended 
'•Popular'* Majority — Votes in the Free, 
Border and Slave Btates-rEeal Voting 
Strength of Gulf States shows a Eepublican 
Majonty of 183,335 in 1870, and large In- 
crease since — South Carolina, Mississippi, 
and Louisiana essentially Eepublican now. 

m 

PAET in— Page 61— The Florida Case- 
Bloody Violence failing, fraud and JufUcial 
Usurpation — A brief History of certain 
Fraudulent Proceedings by which Tilden 
strove to Capture that one needed Electoral 
Vote — Facts, Figures and Incidents. 

•PAET rV— Page 64— The Louisiana case- 
Population and Votes ~Ku-Elux Crimes of 
1868— Tilden Eifle^Clubs of 1876— The Ter- 
rible Outrages and Murders in the Seven- 
teen Parishes — Sheridan's Statement — ^The 
State Eetuming Board— Its duties — ^How 
and why it acted — ^InSamy of the Tilden . 
Democracy. 

PAET V— Pa^e 67— The Hale Amendnjent to 
the one-sided Eesolution — The Florida 
Frauds— The Oregon Corruption and 
Bribery — The Louisiana Bull-dozing and 
Frauds — ^The South Carolina Bribery and 
Corruption — The Mississippi Shot-gun 
Frauds, Eegistration and other Statistics. 

PAET VI— Page 69— The Page Eesolution 
condemning Tilden's attempt to steal the 
Oregon vote, and denouncing the Infamy of 
Cronin, defeated by the Democrats— Only 
two decent men in all Israel. 

PAET Vn— Page 70— Tire shameful storv of 
the Cipher Dispatches and the Tilden 

. " ^arl '—Bribery and attempted Bribery 
to secure Presidential Electors in Florida, 
South Carolina and Oregon. 

PAET Vm— Page 71— The Maine Larceny- 
Brief History of the Garcelon Iniquity — 
How the attempted Outrage came to grief. 

PAET IX— Page 73— The Wallace Investiga- 
tion—Infamous New York Election Frauds — 
John L Davenport's startling Revelations on 
the Witness Stand — For twelve years Tam- 
many Hall has voted Thousands of Men who 
never lived! — ^Eepeaters' Frauds — ^The Su- 

. preme Court turned into a bogus NaturaU 
usation Mill — Testimony of a Democratic 
Tammany Judge on cross-examination — ^A 
Pitiable Spectacle — Bushel baskets ftdl of 
Fraudulent Naturalization Papers — The 



OONTENT8. 



Wallace Committee roUB away from tLel 
. Testimony of auoh WitneEses. 

PABT X— Page 83— Tiaeua Ballots and Ballot- 1 

box Stuffing in South Carolina in 1878— I 
WholeBale £ipulsion of KepnblicanLe^lii- i 
tosa— Ko Polling Places in Eepttblicnn 
Diatricts— Polling Officers all Democmta 
TiBsae Ballots depoaited before the Toting . 
begins— Baptbli can Supervisors not aliov.- ' 
ed to Guard against it— Specific Evideni-.- 
— Addintf 25,(XiO Frandnlent NameB to P<,ll 
Liatfi — More Tissne Ballots than Frandn lea i 
Nam^e !— Doctored Poll Lists— Voting T^^- I 
stte Bollob) ilk BiindlesI— 59 Tissue ]^loi». 
in one I'iclet I— Thousands of Repnblicnii 
Votes Destroyed— Elvidence Showing tlii; | 
Complicity of the Democratic I.eaders in 
Uie Wholesale Swindles— The Law to En- ' 
able th^m to do the Dirtj Business, 
PAKT XI— Page 86 -The Alabaiaa Election 
of 1880- How a Eepnblicaa M^ority of i 
20,000' becomes a Dflmocratio Majority of 
nearly lOii.OOO— Details of the Great Elec- 
tion Frauds there— Authoritative Statement | 
of all sorts of Astounding Ballot-boi Rofi- ' 
calities in Montgoroery, wikoi, Lownde^=, 
and other counties— Table of fomparatii i- 1 
Election Betums with and without U. S. '. 
Superviaors — Bepublican Majorities Dl- ' 
liberatoly Deetroyed Eviaywhere— gtartliii<; I 
Evidencos of the Monstrous Ballot Swintl- 1 
ling— Nyllifloation of the Constitutional 
Amendme&t& 



CHAPTER VII. 



mocracy from 1828. 

PABT n— Pa^e 90— Inaognration of Jacksob . 
theFonnder of Modem Democracy — " Tu 
the Victors Belong the Spoils." 

PABT nr— Page 90— Democratic Befown- Its 
Indian and Public Land Grabs — Secrelaij 
Cass pockets $68,000 Extra Allowanoes- 
Speoumtions of the Highest Officials under 
Jackson in Public linds — Foarth Anditcir 
Amos Ktodall's $50, 000 Fee. 

PART IV— Page 91- The Infamous Galphiii 
Swindle- SeoielBry Forsyth conceives and 
Lobbies it througb--A Southern Claiiu 



which n 



sthe Nation, of o 



»,000. 



PABT V— Page 91— The General Post-Office, I 
under Adams, setf-sastoiniug and conlri- 
buting. $1,103,063 to the National Be venue 
— ITndei Jackson it becomes Bankra])t I 
amid the foulest Corruption and Fraud. I 

PABT VI- Page 93- The old U. S. Bank- 
Jackson raids and destroys it— Transfers i 
the Gorermnent KereuueB to the pet Statt 



PABT Vn— Page 93— Inrestigation and Ex- 
posure . of DHroocratic Corruptions and 
Crimee— Forsyli's "Nankeen" — Amos Ken- 
I dttll's Fee — The Harlan Investigating Com- 

I PAET Vm— Page 93— The Plundering Ad- 
ministnition of the N. Y. Custom House 

under Swartwoat and Hoyt- Swartwout 
without a Bond to secure the Millions in ■ 
□is bands— Maladministration, Corruptiou, 
and Fraud reduced to a system— Swartwout 
clears out with $1.235,705— Hoyt steals 
I $500,000-LotBtotheNationoft7,65I,TG5.53. 
PABT IX— Page 96— Public Land Sales of 
I Sixty odd Receivers— Fifty default in an 
I aggregate of $82G.67&25— Beceiver's offices, 
Broker's Dens— Defaulters should be Re- 
tained because New Appointees would be 
no beUei 1 
PABTX— Page 96— Long array of Defaulters 
I in all Departments — The Indians, Special 
I objects of Democratic Rapacity — Indian 
. Wars in 40 years uist $600,000,000 !-Indiau 
I Claims — Vice President B. M. Johnson 
asv^ases $18,000 as Fees for Fiaaduleut 
GoUectious. 
, PAET XI— Page 97— More Maladministration 
and Corruption under Pnlk— Wholesale 
Robbery of Government and Indiana— The 
. Nation Despoiled of Uillions. 

Part in Page 97 Feculent. Reeking 

Goimption— Long array of Defaulters dur- 
ing the Mexican War -Its Prodigious £x- 
■ penditures and Plunder. 
PABT Xni— pEige 98— Mammoth Frauds of 
Washington Rings under President Pierce 
-Merce's " Outlaws of the Treasury"- A o- 
■ tual and proposed, plunder ondei Pierce 

estimatedat $300,000,000 1 
PAHT XIV— Page 98— Fearful Corruptions 
under Buchanan — Pluuiier, Pillage, Backl 
—The immense Public Printing "Loot" — 
All the Departments Degraded into Corrupt 
Party Machines- Swindling Live Ook Con- 
tracts— PeHlncal Assessments Three times 
a year ! — Mercenary Corps for Fraudulent 
Contml of Elections— Stupendous Robber- 
ies undersecretaries Floyd, Thompson, etnl. 
PABT XV-Page99-Immeusely in (Teased Dem- 
ocratic E upend itu res— Increased 'I'asation of 
the People to Support this System of Whole- 
sale. Cormption, Flnnder, -and Fraud— 
A^^regates and Ratios of losses under 
Democratic, Compared with Eepublican 
I Administrations. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

The "SolM Soulbcm " Clalnu. 

PART I— Page 100— $300,000,000 of Southern 

Public and Private Claims for Cotton. 

War Uateriiil, Captured end Abandoned 

Property, etc. 
PART n—PagelOO— Rebel CleimsDemandod 

Bs a Matter of "Justice and Right"— All 



CONTENTS. 



VU 



Property Destroyed by Both Armies Must 
he Paid For— Beoel Soldiers or their Heirs 
Must <* be Paid in Bonds or Public Lands 
for Lost Time, Limbs and Lives.** 

PABT in— Page 101— A "Specimen Brick" 
of Southern Claims— Its Bogus Character 
and Wonderful Growth. 

PABTIV— Page 102-$400,000,000More— Oom- 

gensation Demanded ' for Emancipated 
laves. 

PAJIT V— Page 102— A Brief Review of some 
of the Eebel Claims— Direct Tax — Cotton 
Tax — Special Relief — Destruction of Pro- 

gerty Compensation for Slaves — Rebel Male 
ontractors^etc. — They Already Reach the 
Enormous Aggregate of Three Thousand 
Millions of Dollars— Where will it End ? 

PARTVI— Page 103— Claim of the College of 
" William and Mary**— One of the Entering 
Wedges— "Claim of the Episcopal Seminary 
in Virginia — The Election of Crarfield and a 
Republican House the Only Safeguard. 

PART Yn— Page 104— Fraudulent Claims of 
South^om Mail Contractors — How the Deibo- 
erats Btroire to Steal $1.000,000— How the 
House Republicans Stopped the Steal— A 
Specimen of Southern .''Morality** — The 
Vote that "Scotched** the Fraudulent 
Claims. 

PART Vin— Pace 106— Subsequent Assault 
on the Senate, by the Southern Mail Con- 
tractors — ^But they are Finally Discomfited 
— Propositions and Votes. 

PART IK-^Page 106— Conger's Proposed Con- 
stitutional Amendment Prohibiting Pay-, 
m^ent of Rebel Claims— Vote Thereon — The 
Democratic Party under Southern Doi^ina- 
tion would Pay them, as the Record Shows.- 

PART X— Page 107— Tilden's Pretended Aver- 
sion to Rebel Claims— His Duplidty — He 
would not Pay "Disloyal**. Claims, but 
holds that "we are all Loyal Now '* — ^Ex- 
Confederate Cabell's Ingenious Report 
Proving that Pardoned or ijunestied Rebels 
were "Always Loyal **-^The86 » Claims all 
Ready for Action if Hancock gets in. ' 

PART XI— Pace 108— Two Specimen Copies 
of Bills which if Enacted into Law will Cost 
the Government $2,410,326,000 ! 



CHAPTER IX. 

*^ The Solid South and Internal Hevenue." 

PART I^Eag« 111- "Solid Southern '* Whis- 
key Steal of 1880— Democratic ** Reform" 
Legislation — ^The Carlisle Bill— Withdrawal 
of Whiskey from Stores and Bonded Ware- 
houses — Tax Collectable on Quantity With- 
drawn !— The Government Defrauded of 
Millions of Dollars Annually !— How the 
Thing was DonC'-rThe "Stamp** Steal of 
$350,000 a Year— The •« Back-Interest ** Steal 
of $160,000 a Year— Garfield in Vain shows 
Up its Iniquity^The "Leakage** Steal of 



$1,750,000 a Tear— -Passed in the Face x>f 
Official Statements — The Democrats Vote 
Solidly for the Steal, Republicans, against 
it — l^orthem Distillers Opposed it, Southern 
Distillers Wanted it—*-* Class ** as Well as 
Sectional Legislation— Garfield Again— Un- 
fair Operation of the Law as Between North 
and South -How it Facilitates Frauds — ^The 
Law Thus Amended by a Democratic Con- 
gress was Passed by a Republican Congress 
to StopFrauds of a Democratic Administra- 
tion—With Hancock to Administer it as 
• Amended, Fraud by Official Collusion 
Would Run Riot. ^ 

PART n— P-age 113— Moonshiners in the 
"Solid South**— Open Defiance of Federal 
Law — Guerilla Warfare— 3,874 Moonshine 
Stills Destroyed by Government Officials in 
the Last Four Years — 7,078. Moonshiners 
Arrested— The Money Cost of Suppressing 
Southern Moonshining —Innumerable Out- 
rages — '/Every Form of Outrage** Resorted 
to -Official List of Bloody Murders of U. S. 

. Officers by the Outlaws — Only One Murder- 
ous Moonshiner has been Convfcted ! — 
Moonshining Almost Stopped, when Han- 
cock*s Nomination and Democratic Encour- 
agement Starts it again ! — "Solid Southern** 
Sym^thy with the Moonshiners. 



♦ CHAPTER X. 

Democratic Hatred of Union Soldiers. 

PART I— Page 115— Democratic Rule of Ap- 
pointments to Office — "Civil Service Re-r 
form" in the House of Representatives — | 
Crippled Union Soldiers Kicked out» and 
Rebel Soldiers exalted-- Propositions and 
Votes in the House on the Subject— Solid 
Democratic Votes against the Union Soldier. 

PART n— Page 116— ©eiaocratio. Civil Ser- 
vice Reform in the Senate — An* old Demo- 
cratic Standing Rule • as to Appointments 
abrogated to satisfy later Democratic Greed 
for " Spoils **— Union Soldiers kicked out 
and Confederate Midlers appointed— Prop- 
ositions and Votes in the Senate on the Sub- 
ject — The Democrats solid against the 
Union Soldier. 

PART ni— Page 118— The Washington Me- 
tropolitan Police — Heretofore none but 
Union Soldiers and Sailors in it— Kow it 
can be filled with Confederates— Solid Dem- 
ocratic against the Union Soldier. 

PART IV- Page 118— List of 76 Union Sol- 
diers removed from, and 88 Confederate 
Soldiers appointed to, positions in the 
Capitol of this "Union** .by the canting 
Confederate-ridden Democrats. 



CHAPTER XL 

Bounties and Pensions. 

I 

PART I— Pi^ 119— The Boui^y Question- 
How the Democrats Obstruct Payment — 
CoffiK)th*s Canting Resolution — Secretary 
Sherman's Reply — The Responsibility fas- 



Vlll 



CONTENTS. 



tened on the Democratic Congress — ^Even 
Adjusted Claims for which a Bepnblican 
Administration asks Immediate Payment, 
Stricken out by the Confederates — ^An ex- 
Rebel Soldier Applies for Bonnty ! 

PART n— Page 122— Pensions— Confederate 
, Democratic Opposition to the Arrears of 
Pensions Bill— The Legacy of Confederate 
Hate for the Union Soldier proved up by 
Democratic witnesses—Representative Beltz- 
hoover's Letters ; *• With the present Demo- 
cratic House Pension Bills do not have 
much Favor "—" The Rebel General at tie 
Head of the Pension Committee in the 
Senate is still more Averse to Allowing such 
Bills to Pass" — Representative Ryon's Let- 
ter; "The present House is Adverse to 
Allowing Claims for Services rendered in 
Support of the United States During the 
late War." 

PART in— Page 123— Democratic Love for 
the Rebel Soldier — Attempted Legislation 
in his behalf, so as to let him into the U. S. 
Army — West Point Treason to be Rewarded 
by Army Reappointments — Bill to let Con- 
federate Soldiers get Pensions — These are 
some of the war measures to be ''stricken 
from our Statute Book" — Thousands of 
Applications of Confederate Soldiers for 
Pensions as well as Bounty, made out and 
Awaiting Hancock's Election — Fac simile 
of a specimen Application now on file in 
the Pension Office. 



CHAPTEK XII. 

Recent Outraves in the ** Solid South." 

PART I — Page 125 — Political Assassination in 
the South— Ghastly Record of 20, 000 Crimes 
— How the South was partly solidified. 

PART n-^Page 125— More Solidification — 
Assassination and Intimidation in 1878 — 
Recent Louisiana Bulldozing — All Leading 
Republicans in Pt. Coupee Parish whipped 
or run off — One Man taken out of bed and 
killed because he would not vote a Demo- 
cratic Ballot? — ^Five Men hung to scare other 
negroes "so that they might carry the elec- 
tion — Six Men hung in CSneordia Parish — 
Wholesale Murder in Tensas Parish — 500 
Ku Klux raiding— 50 to 80 Negroes killed — 
The Caledonia Massacre^-20 Negroes killed, 
none wounded — No Whites killed — United 
States witnesses murdered — Effect on the 
Vote. 

PARTHI— Page 126— This Year's ••Solidifying 
of the South" — Outrages in 1880 — Litimi- 
dation in Alabama — Elven White Opposition 
to Democracy not Tolerated — Greenback 
Speakers Mobbed and Subjected to Vio- 
lence — Republican Meetings broken up — 
Cursing a little 7 year old Boy ! — Horrible 
Ku-Kluxing in Georgia — Masked Men Bar- 
barously Whip Joe Thompson and his 
Family at- Midnight — A Mother Brutally 
Murdered in Bed— Two Babes Baptized 
with her Blood — Her Young Brother Slain 
—A Mississippi Riot, etc » 



CHAPTEE XIII. 

Peonaiiire and Black Laws. 

PART I— Page 128— Legislation of 1865-6— 
Slavery succeeded by Peonage — Black 
Laws— The Slave Code re-enacted — Con- 
gress obliged to set aside all State Laws op- 
pressing Freedmen — Specimen Laws. 

PART n— Page 129— Legislation after con- 
ciliation — Getting back to the Slave Code — 
Five years in Prison for- Stealing a Suckinpj 
Pig — Two years' Hard Labor for a few Roast- 
ing Ears ! 

PART in— Page 130— The Contract System- 
Criminals worked for years in legalized Slave 
Grangs — Colored Men the only Victims — 
Profits of the system — The Cost of Costs — 
Lawyers' Fees worked in — Three years for 
carrying a Pistol — Wages a quarter of a 
cent a day — ^Working under Shot-Gnns — 
The System general in the South. 

PART IV— Page 131— Sweeping Landlord 
Lien Laws — A Colored Man's Crop cannot 
be sold or used without permission — The 
Landlord can take all — Cmtrageous exac- 
tions — The resulting Peonage worse than 
Slavery— The System breeds bad Men. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

The LAbor lluestion. 

PART i— Page 132— Democratic efforts to De- 
grade and Brutalize Labor — The Republican 
Party the True Labor Party. 

PART n— Page 133— Attitude of the South 
on the Labor Question — Calhoun's ♦* Hipjher 
Law"— Pickens Declares that **The White 
Mechanic and Laborer must become Slaves. " 

PART ni— Page 133— The Irrepressible con- 
flict between Northern "Mudsills" and 
Southern ' ' Aristocrats " — Democracy d e- 
clares War against the White Mechanic and 
Laborer. 

PART IV— Page 134— Southern Press Utters 
ances — ' ' Free Society a Failure — * * Slavery 
essential, whether White or Black" — Con- 
tempt of "Small farmers and greasy me- 
chanics." 

PART V — Page 134 — ^Democratic Denuncia- 
tion of Free White Mechanics ai^ essentially 
slaves — ^The Negro superior to the White 
Mechanic ♦* morally, socially and physical- 
ly " — ** Liberty for the few, Slavery for the 
masses." 

PART VI— Page 135— "The cause" being 
*• Lost,** the South plays fox to regain power 
and carry out Slave Labor principles — Re- 
sponsibility of Northern Democratic 
Leaders. 



CONTENTS. 



IX 



FABTTn — ^y^ 135 — ^Democratio . Annual 
Bobbery of ProdnotiTe Labor— Democratic 
CHieese-paring— A crasade agaixuit poor male 
and funale laborers. 

^•ABT Vm— Page ISft— Wages of the Mechan- 
ic and Laborer abroad compared with onr 
own— Valuable Tabular statements. 

PABT IX— Page 137— Tabular statements of 
food, pricesi &o., here and abroad. 

PABT X— Page 138— Sad condition of the 
European working classes-^In Belgium, 
France, Germany. England, Ireland, Scot- 
land, Wales, Itsuy, the Netherlands and 
Spain— What Free Trade has done for the 
Ehiglish Laborer— A Sickening recital of the 
Sufferings of Laboring Women— White 
Slaves— What Democratic Free Trade would 
do for Ameiioa. 

PART XI— Fkige 140— Labor and Wages in the 
United States during two periods^Tables 
showing the rise in -Wages of American 
Mechanical and Farm Labor from the end 
of the Demooratio Bule in 1860 to 187i. 

PABT XII— Page 144— Democratic Besroonsi- 
bility for Becent Hard Times— The I^emo- 
cratic Tariff l^nkering, Gheese-j^aring 
economy, and Opposition to Besumption. 

PABT Xm— Page 144-Oomparatiye Prosper- 
ity come ag^n — Official statement touching 
Increased Wages' and demand for Farm 
Labor — Shall that improvement continue or 
disappear again? 



CHAPTER XV. 

The Homestead Qnestknu 

PABT I— Page 145— The Great Question of 
the day in 1858— Bepublican attempt to 
defeat ihe Land Sharks— Defeated by the 
Democracy— The Qrow Bill— Yote defeating 
it— llie Grow Amendment to Pre-emption 
Bill of 1859 adopted^The Bill as Amended 
defeated by tiie Democrats— Votes — Cava- 
naugh's Denunciation of the Southern Dem- 
ocrats. 

PABT n— Page 146— The ' Bepublicans de- 
mand Free Homesteads to actual Settlers — 
Democratic Strategy to defeat it fjEuk — ^The 
Bill passes the House— William H. English 
votes against ik 

BABT m— Page 147— The Homestead Bill in 
the Senate— Parliamentary Tactics to pre- 
vent Action— Beached at Last— The Yote a 
Tie— Bepublicans a Unit for it— A Demo- 
erotio Vice-President gives the Casting Vote 
against it. 

PABT IV— Pace 147— -Another Attempt to 
Take it up— Appeal of Seward and Wade— 
Another Defeat of the Bepublican Efforts 
for the Landless. 

PABT V— Page 148— The Grow Homestead 
Bill again Passed the House (1860> in Spite 
of Democratic Opposition — ^The Vote. 



PABT VI— Page 148— The Senate Substitute 
for the Grow Bill — ^A Compromise— Bu- 
chanan's Veto. 

PABT VH— Page 149— The Veto Sustained by 
the Democrats of the Senate* 

PABT Vm— Page 149— Bepublican Home- 
stead Pledge of 1860— In 1862 the Bepubli- 
cans redeem that Pledge despite Contmued 
Democratic Opposition — ^An^ysis of Votes. 

PABT IX— Page 149— BiU of 1866 to Extend 
Homestead Act: to States of South-— Demo- 
cratic adverse Vote. 

PAItT X— Page 150— Beneficent Effects of the 
Bepublican Homestead Act shown in In- 
creased Population, Wealth and Power — 
Demooratio Hostility tonday to the Principle 
— It is essentially Bepublican. 



CHAPTER XVL 

Tbe TarUr Question. 

PABT I— Pa^ 150— Protection essentially 
the '* American System " — Washington, 
FrankUn, Hamilton, day, Jadsson, Madi- 
son, Adams, Webster, Lincoln, and Grant, 
all advocate it. 

PABT n— Pace 151— Brief History of Tariff 
Legislation from 1824 to 1860. 

PABT m— Page 151— The Morrison Tariff 
Bill of 1876— Its Proposed Iniquities- 
Analysis of this Democratic Monstrosity. 

PABT IV— Page 152— The Wood Tariff BiU of 
1878— How it lojured ManuiiBusturers, 
Traders, and Workingmen — ^Infamous In- 
tentions of the Democratic Leaders — ^The 
Democratic Vote to Consider the Bill— The 
Bepublicans Kill it— Mill's <* Tariff for Beve- 
nue " Besolution— mie Bepublicans Defeat 
it— The Vote. 



CHAPTER XVIL 

Greenlmcks, Public Credit, and Resuiiip* 

turn. 

PABT I— Page 154— HLstonr of the Green- 
back — ^The Bepublican Party its Father, 
Friend, and Guardian — The Legal-Tender 
Act of 1862— Beason for its BeiQg— Chase's 
Letter— Democratic Opposition alid Votes. 

PABT n— Page 155— The Democrats Direct- 
ly Besponsible for Contraction — The Act of 
1866 — Analysis of the Votes— Only one De- 
mocrat in the two Houses Votes against Con- 
traction—The Act of February 4, 1868, Sus- 
pending Contraction — Only Twenty-fbor 
Democrats Vote for that. 

PABT m— Page 155— Public Credit **Bill" 
of 1869— Andy Johnson "Pockets" it— 
'* Public Credit Act of 1869 "— Besump^on 
Act of 1875— Bemarkable Official Votes 
showing the Democrats Solidly against them 



OOSTKSTS. 



all— Speoifia Oontntot Seotion— Vote on 
StriUna ont— What the Danble Pledge of 
the Public Credit Act meaul — Democratic 
Senator Hamilton's proproed OoQBtitntioDal 
Amendment to Kill the BepabUcan Green- 
bock. 

PABT IT— Page 1G7— Continnoiu and Dea- 

Crste effbrta of the Hoaee Democrats to 
mper and prevent Keounnition — Bepnb- 
lican Resolution to faoilitate it voted dovn 
by Democrats — Vote after Vote of the De- 
mocrats against Besnmption — Tha Demo- 
cratic Honse. in 1876, paaa a Bill to repeal 
the Besnmption da; dansea. 

PABT V— Paffe 159— Pretended Democratic 
Love for the Graanback— Hott tley Hur- 
rahed for it bnt kept it "In the Woods" — A 
Smart Trick Eipoaed—Sonthward'B "blind" 
Besolution Mi^dn^ Greenbacks Receivable 
for Cnstoms Duties — A Bill from the Ee- 

Sablican Senate Co that Effect beaten b; the 
ooae Democrats — Another Republican 
Proposition (Hubbell'a) to Receive Green- 
backs for Onstoma and Exchange them for 
Ooin, and Conatmii^ the Besomption Act so 
Uiat no Greenbacks shall be Retired, only It«- 
ecdved Six Democratic Votes— Votes in De- 
tail— Secretair Shermiin's Order— Fort'a Act 
Prohibiting Farther Retirement, eta., of 



Judgea Declare its Oonatitntional Legili- 

PABT VH—Pageiei— SpeeobeaofDamoaratic 
Leaders in Congress Declaring the Bepnb- 
licaD Qreenlttck Unconstitntional — YallBji- 
digham — Powell— Hendrick B. Wrigbt— 
Pendleton— Cowan-Bayard— Pearce — Sanls- 

PABT Vm — Page 181— TreaBUij Statement 
showing, from 1860 to Jnly 1, 1880, the 
»monnt each veer of State Bank Cinmlation, 
National Bank Circulation, Demand Notes, 
Legal-Tender Notes, Silver Certificates, 
Fractional Paper, Fraotionftl Silver, etc., in 
afrculatioD, and the growth in Gold Value 
of the Paper Dollar. 



CHAPTER XVIIL 

BliDiden or Denuwratle Flamttetal Ad- 



PABT I— Page 163— History of Demooretic 

Administrative Blundering from 1836 to 
18*8— Panic of 1837— The Wheels of Gov- 
ernment almost blocked — A DeBcit in the 
Treasury- Issue of Treaaotj Notes to meet 
it — "Unavailable Balances- of 1838— The 
Ooremment Threatens to Stop in a Few 
Days if not Believed ! — Confiictiiig State- 



menfa — Fnrtber BeHff given bv Iwae of 
Treaaary Notes — Again m Trouble in 1839. 
and another Isane ordered — More Embor- 
Taxamentin 1810 and another Issue— Rmbar- 
rasaed again in 1841^EipenditnreB Exceed 
Revenue over {3tl,000.0u0 1— Anain RelieTed 

S" Another Ibsub- Funded Debt of 1841— 
e Loan goes " a begging " — More Relief 
in 1642 by Treasury Note Issaea- Loan BiU 
of 1842— Another re-iasne of Treasory Notes 
in 1842— In 1843, a Growing National IJebt— 
A New Loan and New Issue of Treafiory 
Notes — In 1846 the Kleiican war begins — 
Large Threatened DeQdency and more 
Treasury Notes issued — Fallacious Treasury 
Estimates of 1847— Another Loan act — In 
1848 Stm another Loan. 

PAET n— Page 167— Prom 1857. to 1861— 
Continued Demonviio Uisman^ement^ 
Panic of 1857 — Dissolving Treasury Bal- 
ances — Embarrassment after Embarrass- 
ment — Deficient upon Deficiency — Issue 
afi»r Issue of ^essnry Notes—Loan apoa 
Loan— Increasing EiLpenditurea with Di- 
minishing Revenue — The Pnblio Credit of 
the Nation itmk to Zero I— Increasing the 
Public Debt to meet Onrrent Expenses I 



OHAPTER XIX. 

KeteUre WdsM or tfte " Soiia Sonth." 

PART I— Page 169— Weight of the "Solid 
South " — Politically. — Commercially — Nim- 
mo's Letter— Pregnant Facts and Figures. 

PART n— Page 172— The "Solid Sonthetn" 
Census of 1880—" Solid Southern " Figures 
given— Conspiracy of the Bebel Brigadiers 
to increase tne Power o( the "Solid South" 
— Contemplated SnbjugaUon of tlie other 
States of ttie Union. 



CHAPTER XX. 

National Polttlcal FUtforMs-lSBO. 

PART I— Page 173— Bepnbllcan Platform of 

1880. 
PABTn— Page 176— DemocratioPlatform of 

issa 

PABT in— Page 176-GreBnbaek Platform of 
1880. 

OHAPTEK XXI. 
AnalTSia of riatfOnna— I8K« M 188*. 

PART I— Pi«e 177— General Potty Doctrines. 
PABT n— Page 177— The Eebeillon. 
FART m— Page 178— Beconstruction. 
PABT IV— Page 178— Home Rule. 



CONTENTS. 



XI 



PABT V— Page 179— The Veto Power. 
PART YI— Page 180— Internal Improvements. 
PABT Vn— Page 180— Pacific Railroad. 
PART Vm— Page 181— Publio Lands. 

PART rX— Page 181— National Debt and Inter- 
est, Public Credit, Rupndiation, etc. 

PART X— Page 182— Resumption. 

PART XI— Page 182— Capital and Labor. 

PART Xn— Page 183-TarifiEl 

PART Xm-Page 183— Education. 

PART XIV— Page 184— Dnty to Union Soldiers 
and Sailors. 

PART XV— Page 184— Naturalization and Alle- 
giance. 

PART XVI— Page 185— Chinese. 

PART XVn— Page 185-CiTil Service. 



CHAl^TEE XXn. 

Letters of Aceeptanee of Repnblleaii Presi- 
dential Nominees. 

PART I— Page 186— Hon. James A. Garfield's 
Letter of Acceptance. 

PART E^-Page 188— Hon. Chester A. Arthur's 
Letter of Acceptance. 



Authorities — General Grant Obliged to In- 
terfere. 

PART IV— Page 193— Hancock Appoints new 
Registration Boards — Enforces Attorney- 
General Stanbery*s Opinion — General Grif- 
fin and Governor Pease denounce State 
Courts and Juries for Protecting Assassins — 
Hancock Sustains the Courts — General Rey- 
nolds on General Order No. 40— Hancock 
Amends Griffin's Celebrated Order No. 13. 

PART V— Page 193— The Loyal Lindseys Pe- 
tition Hancock for Redress — Hancock hands 
them over to the Eu Klux and they are 
Murdered — Hancock's Rejply to Pease — 
" Peace Reigns in Warsaw — General Grant 
Forced to Remove him. 

PART VI— Pag^e 194— Terrible Results of 
Hancock's brief Maladministration — Gen- 
eral Reynold's Report, November, 1867 — 
General Sheridan's Report — Report of Cotu- 
mittee on Lawlessness— Official Arraign- 
ment of Hancock for Innumerable Murders 
and other Crimes — ^Another Massacre. . 

PART vn— Page 195— Hancock admits he 
sought the Presidency in 1868 — But *• not for 
Joe — His Stipulated Reward Comes at 
Last — He gets the Democratic NominatioB. 



CHAPTER XXm. 

General W. S. Hancoek. 

PART I— Page 189— Brief Review of Events 
in the Department of the Gulf prior to Han- 
cock's Command of it — The Reconstruction 
Acts — New Orleans Mechanics' Institute 
Massacre of July, 1866 — ^Its Atrocious Char- 
acter — Sheridan in Command — His General 
Orders No. 1 — ^Discharged Officials — Presi- 
dent Johnson's Sympathy with them — 
Sheridan's Loyal Code — ^Attorney-General 
Stanbery's Opinion Declaring Reconstruc- 
tion Ad» Unconstitutional — Bad goes to 
Worse — Chaos — Sheridan Restores Law, 
Order and Peace. 

PART n—Page^l91— Sheridan therefore to be 
Removed and* Haneock to Succeed him — 
The Command Baited with a Presidential 
Promise — ^The Hancock-Jerry Black-Walker- 
Campbell Conspiracy against Reconstruc- 
tion. 

PART m— Page 192— The Immediate Effects 
— Chaos and Terror Return — Hancock takes 
Command— General Order No. 40— He de- 
clares that " Peace and Quiet still Reign " — 
He Overrides the Civil Power of the Loyal 
Congress under a Flimsy Pretense of Sub- 
ordinating the Military to the Disloyal Civil 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Wm. H. EnvUsli. 

PABT I— Page 196— The Great Kansas Strug- 
gle of 1854-60 for Freedom, Free Ballots 
and Majority Rule— Wm. H. English Op- 
posed to all These— He Votes for the Kansas- 
Nebraska Infamy — Opposes Expulsion of 
Brooks for his Assault on Sumner — Attacks 
Republicanism — Sympathizes with the Doc- 
trine that " Slavery is Right and Necessary, 
Whether White or Black," and applauds 
Keitt!— The «« English Compromise" Bill 
Exposed— Mr. English and His Political 
Co-Bribers Retired to Private Life. 

PART n— Page 198— How Mr. EngUsh Filled 
His " Barrel "— " The Poor Man's Friend " 
in Indiana — The Tale Told by Courthouse 
Records— Startling List of Judgments, 
and Mortgage-Foreclosures — How He Se- 
cured Personal Judgments in Addition — 
*' Old Scrooge" and Shyleck " Distanced"— 
"A Wolf in human Form." 

PART m— Page 203— A Terrible Affidavits 
The Value Placed on a Dead Child Run 
Over by His Street Cars — He Haggles over 
it— ** lou Set Too High a Price on Your 
Damned Yo^ng One ! '*— The Killing Partly 
Paid for in CarTickets— * * Damn the Irish !*^* 

PART IV— Page 204— The Chicago Fire— A 
Chicago Relief Committee calls on the ' 'Poor 
Man's Friend"— Out of His Millions He 
Gives One Dollar to Help the Sufferers — He 
is Induced to Make it $100 for Fear the 
Bank Might Suffer £rom Popular Indigna- 
tion. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XX7, 

statistical Tables, etc 

No. I— Page 205— -Popnlar Vote for President 
from 18& to 1876. 

No. n— Page 206— Electoral Vote for President 
and Yioe President from 1864 to 1876. 

No. m— Page 206— Popular Vote atState Elec- 
tions in 1878 and 1879. 

No. ly — Page 207 — Democratic Sham Economy 
Exposed — Three Years of Bepnblican com- 
pared with Three Years of Democratic Ap- 
propriations. 

No. V — ^Page 208 — Gtovemment Beceipts and 
Ezpenditnres from 1856 to 1880 incinsiye. 

No. YI— Page 209— Internal Bevenae Beceipts 

for 1879-%0. 

• 

Na Vn— Page 210— CJost of the Democratic 
Bebellion— Official Statement of the Con- 
sequent Expenditure. 

No. vni— Pace 212— Startling Batios of Dem- 
ocratic Defalcations compared with Be- 



publican Honesty — The Figures from W'aah^ 
ington to Hayes inclusive. 

No. IX — Page 212 — Treasury Statement, show- 
ing Changes in Principal of Public Debt^ 
Annual Interest Charges, etc., from Aagnst 
31, 1865, to September 1, 1880. 

No. X— Page 213— Public Debt Analysis, from 
July 1, 1856, to July 1, 1880. 

No. XL— Page 214— Public Debt Statement 
for the month of August, 1880. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 
Addenda. 

PABT I— Page 215— Confederate design to 
capture the U. S. Supreme Court — ^The 
House Bill by which it is to be done. 

PABT n— Page 216— Senator Edmunds' Let- 
ter on Bebel Glaiai% showing that they are 
not Barred by the Constitution. 



CHAPTER I. 

The Impending Crisis. 



PART I. 

The Paramount Issue of tlie 
Hour !— The I>einocratle liead- 
ers preparing: Ibr Tlolence— If 
Fraud IIUls, then Foree ! 

Just as religiously as all Republicans believe 
that Rutherford B. Hayes was legally elected 
President of the United States, do the mass 
of Democrats believe that Samuel J. Tilden 
was duly elected to the same hi^h office. 
Herein lies the great danger that is in the 
coming Presidential election. Herein lies 
the necessity, at this time, of securing the 
election of the Republican candidate by so 
large an de (oral majoniyt that it will carry abso- 
lute conviction to the Democratic masses, and 
frighten their leaders so thoroughly, that a 
Democratic Congress will not dare to count 
him out, and the Democratic candidate will 
not dare to strive to overturn by force the 
lawfully expressed will of the people. The 
work of the campaign is not so much to elect 
Garfield— for that is already assured —but to 
elect him by an tmmense electoral majority. That 
will insure peace and the preservation of the 
liberties of the people, and the institutions of 
the Republic. A close vote threatens civil 
war, with all its hitherto unknown horrors, 

ANABCHT, and BUIN. 

Democratic belief that Tllden to the **le- 

KaUy electeil Preslilent" *^ Preslileiit " 

Tihlen cheered in Biew York In 1880 1 

If it is doubted that the Democratic masses 
believe that Tilden was elected, and defrauded 
of his rights, the proceedings. July 28, 1880, 
at the ** New York Democratic Rally," in the 
Academy of Music, would set that doubt at 
i«st. The New York Herald (independent) 
says : 

" The great event of the evening waa the coming in 
of ex-Governor Samuel J. Tilden. His appearance 
was looked forward to with the most intense interest* 
Women holdmg children by the hand and babies in 
their arms hung around the entrances with no other 
otitlect than to catch a glimpse of the man of whom 
they have heafd so much. The whole body of men 
forgot Hancock and EngUsh for the moment and 
centred their attention ou Mr. Tilden. Never did a 
man meet a more thrilling reception. Every inch of 
room withm the spacious interior of the Academy was 
• occupied, and a lively feeling of expectancy filled the 
minds of all preaent when John McKeon entered on 
the left of the stage, followed by Mr. Tilden and a 
string of prominent Democrats. The moment the 
ex-Oovemor emerged firom the wings the cheering 
broke forth like a tornado, and by the time he had 



reached the middle of the stage the great multitude 
was on its feet applauding by voice and hands and 
with hats and handkerchiem in the most enthusiastic 
and extravagant manner. * * * When the wild, 
tumultuous outburst of cheering that greeted the old 
gentleman's appearance was beginning to subside, a 
sturdy voice from the gallery cried. ' Three cheers for 
President Tilden 1 ' and the cheers were given with a ring 
that fldrly shook the tv^ilding. * Three dferemorer 
exclaimed another voice, and the demonstration was 
repeated with even greater vigor than before. When 
John McKeon came forward and said. ' I nominate 
ior chairman the legally eUded I*renderU of the United 
Statee/ the excitement reached its climax and a great 
shout went up. , * * * Uis name, whenever men- 
tioned by the orators of the evening, drew a terrifie 
bunt o/apptixute." 

The Democratic licaders teach this belief 
on all occasions for their own Infernal 
ends— They heflrin to believe It them- 
selve^I—Peace or civil war? 

The Den^ocratio leaders have instilled and 
worked up this belief among the Democratic 
masses, so thai their own devilish purposes 
may be subserved. The 6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th 
resolutions of the Democratic platform of IbSO 
were adopted solely to intensify that feeling. 
They declare President Hayes to be a " repre- 
sentative of conspiracy only ; " that he was 
declared President "upon a false count;" 
that he was a "defeated candidate," who 
" bribed his way to the seat of a usurper; " and 
that Tilden was '* elected" President by *a 
majority of his countrymen " — the latter clause 
evidently inserted with the intention of mak- 
ing the Democratic masses believe that instead 
of being elected by a majority of the electoral 
vote, an American President is elected by a 
majority of the popular vote 1 In his address 
to Mr. Tilden, when presenting to him a copy 
of the 9th resolution of the Cincinnati Con- 
vention, Governor Stevenson, President of 
that Convention, in the presence of the Dem- 
ocratio National and Congressional Commit- 
tees and other Democratic Sagnatt* s, tendered 
^•the homage of the entire American people U> him 
who in 1876 waa by a large majority dected Presi- 
dent of the United States,** and talked of "the 
base fraud committed for the first time in our 
past history, in refusing to permit.<^ President 
legally chosen by them to exercise the duties of 
that exalted position." By constant repetition 
of an untruth, those who utter, as well as those 
who hear it, in course of time come to believe 
it is truth. It is quite likely, therefore, that 
not alone the Democratic masses, but the 
leaders also of the Democracy have come to 
believe that Tilden really was ** legally elect- 
ed," and was " hocus-pocussed " out of his 
seat I This belief— which all Republicans are 



2 



THE IMPENDING CRISIS. 



as firmly convinced is unfounded — mustnone 
/ the less be respected to the extent of making 
it an element in future calculations. If with 
tjie close vote at the election of President 
Hayes, when the doubt in the case was re- 
solved in his favor under an electoral commis- 
sion bill devised by Democrats, and assented 
to by a great majority of the Democratic party 
in Congress, while it was opposed by a 
majority of the Republican party, in Con- 
gress, the Democrats still insist that Til- 
den was legally elected, how will it be in 
the event of a close election of General Gar- 
field? Of course the Democratic leaders as 
they did before, will inflame the Democratic 
masses again to a belief that their candidate 
is elected. WJiat will be the result? Either 
an arbitration in some form or — Civil War ! 

The Democratic leaders iNumlns their 
bridges liehlnd tbeml— No arbitrations 

oyer a close rote! ^ReTOlutlonary 

chicanery and ylolence. 

But the Democratic leaders, foreseeing these 
two only alternatives of a close election, ap- 
pear to be burning their bridges behind them. They 
declare, in advance, that they will not submit 
to arbitration in such a case, and their reli- 
ance is first upon a Democratic House to de- 
clare HanoocK elected, whether or .not ; and 
second upon seizing the Prfesidency by vio- 
lence. The recent utterances of I^mocratic 
leaders exhibit this very clearly. Here are a 
few of them: 

ReiiresehtatlTe Hill's declaration that the 
Democrats will Inaugrurate Hanccick, 
** Whether they elect him or not !" 

_ A serenade was given to Ohioans at Willard's 
hotel at Washington, D. C, Febmary 23, 
1880, at which speeches were made by Sen- 
ator Pendleton and other prominent Dem- 
ocrats. Among them was the Hon. William 
D. Hill, M. C , of Ohio, who, in the course of 
his remarks, is reported by the papers of next 
day as declaring that * • the Democrats will in- 
AUOURATB tlie candidate to be made at dneinnaii, 

WHETHEB THEY ELECT HTM OR NOT!"' TMs 

statement has not been and cannot be de- 
nied. 

Hancock to fl^ht his way In !— He must not 

reslgrn. 

A recent issue of the Washington Post 
(Democratic organ) suggestively says : 

"It will not be a wise act in General Hancock to 
resign his Major-Gteneralship in the Army." 

filenator Wallace shrieks, ** A^iirresslon { 
Affgrresslon I Airsresslon ! '* 

At the Cincinnati Convention Senator Wal- 
lace in his address, with carefully selected 
words, but with that emphasis which declared 
the true meaning, said of Hancock : 

«4> 4> * In this great city of Cincinnati the Demo- 
crats of the nation named their Jant President, and 
to-day they name their next. [Cheers.] * * * He 
wiU lead tu to victory. His name is invincible. The 
word rlhgs out, 'Advance the column, move on the enemy's 
vforks I ' Let there he no drfence, btU aggression, aggres- 
sion, aggression, and victory is ours." [Cheers.] 



Speaker Randall's meanlnjir declaration 
as to Inauiruratlon by force. 

At the same Convention, Speaker Bandall, 
who, in the event of a close election, will play 
no insignificant part in the Democratic Revo- 
lutionary programme, said : 

" * • • Not only is your nomination strong, but 
it is one which will bring us vict-ory. [Applause.] * * * * 
YouwiU^findmc inihe front rank of this conflict, second 
to none, ♦ ♦ * There is a great mission ahead of the 
Democratic party, and you fiave selected a standard-bearer 
whose very nomination meann that if the people ratify your 
choice he will be inaugurated." [Applause.] 

Ckivemor Stevenson, President of the Dem- 
ocratic National Convention, declares 
that '* Hancock is elected I " 

The manner and language also in whicli 
Governor Stevenson, of Kentucky, the chair- 
man of the Convention, its' very organ and 
mouthpiece for expressing the real revolu- 
tionary sentiments of the Democratic party in 
National Convention assembled, put the mo- 
tion to nominate General Hancock, is signifi- 
cant of the treasonable purpose to '*seat" 
Hancock (as Bepresentative Hill had declared), 
"whether elected or not." Here is the re- 
port of those words : 

Mr. Stephenson, the Chairman, then said : 

"The motion has been made that Winfield Scott 
Hancock be declared unanimously elected the Democratic 
President of these Unti»l States. [Great applause.] Those 
in fevor will say aye [shouts of ayes], you who opposed 
will say no— the motion is unanimously adopted, and 
Hancock is elbcted." [Applause and cheers ] 

John Kelly's Declaration — If Tammany 
Thinks Hancock Elected, ** There will 'he 
no more mectoral Commissions ; he will 
take his fiieat !" 

Said John Kelly, at the Tammany meeting 
of July 1, 1880, New York city : 

"Never since the history of this country was begun, 
or in the history of any other country, were such out- 
rageous proceedings carried out as by the Republican 
■paxtj in 1876. There can be no question but that the 
Democratic iTominee was elected by the people and by 
the electoral vote. But the Republicans deliberately 
counted out the Democratic party and counted in the 
man who Is now looked upon as the President of the 
United States. Now you have a candidate with whom, if 
electe I, there can be no question as to %ohat he will do. There 
will be no more Electoral Commissions, no mobe 7 to 8 

BUSINESS." 

Thug John Kelly, its leader, announces the 
deliberate purpose of Tammany, in case of a 
close election, to refuse all legal arbitration, 
and if General Hancock thinks he has been elected he 
will take his seat. Said he, continuing : 

" The simple question for the consideration of our 
people at the coming election will be: Has General 
Hancock been fairly and honestly elected by the' people of this 
country f And if so, I know thai the gallant soldier, Win- 
field Scott Hancock, toill take his seat. . . ." 

This is a revolutionary declaration in more 
than one sense. «' Elected by the people " is 
the language used; not bv the •* electoral 
vote," but the *' popular vote, the vote of *'the 
people." 

Barnes, of Georgia, says the South **wlll 
f^et " Restoration under Hancock. 

George J. Barnes, of Georgia, in an address 
to the Irving Hall Democrats, New York, Julv 
28, 1880, said : ^ 



TBE IHFENDINO ( 



'afim. II aiU gitit 



■WK of LoulalftBB— "Tbe tot* 
Will lie connlcn risht tUa time"— "Wt 

nlll do the countlnx ounclTcg I " 

At the Eame meetinE U. S. Senator Jonas of 
Louisiana decliired uiat the people of the 
&nth were as lo;al to the Constitntion aa the 
people of any State In the Union, ttiid d^ed 
that there is any iatitnlddtion of Bepnblican 



■■ LoBli 



n the Santb ! and added : 
, We lotedforBsTiai 



Dt BiuDasl J. TlldeD. Uu gr 



c glatf 



BepuUIca 



■UfVOC 

'•!« ke lautm wBer« bc 
stand* t—Hancock "» knnnr tlvcr."— 
Violence to lii*iisiimte Uni t 

la a speech recently made at LoaUvillB. hy 
General Wm. Preston of Leiingtoii, Ken- 
tucky, before a Democratic ratiflcatioD meet- 
ing, he tells the fierce Kentncky Democrats 
that he is tired of hearing them oalL them- 
selves " Conservatives " ; that when he first 
heard the name " nnterrified Democracy" it 
made hie blood mn cold; and that they must 
adopt that name and act it otit to the letter. 
Said he: 
'■ T<m xdqbC stmnd up aojd ' 



ttJnmUagblm. 



D uid boj. the liwt 



.HontKomery Blair and the Democrattc 
pjtrty "mean ta elect" nancock. 

Montgomery Blair in a speech at Waahing- 
lon, as reported in the Wa^inglon /'oaf (Demo- 
<:ratic oi^an, ) teferred t^i the Democratic Forty 



Cnl. Williams af Baltimore, fllfl., says tke 
Bemocrats "Intend to maVe" flancoclt'e 

f uture," great. " 

Col. McWiltiaras, of Baltimore, in a speech 
lit Washington, Aflg. 36, ia repreaented hy the 
WaEhingtoa Poit (Demociatic) »a saying : 

■■* • What dW Lincolnmy ofHuncooil HaMid 
ebat be hud m m'flst ruttitv befive blm, Aud we inUnd 
fMjnaki t^prMiictiontnie." 



B. O. 



"the 



COL McDanlel quotes Dsn Voushertr : "ii 
he Is elected he will take his seat." 
"^at's the kind of a man Bancock 

far 

In the Democratic Washingtoti Ptal of Aa- 
gnst 27, 1880, in its report of the speech of 
Colonel John W. Daniel, of Viiginia, to the 
ratifymg Democrats, ocoars the foUowing pss- 

'■*•*■ Then WM another Ide» which Irf np 
lo Huiiwck. It wu whftt Dan Dcnghettf. of Phjlu- 
delphia. said when he iiQmlQalAd him. It li ia oiae 
liiTl. Aarr, (UkI dfcWic laUmei. Let me eee ban von 
Ukeil: -IfliiailBilalhiimUlnkekifeat.- <Appl>a».] 
Von all eeemlo like that pntlvweU. [Luighler.l TMai 
itjiuiailnndB/awimmanotckit." • • • • 

Wtat they all p*lnt at— avU war. 
Can there be any donbt what all these ei- 
pressions mean? Tbey caa mean bat one 
thing—that theDemocratic leadeiH are already 
preparing the jninds of their followers for a 
close election, and accngComing them to their 
programme of violence. If General GarQ^d 
is' elected by a close vote— if fraud fails— they 
propose to seat Hancock by violence. Out of 
this evil state of things grows the necessity of 
a lar§e electoral majority for the Bepnblican 
candidata. 



The Power Behind the 1 
VVfao Bomlnated llaneock— The 
BoUd South I 

It is now well fcnoirn why Qeneral Hancock 
was nominated by the Democratic party. It 
was lately becaose the delegates believed 
the EtoiT circulated there by Senator Eaton, 
General Vm. F. Smith and others sympa- 
thizing with the Tammany fight against Til- 
den or any Tilden man. that General Hancock 
had written a letter prior to the inaugnration 
of President Hayes, to the efTect that he would 
obey ordera from Tilden and head the revo- 
Intionists with his command t Believing this 
Democratic story to be true, snd supposing 
that what he would thus do for another be 
certaiDly would do for himself, they nomi- 
nated Hancock under the supposition that he 
would be a fit too! for their contemplated 
revolutionary work. It was this that made 
the South a unit for him— this, and the mem- 
ory of past favors to the Southern 'WTiite 
Liners and White League and Klu Klui Klan, 
rendered during the brief months of his De- 
partment Rale in Loniaiana and Teiaa. The 
South demanded of the North, in the Demo- 
cratic National Convention, the nomination 
of a man likeHancock, who would be "avail- 
able " for Bonthem purposes, and the Conven- 



SPIRIT OF THE SOLID SOUTH. 



tion, yielding to Southern domination, nomi- 
nated Hancock. It was emphatically the 
work of the Confederate brigadiers. "We 
haye both Northern and Southern testimony 
to this. 

Testimony of Senator Wallace, of Pennsyl- 
Tanla, that the Confederate Briffailier« 
captured the C^nyentlon. 

Senator Wallace telegraphed to General 
Huieock from Cincinnati, after congratulat- 
ing him upon his nomination : 

*<peneral Buell tells me that Marat Halsted says 
Hancock' 9 nominaiion by Confederate Brigadiers sets the 
9id Bebel y<o\l to the muaio of the Union. How is that 
for t^ key-note of the campaign ? It will be solemn 
music for the Bepublicans to lace." 

General Joseph E. Johnson telesraphs the 
Cionfederate Joy. 

Lee's great coadjutor, General Joseph E. 
Johnson, telegraphed: 

** The nomination makes me much gladder than 
you." 

Wade mampton tells how the C>onftderate 
ItriffaiUers did the business. 

Senator Wac^e Hampton, in his famous 
speech at Rtaunton, Virginia — which has been 
** proved up " (in spite of all pretended de- 
nials) by the highest local Democratic as well 
as Kepublican witnesses — said: 



" The Democratic party is the party of peace and of 
union, that would bloc out ali secbioaal diifereuce for- 
ever, and it liat» proved this in the nomination of 
General Hancock at Cinciniiali. Thtie toas but onefeel- 
ing among Uie HotUtiem de'-egaiet. That feeling was ex- 
prened, when toe $aid to our Northern Democratic brethreti 
' Gtve tu an avaiUjU/le man,' They gave us that man." 



Further Internal CTidence showing tliat 
Hancock was the Confederate Brigadiers" 
candidate — Wade Hampton's pledge to 
the Convention of the ** Solid Soutii" — 
His cool reference to the results of bull* 
dozlnff, &c.. 

In the cQUTention itself Wade Hampton 
being loudly called for, in response came up 
to the platform on his crutches and said : 

" Mr. President and Qentlemen of the Convention : 
On behalf of the ' Solid South/ that South which once 
was arrayed against the great soldier of Pennsylvania. / 
«fam( here to pteUge you its $oltd vote. [Cheers. J We will 
prove no laggards in this great race lor Constitutional 
govemmentTfor home rule, and for freedom all over 
this great land. Tiiere is no name which it held in higher 
retpect among the people of the Sou'h than that of the man 
whom you have f|;^ven to us as our standard-bearer. 
* * m * And in the name of South Carolina, that 
State which has so lately returned and come into the 
sisterhood of States, that State which was so over- 
whelmingly Republican that we scarcely dared to 
count the Democratic vote, in behalf of that State, I 
here pledge myself, if work, if zeal, if energy can do 
anything, that the people of South Carolina will give 
as large a Democratic mi^jority as any other State in. 
this Union." 



CHAPTEE II. 



Spirit of tlie "Solid South." 



PART I. 

Wade Ilampton's Speech at 
Staunton, Virginia* 

Following is the speech of Senator "Wade 
Hampton at Staunton, Virginia, July 26, 1880, 
as reported by the Staunton Valley Virginian : 

*' The larg«>st political meeting ever held in Staun- 
ton was that on Monday last. The Opera house was 
crowded with an audience variously estimated at from 
fifteen hundred to two thousand people. Some three 
or four hundred were ladies, and about an equal num- 
ber boys, while the men comprised voters of every po- 
litical creed and color. Captain John H. Crawford was 
called to the chair, and Msjor Elder offered the resolu- 
tions, which were unanimously adopted. Captain 
Baumgardner. in his usually happy manner, then in- 
troduced Senator Wade Hampton of South Carolina. 
General Hampton is a man of fine physique and splen- 
did appearan 'e. and as he stepped forward to the stage 
round after round of applause greeted him." 

The Inillssolulile bonds of the Confederacy— 
The **slorlous herltaire of hate and lust of 
power"—** Turn hack the hands." 

" After alluding to the Act that his ancestry were 
Yirgiuians, aud had fought side by side with the sons 
of the old State, and to his own services during the late 
war, he said : ' So it is that / am bound to you by 
boads which death alone can sever. So it is tluU I, like so 
many oftne veterans qftlte Confederacy^ am jealous of the 
honor aud proud qfthe glorious heritage beqwaiked to her 



by her Lee and her Stonewall Jackson. Do not nnder- 
stand that I come here to dictate a policy to you, or to 
advise you what you must do ; rather am I here to con- 
sult with you as a Democrat, as a man, and a« a South- 
em soldier ; as one who looks back to the time when he 
shared with you privations and suffering and defeat in the 
Army of NorUiem Virginia.' " 

He azures .'Tlrslhla by her Confoderate 
traditions to stand with the ** Solid 
South !" 

" I am here to voice the earnest hope that Ifeel^ to utter 
the fervent prayer of my heart, that Virginia, the Mother 
of States, %oill not prove recreant to all her high traditions. 
We have always looked to her to lead, aud we know 
that she has the right to do so. We know her history, 
and we know that in seeking the path of duty she has 
ever found the way to glory. / abjure you by your tror 
dttums, by all that you hold sacred, to lead again Virginia, 

\, as you have done hereUifort, not always to* victory, but 

• always to honor." 

With 138 TOtes ftvm the "Solid Souths" 
only New York and Indiana needed— Win 
Ylr^lnla ** Sacrlllce the South ?" 

** What is Virginia's duty now I Yon hardly realize, 
my firieuds. how much depends on the action of your 
State. With a united South, casting 138 electoral votes, 
we need only New York and Indiana, and I believe toe 
shall have them. Will Virginia, wiien we have success 
•within our very grasp, sacrifce the Democratic party? 
Will she sacrifice Vie South ? Will she pacriflce the Na- 
tional Qoverument by aiding, indirectly though it be, 
to elect a Itepublican President ? I will not believe it. " 



SFIBTT OF THE BOLID I 



By the " exalted tcscblnsa," the " enne- 
bllns liuplmtlDtiH " »r onr "Klorlom" 
tonr rean.of rebellion, be not " recreant " 
now I— The "one Kre»t nblect" of tbe 
South. Hantoek'i electloa, "FlKbtforIt, 



tiood for fiuryc 









', tiieemvMinff 



,. . t^i-f, 

ittspiratumt ofyc^f gloiifiw pa*l- Put by 

Ihkt un dlatnct your tUantion ttom oi 

oBJiCT. Laak BnijF E> (*al, A*' A^ *!. 

flght." 

He attack* Ijhe 
a loM of State rlvfati and " the rat« or 
tbe South "— ThU election the " La«i 
Bllch " of Confederate IMmocratle rule, 
I DOUiiiig to mj 




feared it woald solidify the North for GeneTal 
Garfield. To break its force, they made haste 
to deny that Wade Hampton had nsed the 
langoage thus attributed to him, and Wade 
Hampton wrote a letter in vhich he admits 
that be "appealed to the Virginians present 
to consider before they voted how Lee and 
Jackson woald vote were they now alive," but 



OMd 



" I bsvs Dot Uu lUgliteBt ncoUeclioD of lui 



«lved: 



jptvt, uid 1 cartaln 



S, 



. Zout nportw a 



no </ ttc toil valifft of Ulatt riakU, . . 

untirmfD. Iliefiiti i/tta iSriMi will b« bonier 
luMa tnr a tlie BepnbUan puty la ineceMfnl In thta 
c*mpBJtin* Wa aluil behold no mofa ttn pleoUou, no 
mors Dntrunnisled anmBlotu of polltlnl KpUment. 
-----«,/« '^-—-- -■ 



But the evidence is overwhelming that lie 
did use it, whatever his " recollection " or 
" intention " may have been. The New Tork 
Trilmnt at once investigated the matter fully, 
and published more than two oolnmns of 
proofs. Of these it is enontfh to aay that four 
of the best known leading Demociats of 
St&iintoii joined in the following card : 

" We. tbe nDdenlgsed, b««d tbs ipeaoh of OeiMml . 
Wide HLmptDD. dettrersd iBStoimtni.onUieMthof 
Jul;. Wg hive al» r«id tbe report thereof pabllehed 
In ni VaUcf Virgaaa* on the SHb Of ID^, and beiabr 
BBtatf tbiit lliel repor" !_.—».-.. 






Elect Hancocli and tbn Kepablliwa Tote 
North (aa In tbe baU-dozed Soatb) shall 
disappear—" Peace and Union " when, tht 
Muth con dictate, 

••I/vt tlfd Ot Dtmnermtle tvmima At BfubUtmt 
jurly ulll DO Id fiuxci like arope a/tond. Ttisir minion 

._ Itunder.' /he"^rooc«ll^ 
a/BTt^r. aru 



(he people to elsci the ticket. They un ^eot It If 

the? will-" 

The " Solid Sonth " asala — " tonslder 
what \jtc and Jackfon would do"~ 
"Theee are the .same prlacl|dM fOr 
whlch they foosbt "—Do not abandon 
them now I t 

" Too will hen! from one to.d»y irbo un eponk tar 



And that the report of the passage in ques- 
tion in the Democratic paper of Staunton, 
made by Mr, H. C. Tinsley himself, is essen- 
tially the same as that given by the Repub- 
lican paper, aa will be aeen by the following: 
From TIa Valien V\Tipittim, From The VtndicalBT (Dem.) 



"CoDiiaer whatLeeand yoor 



Uwd cs 



iX Jacksoa wa<ld hj 



n who vide bla beloved Vimlnl*. 



y uMUng Dt your dl^ 
ticket." ferenoei." 

Ilie Stannton Valley Virgrman also repeats, 
in the most positive manner, that— 

under HaKcocii Icaa. inubAMiv/or tlutame princJpla 
Hodwnnd Jackum/ought/irr.itndforviMchaeSaiilktrx 

n- hanmmf u tke Dfmo- 
ikc it rffBdivt lie inmgU 






only 



e, to appeil b 



The above speech created such a deep feel- 
ing in the Northern mind, that tbe Sonthem 
as well as Northern leaders of the Democracy 



PAET 11. 

Confederate Brigadteri in Uie 

Senate They eulogize JeO*. 

Davis, and nould Pension him 
and the Conlbderate Siridlers— 
Democratic Votes— SEach. Ctian- 
dier denounces tliem. 
Tbe proceedings in the United States Senate. 
March 3. 1870, exhibit, more than any other 
one thing, the love and devotion of the South- 



SFIBIT OF THE SOLID SOUTH. 



em and eveu the Northern Democrotio leaders 
to Jefferson Davis. The hill makii^ appro- 
priations for Pension Arreaia was np that even- 
ing, and a pending amendment to grant pen- 
Bions to the soldiera of the Hcrioan War was 
Boi^ht to be goaidedhy the following addition 
to it: 
•' Pmldedfiali^, Thit no pmuloij i 



Therenpon DemocraUa Senatoni roae to yin- 
dicate and enlogizo the ar^h-rebel. 

Senator Qarland. of Arkansas, ronndl; de- 
clared that Jefferson Davis 



iQDtry, ftnd whllfl thOT n 
ill egiwl In liiitoi7 aU Um 



il taodend grad^n^f - 



Senator Thnrman, of Ohio, a Northern Dem- 
ocrat, could see no difference betw en repent- 
ant rebels, uo7 honored v'Mi office in the 
Republican party, and the unrepentant Jef- 
ferson Davis ! and added: 



■■Tba 






oon mM poHliblu 



Senator Gordon, of Oeorgia, also could not 
aee any differenoe except, becanae 

" One Is radial uid tile other IbhoW OiatltoB." 

Senator Lamar, of Uississippl, expressed 
"surprise and regret that the Senator from 
Massachusetta (Mr. Hoar) ihoiUd have uontonly, 
without proBoaOian, fiu/ig ijiu imuU ! " said ba, 
coutinaing : 

"• « • Tbaie wu no dlitlactlan b«tw»en lusott 
to him ind Clie Southern people, eicapt llut he ma 
their obown le>der uid tlwy his enttaniliuitlc foUowsn ; 



Qit paipit loAd were animaCed bg mofiKf at mtend and 

nebU at eeerimaiTtillte treaiKtfi' If iBupde* or a Wath- 

limtim. t H17 lilU u ■ DnloD null to-day. The people 

of tba Soutik drank tlielr liupiimtlan froia tba foontKln 

otdevotkHi taUbortyuidtooonatltDttonalgaTemmenl. 

WebelleTadthat vawat»aghUiigiiilt,ai>d tbeaaDk- 

tor carmatput Mitjbtfferupon ojtedutinciiimMvten lAe 

■ ftaple e/Uie SaiM and At nutn wbam tba SeniilanbaH 

to^y •elecled lor dlabonar u tha lejireHntattTe of tbe 

South." 

Senator Gordon ^siu rose to declare th^— 

"Wh«laTer polBOQ ii carried In tha breast or Mr. 

defeated Kepnblicui ranta. moat of necasel^ dnd 

■eulbllltlaa uo rapcbla ota wound." 

Senator Morgan, of Alabama, eulogized him 
as " a man of high character, of great courage. 
of established abilities, a man vhom we could 

Senator Coke, of Texas, said : 
''IlellyoQ, rindldlj and alncon 



sr3 



s? " 



iroldic 






SGiiiitoc Bansom, of Korth Carolina, repl;- 
in^ t) a question, said : 

,Lll him (Mr. Hoar) that It I were la bla plaoe ju I 



ii'fniiUnga of 



. • • fc Mona 
le gave all the abUty 
There I tmtt boM " 



\iiii\tiUi." No Democrat voted gainst those 
ntiments." Tbe Democnibi who voted 
~n the adoption of Ur. Hoar's amend- 



lu spite of their vote. Ur. Hoar's amend- 
ent was adopted, and the pending amend- 
iient as thus amended, was l0Bt--the Demo- 
having previously voted down a proviso 
. v.. -A. „j._t.„ .. Q^^ foUowing 



laving previously vi 
by Mr. Mitchell 



" TVovWail JWtter, Thai no poraon who ei 
iron fed arato army during the late war of tl 



In the 



be entitled lo ncelTO 



y peaalon nndAT' 



\ Hbarp contrast — How Jemrsan DktIs la 
rcsonlMl by tAe North— Senator Cliaiid* 
lcr'4 BcattalnK reidr.lo tkeae Motliem 

culucleBl 

Itw 
Jefferson Davis till forbe 
virtue, that the lamented Zachariah Chandler 
rone, pale with long-sappreaaed wrath, and, 
n-ith impressive vehemence, uttered the voice 
of thu North aafoHowa: 

" Mr. Preaident, twenty-two yeara ago to-morrow, La 
tli'< .ilUbaUot tbe Senate, now oocupled by tbe 8u- 
pntm.i Court of the United Statae. In company with 

niigblyOodthat Iwo'uldaupport the Conalitutlon of 
theUuite<lStat«e. Ur. JefTeraon Davis camo nvm tha 
<;»h.,i,.t o( Franklin PiBrca into tha Sanats of tha 
Uuil<~l Statee and took toe oath with mo to bo faithful 

luMj with Mr. JefffitBon Davis and naw Iho prapBTa- 
Juri- iiWa ble Upe be look the oath lo (uetalD the 6m- 






tho Becratary of W 






■■Sir, elghlBon yeara ico last 1 
irtwell addreaa. Informing us w 



? OF TH£ BOIJD SOCTH. 



duties to this .Ooremmi 



ire, ujd tLea he l«ft uid 



1 B&vsteuub<4it H^rHtavnboaLaadrqilroikd trftiaKfl«T 
tailroaci train arrive with tlia inBlmed and tlie 
woundea: I waa wltb my friend fcom Utaodo leloud 
JMr- Bunjaidc] when ha coniuiaj:LdQd the armj of the 
Potomac, aud Hw piles or legs aud anoA ttiat mado 
liumaDlly abitdder ; I aan Ibe widow and the w^ban 

thoae who liad lost their dearest and Ibeir beet- fir. 
I^vsldeut. 1 litllo thuuuht at tbat timo that I abonld 
llYD to hear iu the Senate or the Onlled States eulogleu 



iMTe"— The SauUi "Mrreed to retttrn to 
tlie Union and «bldc by the CooKtltutlon 
and Imwi moide In conformity nitli It," 



Mr. Davie then Teriewed the operations 
about Vicksbai^ and Port Hudson, and 
spoke in glowing terms of their defenders. 

'/Let HO ODeinppoee that In thuB Tlndlcatlng onr 



e logic ( 



Iho othor aide tbat Ibey Uttla know the Hplrit of the 
North w^ien they come here at thia daj and with tvavado 

been a double-dyed tialtor lo hia GoTenunent.'* [Ap- 
planes In tbo gallsrieH. ] 



Jeflferson Davis' Last Set Spceeh. 

Let it b« remembered that the preceding eu- 
logies of the imrepentant and unraoonitructed 
JefTerson Davis -were delivered March 3, 1879, 
neven montha after he had made the following 
addresH. which is taken from the DemocisUc 
N. Y. IFwW, 3uiyl2. """ 

MOBiiA Ala.. July 11, . ^^- 

diepatch of the 11th aaya: "The Ibllowli 



■nl!' 



A tUaalHlppl Gl^ (HiH.: 

"The followlDK la ■ briel 

le addreaa made lo-day by lelkr 






preHiutatlan to him of a gold 

'-—■hip of the AiKMlallon 

ColODel Jamea Llngeu 
aanm. Mr. Da*i*, afMr ai- 

praBHing gratitude for the kladueoH and honor conferred. 

recaplln biting the atirrlng ereata of the war and the 

banlehipB endured, uid: 

Tbc " rtKht or M««aslim ** onc« " delHttable" 
BOW "vindicated" as " a neeewity" far tbe 
" safety and freedom of the iMmthem 
States 1" 

n of Iha State'a right of i«s«don In 

« who held Kpa- 

lU u It hadbeen 
il of the uovaru- 



He reasi«ertit the "risbt of Beceaslon" and 
'■(be duty" to ilKht for If—He xlorilleit 
Albert iiydney Jobnst«n above all men. 



:teod." 



Lr dnty 



1 1 nndetBtand 



He woiUd repudiate all "contrMts wltb 
bondholders, merchantg and ablpownrrs" 
Ba"pal[iable wronsi"— "Ttae best aaaur- 
ance f>f fnll triumph" to the South. 

Referring to the legislation of the CongiesB 
which followed the war, he said : 

"Ihe tai'payen know Ihatao Increued burden wm 
Impoaed on them by oootnctB made with bondholdara. 
merchante, and BhipawDera. Tberktu" tbat we have 
toat thfl carrying tisde, aud to what will they aaalAn a 
poll(7 wbloli prersnt* tbe ngtatratloa ot Auencau 
aliipa that had changed flaga during the war, wUoblm- 

■hip bolKUsa, aod ptohlUta the nglstmtion of alMviga 
built ahip. UMnigh It be by pun^aae tbe property of 
dtliena of the Doited Stalaa. Will the people— If 



woittiy— the •oDTce of all power, allow a long oonllnu- 
ancA of auob palpate wronga to ttia maaBea, auBh ruin 
tn inlareata which have Ken equally our prida and 
' ' f)1nllofgoTe^unelltmuMoac- 
f onaracier ot tha people for which It ia 

-, BepnbUca have fldlsdwhenaier corrap- 

has enland the body poUtlo and reudered tha peo- 

plennworthy londe. Than they become the At anbjecta 
ot deapoUam, and ■ deapot ia alvaya M hand to mpcnd 
to the call. A CiBaar oonld not aul)]ect a people who 
were fit to be Ina, not coaU a Bratoa aave them If they 
toldugMlon. Tba fWtltade with which our 
e^ome oppraaalon Imposed on them alnca 
— ■ olcaad, the nulnta wlU with vblcb they 

their hlghaat gloi;. and give the beat aiauranoe of fnll 

tdomph. 

The "great Tlctory** already sained— An- 

ottaer proBitaed as "the sequence to It" — 

Renewal of State Soverelsnty, 

" Well nuy wa rejoice in the regained poeaeeaioD of 

chooee their own repreaentetlveH and to leglalate un- 
„-.„„.. ^j bayou— ■^'- - "■ 



people have 



rlehl o 



nc^eeioi 



,K i>f Aibtct Sydno 



L Fort Heur; lo Shlloh, and, spBik- 
y Johnston, ho said: 'VTas It tbat 
) ineplrod you wltlr umueaaured 
connaenca uuu lue hope of happier days, when oppor- 
tunily should offer, or waa 11 Ihal your Judgment told 
you that jou followed, »e 1 vortly believe you did. the 
great>»t soldier, the abluat man. civil or military. Con- 
federate ur Fedetal )' " 




8 



SPIRIT OF THB SOLID QOUTH. 



of nndel^Bted powon. Let one memonMe example 
BQf&oe for illnstzmtion. When MiMonri aaked for ad- 
miMion as a State into the Union, to wliich she had 
a two-fold right nnder the Constitution and nsages of 
the United Mates, and also niider the toima of the 
treaty byArhich the Territory was aoqnirad, her appli- 
cation was resisted, and her admission was Anally 
purchased by the oonstitntiooal concession miscalled 
** Miaeonri Compromise." When that estahlishment of 
a politico-geographical line was annonnced to the apos- 
tle of Democracy, who, f^ill of years and honors. In re- 
tirement watched with profound solicitude the 
course of the Gt>yemment he had so mainly 
contributed to inaugurate, his prophetic vision 
saw the end of which this was the beginntaig. The 
news fell upon his ear like a fire-bell at night" 

The Paniloim box-lM opened— Frmtemity 

destroyed. 

*' Men had differed and would differ about meaaoies 
and public policy according to their circumstanoes or 
mental chamcteristics. Such difbrenoes tended to an 
elucidation of truth, a triumph of reason o^er error. 
Parties so founded would not be sectional ; bat when 
the Federal Ooremment made- a parallel of latitude a 
political line a seethfaal party could not fulfill the exids 
fOT which the Union was ordained and eidabliahed. If 
the limitations of the Constitution had been obsenred 
and its purposes had directed Federal legislation, no 
such act could haye been passed. The lid ot the Pan- 
dora box might have remiUa^ closed and the country 
have escaped the long train of similar aggr e s si ons 
which aggrandised one section and impoYorished the 
other, and, adding insult to injury, finally destroyed the 
fraternity which had bound them together." 

*^ Restoration of the GoTemnient to the. 
prlnelirtes and praettees of the earlier 
period.** 

" It was no part of my purpose, as has been already 
shown, to discuss the politics of the day, though the 
deep interest I must erer feel in the aflli^rs of the coun- 
try has not allowed me to ignore them, and will not 
permit me to be unobserrant of passing events or in- 
different to the humiliating enosures to which the 
Federal Oovemment has of late been subjected. Sep- 
arated from any active participation in public affairs, 
I may not properly Judge of those who have to bear 
the heat and burden of the day. Representing no one, 
it would be quite unreasonable to hold any other 
responsible for opinions which I may entertidn. 
How or udten a restoraUon of the Government to the prin- 
eiplet andpraetiees of the earlier period maybe acoompUsh- 
ed,itis not given tu toforeate,*' 

He belleyes that that ^'restoration will 

come**— That those principles, etc., will 

prerall. 

" For me, it remains only earnestly to hope and 
hopefully to believe, though I may not see ft, that the 
restoraiion vnll come. To disbelieve this is to dis- 
credit the i>opuVir intelligence, and integrity on which 
self-government must necessarily depend. Though 

riverely tried, my fUth in the people is not lost; and 
prayerfully trust, though I should not live to see the 
hope realized, that it will be permitted me \o die be- 
lieving the principles on which our fathers founded 
their Government will finally prevail throughout the 
land and the ends for which it was instituted yet be 
attained and rendered as perpetual as human institu- 
tions may b&. I have said we could not foresee how or 
when this may be brought to pass ; but it is not so 
difficult to determine what means are needftil to se- 
cure the result." 

The ** means** of restoration— ** The elec- 
tive franchise must be Intelligently and 
honestly exercised,** under the Missis- 
sippi shot«ffun system, of conrsel 

" First in order and importance — for it is the comer 
stone of the edifice — the elective franchise must be in- 
telligently and honestly exercised. Let there be no 
class legislation, low taxes, low salaries, no perqui- 
sites, and let the official be held to a strict account- 
ability to his constituents. Nepotism and gift>taUng 



by a public agimt deserve the severest censnxe, and 
the bestowal of the people's offices as a reward for 
partisan service should be treated as a gross breach of 
trust. Let no such offences be condoned ; for in sk 
government of the people there can be no abuses per- 
missible as usefully counteracting each other. Tnith 
and Justice and honor presided at the birth of our 
Federal Union, and its mission can only be performed 
by their continued attendance upon it. For this 
there is not needed a condition of human perfecti- 
biiity, but only so much of virtue as will connol vice 
and teach the mercenary and self-seeking that power 
and distinction and honor will be awarded to patriot- 
ism, capacity, and integrity." 

Mlsslsslppl.shot-snns and rehd rifles will 

do It alL \ 

*' To your self-sacrificing, self-denying defenders of 
imperishable truths and inalienable rights I look for 
the performance of whatever man can do for the w^el- 
&re and happiness of his country." 

The spirit which animated the crowd. 



During the delivery of the address Hr. Davis 
fluently applauded.*— iV: Y. World, July 12, 1878. 

* iVole.— It is a significant Ikct, as showing the spirit 
of the South, that of the 100 Democratic newspapera 
published in Mississippi, only five have taken the 
slightest exception to Jefferson Davis' remarks above 
given. , 



PART IV. 

Fiirtlier Testtmony IWmi Soutli- 
em I>eiiiOcratic, Crreenback, 
and other aourees. 

Senator Morsan declares therolceof Ala- 
hama at the recent election shows ^'oan- 
duslyely the spirit of the South.** 

Senator John T. Momn, of Alabama, in his 
speech at the Hancock Ratification Meeting at 
Washington, Aug. 26, 1880, reported by the 
Washington Post (Democratic), said : 

" The voice of his State in the election jnst closed, 
in which a 60,000 vote was cast for Hancock and Eng- 
lish, showed condnsively the spirit of the Sontli at 
present. * ♦ ♦ 

"The voice which has just started in that State 
WOUI4 sweep through the South and many a Northern 
State." 

A Cireenhack stump-speaker astoundeA In 
Alahamar-** The C^onfederacy still ezisto 
—A Solid South will sain control and 
redress all our wronirs.** 

J. H. Bandall, a Greenback orator in the 
recent Alabama campaign^ writes to the Wash- 
ington National Vtew^ Angnst 14, 1880, tonch- 
ing <' the spirit of the South,*' as exhibited in 
that State. He attended a Democratic meet- 
ing at Kizer Hill, and says: 

*'The first one of the speakers, from our standpoint, 
indicated that he was very ignorant and a fool, or tliat 
he thought the people present were all ignorant and 
fools. * * * To us it was very strange that Me joeople 
listened to him, but they did, and many of them, in 
comments we overheard, seemed to think him telling the 
trutht and that he was very wise. In the course of bis 
speech -he said: ' The Confederacy itill exiitM, my friends, 
and Jeff". Davii, the beet friend we ever had, i» yet our JPre- 
rident and devMed to our interexts; and if Hancock in elected 
(and we have no doubt he will be), you will be paid for <M 
the property you have lost through Radical rule; and, 
you mmt stand by the great Democratic party, for a stAid 
South will now give us entire control of the Oeneral Qovern' 
vunt, and we can redress att our wrongs.* *' 



8FIBIT OF THB SOLID SOUTH 



Bandall, thinking this pretty extraordinary 
doctrine, attempted to reply, when a man in 
the crowd yelled out : ** We don*t loard no 

d n, Yankee to come here and talk to us; 

we had better shut him up." Then a brass 
band 'from Shubuta, Mississippi, struck up to 
prevent his being heard I 

The hour at last has come to take the Pres- 
idency **and resume the record of vlory, 
Skc.^ where In 1800 it unhappily dosed.*' 

The regular Democratic committee of Vir- 
ginia in its address says: 

•• For f/feen years the Democracy of fki Union have 
longed for this hour, when, their internal discorda healed. 
Federal interference with elections measorably prohib- 
ited, and a Congress, Democratic in both houses, securing 
an honest count, they jni^t take up the burden of eaeecuUve 
adminiHrcUion, and resume the raoord qf^lory, peace, pros- 
perity, and fraternity, where in 1860 U was unhappUy 
closed." 

C^olored Republicans dare not take the 
stump In the South. They would be shot 
down like dors ! 

A delegation of colored Bepublicans, ap- 
pointed by a convention of colored men, called 
July 30 upon the Bepublican National Com- 
mittee to urge the sending of our most pro- 
minent white men to canvass and try and brea^ 
up the *' Solid South," and in their address 
said: 

"Not a hair on the heads of these men would be 
touched for fear of awakening the ire of the loval men 
of the North; but if this committee should send (for we 
believe it is your province so to do) canvassers of our 
race South they would be shot down like dogs, aud 
nothing more heard or said about it. We cannot sit idly 
down and see our speakers and our race decimated by 
the rebel rifle or the knife, or see them taken in the 
still hours of the night and scoui^ed and hung ftom the 
nearest sapling, simply for advocating the principles of 
that party which claims our support, without uttering 
to you our solemn protest." 

CrOYernor Wlltz of lioulslana says the 
' «^ south Is Solid " for Hancock—'* There 
Is no occasion now for Bulldozing.*' 

Governor Wiltz of Louisiana was recently 
in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. A Milwaukee Sen- 
tinel reporter "interviewed** him, with this 
result : 

" In your opinion, Qeneiml Hancock may flame on a 
Solid South?" 

" Yes, sir; and firom what I have seen during my trav- 
els I believe there is not a doubt of his election." 

"Will there be any intimidation of voters at- 
tempted ? " 

•' No, sir "—(excitedly). 

"In the dispatches this morning, General Weaver, 
the Greenback candidate tor President, is credited with 
saying that the stories of buUdosing and frauds in elec- 
tions in the South have not half been told V'} 

"That is false " (agEtin excitedly.) " As regards our 
State," the Governor added. 

" Is it true as regards any State in the South ? " 

" I do not think there has been intimidation in any 
part of the South. I think the colored people have 
opened their eyes, and it would be difficult for the Be-' 
publican party to re-oi^anize them, and without their 
Aid the Bepublicans cannot hope to carry any Southern 
State." 

' • Bui these reports qf Southern outrages are specific as to 
places, dates, and all that would seem to give the charac- 
ter of reliabiUty." 



'* How can dat«s and places be given ? There is no 
political excitement iu the South now. Thkbk zm mo oo- 

UASION FOH BULIiOOZIMO. 

The Negrro ^'iiasslnff out" of Politics— He 
must side with the Demorrats or ** go to 
the waU altogether I *' 

Says the New Orleans Picayune (Democratic) : 

The negro is passing out of politics. He can never figure 
<tgain in that arena as a Repubtican, for the simple reason 
that the Bepublican inrty has no louger any use Cor 
him— OP rather, any opportunityio use him. The Sou£t:Cii 
States are ail hopelessly Demoieratic, and it would 1)0 Ci 
waste of money sorely needed in more promising quai> 
tern, to canvatts this section in the interest of the Chi- 
cago nominees. We understand that it is not the in- 
tention of the Bepublican party managers to attempt to 
organize a campaign in this State, and they have etpuxny 
good reasons to abandon the strt^fgle in all the tdher Southern 
State. If tJte negro is wise he must begin to see that he 
has now as little to hope fh>m the Bepublican party, as 
that party has to expect from him. Ue will see that in 
his own section he must side vrith the*dominant party or, 
politically speaking, go to the wall attogether^ 



A Dialogue between North and fiMMith— The 
fiiouth^s declared purpose **to revlTc the 
memories of the war *' and chant the glo- 
rious achievements of the rebels I 

The New Orleans Democrat prints this: 

** Southerner (to Northerner) — ^Why do you shake at 
us the bloody shirt ? Why do you aim continually to 
revive the hateftU memories of inglorious war? 
Shall byegones ne'er be byegones ?" 

" Northerner (to Southerner) — Why do you, by ever 
making your rebellious deeds the glorious apotheosis of 
treason, provoke us to do it ?" 

" The New Orleans Organist — The superb heroism of 
such men deserve to be i>erpetuated in song aud 
story, and their bright examples of patriotism and duty to 
be held up Ixfore our young men, to whom the memories 
of the war are as vague as the images of a dream. 
* * * It is the purpose of the Democrat to revive 
those memories * * * with the design of teaching 
the growing generation of young Louisianians what an 
imperii^ble heritage of glory they have in the achieve- 
ments of their fiathers." 



White Republicans to be branded as ene- 
mies — White Republican candidates 
**shouldbe saturated with stench!' — IINNI 
Democratic rotes equal to SOOO Republi- 
can TOftCB !— ^* We hare the count I" 

A letter signed ^ Southern Democrat," in the 
Memphis Avalanche, says : 

**WhUe men %oho dare ^ avow themselves here as^qpub- 
Ueans should beprompUy branded as thepUter and maUg- 
nant enemies of the South. The name of every Northern 
man who presumes in this community to aspire to 
office thxough Bepublican votes ^wuld be saturated with 
stench. As for the negroes, let them amuse themselves, 
if they will, by voting the Radical ticket. We^ have the 
count. We have a thousand good and true men whose brave 
ballots will be found equal to those of five thousand vile 
JSadicaU." 

The Democrats control South Carolina, 
and they Intend to retain It at eyery 
hazard I ' 

Says the Barnwell (S. C.) People: 

" The Democrats have obtiyined control of the State 
of South Carolina, and they intend to retain it at 
every hazard, and in spite of the utmost efForts of 
local enemies and their Northern allies." 



10 BEVOLUTIONABY AOTS AND FUBF08E3 OF THB DEMOOBATIC LEADEB8. 



*^ Heroic deeds ** of rebellious sires to be 
beld' up for tbe '^emulation and admira- 
tion'' of the sons. 

Speaking of the "dreadful strife which 
made the South a ruin, but which has, at least, 
left her a legacy of glorious memories,** and of the 
men who have since grown to control the des- 
tinies of the South, the New Orieans Demo- 
erat says : 

*' For oiir yonng men, therefore, citizens of Louis- 
iana and of the Republic, we nropose to hold up for 
their emulation and admiration the heroia deeds of their 
fathers." kc. 

«*We liaye no excuses to make for belns a 

soUd South/* 

At a Hancock ratification meeting, July 17, 
at Flbyd, Ga., as quoted from New Orleans 
Vemoerat, July 24, 1880, among the extracts 
which that paper gives "from the fine ad- 
dress delivere4 by that elegant orator, David 
Todd, Esq.^ of Norehouse, is this : 

*' Mr. Todd, in speaking of a solid South, said. We 
have no excuse or apologies to make to bloody-shirt 
pollticla&fl for being a ' solid South.' " 



The Central Greenback orsans adTlise til 
Greenbackers— The spirit of the Soutili. fia 
Alabama— The party of fate, nwUce WLauM 
subversion —Work against. |t — VotQ 
avalnst It— Refhse Its alllanee ! 

• 

"BCany aocounts trom Alabama come to ns filled 
with evidence of the fteuds practiced in the late 
election. The most shameless and open discrepancies 
exist between the ballots oast and those counted. At 
HuntsviUe an amount of suppression and intiiuidatioii 
equal to that used in the worst days of ruconstruetion* 
was openly carried on^ Comment upon these tilings, 
without more poeitiTe action, does little good. Tlift 
party who condemn these outrageous abuses, be they 
committed by whom they may, has a hard work beu 
fore it, but it must be accomplished. The execution 
of the law, and the laws themselves, must be such as to 
prevent rimilar action by any party. That party 
which parades a platform sonorously quoted by th« 
man who voted to protect brute force -in Congreas^ 
which declares for a 'flree ballot/ and leads its 
forices to such a victory as that gained in Alabama, it 
a party of hate, of m^ce, and the protector of the 
worst crime known to nations, the treacherous sub- 
version of the i)eople's will. Work against it ; vets 
against it ; refuse lis alliaAce. hbt the hcmest men 
come out of it,"^Wath, National View (Greenback), 
Aug. 14, 1880. 



CHAPTER III. 



Reyolntionary Acts and Purposes of the Democratic 

Leaders. 



"T^e mat fraud of 191^^. hy which, upon a false count of the eiedoralvoies of (wo States, the oan- 
dtdate dgeateaat tfiepoUs was declared to be President, an±for the first time in American history, tfie 
wiU of the people was set aside under a Oireal of military violence, struck a deadly blow at our system of 
representative aovemmeni; the Democratic party, to preserve the country from a oivU war, submitted 
for a time'infirm and patriotic faith that the people woutdpuniah this crime in 1880; this issue precedes 
and dwarfs every other: it imposes a more sacred duty upon the people of the Jjnion than ever ad- 
dressed the conscience of a nation of free men."— Declaration of Democratic Platform, 1880. 



PART I. 



L 



Introduetioii to the eiidences of 
Tilden's contemplated liigh 
crime against tlie iftepubiic— 
Brief review of the Revolution- 
ary Proeeeiiings Their re- 

marlcable growth— Ho^v a min- 
ority can Overtiiro^v a Oovern- 
mei^t — Forcible illustration of 
the Dangers that Potter sought 
to Precipitate upon us— Plausi- 
ble Pretexts tbr Revolution al- 
^vays on hand. 

Beyolutionists always have a plausible excuse 
for what they intend to do, whether the scene 
of operations be France, Mexico, or any other 
country, -and that excuse is always to right 
some alleged wrong, and restore to the dear 
people something which it is alleged they 



have lost; ond hence the importance offumithmg no 
similar pretext at this election. Most of the modem 
reyolutions in republics have been brought 
about by the ambition of partizans on pretexts 
of falsehood to promote %he selfismieBs of 
reckless and designing men. They have 
methods which bear a strong likeness to each 
other, and show that they all come of one 
family. The dear people have been robbed 
or cheated, and the disinterested patriot pro- 
poses to rally a force and set things right. 



liouls Napoleon as the ** People's C^ham- 
plon " and the ^* Imitator of Wasuinir* 
ton." 

It is almost impossible to detect the real 
reason of the revolutionist at first. liouis 
Napoleon achieved his.^esigns by pre.tendiiig 
to be the champion of the people, and as 
president of the Uepublic made himself their 
master. He announced himself an imitator 
of Washington; whom he imitated with a ven- 
geance. 



ACTS AHD I<ITICF03ES OF THE DEUOORATIO LBADEEE. 



Santa Anna's iiretext In IBSS a pretendM 
lireDldentlal elect t»a fraud. 

Santa Anna took the field in the first in. 
Btaneo, 1828, oa the preteit that the two v»tet 
by which Pedraza was declared elected presi- 
dent of MeiiKO over Guerrero were ftandu- 
lentlj obtained, and the subsequent iunnm- 
ernble reTolutions, which have made ft hell of 
' that devoted country, have been the lagitjmatb 
offspring; of the attempt by that eootmdrel to 
avenge that pretended fraud. War. confusion, 
debt, anarchy, and despair have for fifty 
years been the annual product of the efibite 
of the MeiicaiL-Tildeii to set things right. 

Tbe Xexlcan-Tllden's "stock In Iradi 
n'hat all the bormrB of rerojottonary 
Mexico oiiKloallr spmnK from. 

To annul the election of Pedraza bacanae 
a pretended fraud was the stock in trade of 
Santa Anna. All the horrors of Aleiico have 
come from that, and revolution has become 
. the chronic condition of Ueiican society. The 
evil all grew out of a determination not to 
abide by a duly declared settlement of an 
election, by the conititutud and legal anthori- 
•■- — -1 the mode and at the time and ' 



fixed by the 



and laws o 



the 



a, mode of action, and re- 
I Tolutlooarj destsns as lo the American 
Presidency. 

The defliRns of the conspirators gainst our 
own President can be read by the Bimiloritj 
of the conditions and the mode of action. 
Hayes had but one majprity, while Pedraza 
bad two ; but the closBnesa of the vote fur- 
nished the preteit. Hayes was not accused 
of tyranny or tyiaunical acts ; he was not ac- 
cused of seekui;; to injure or oppress any 
class of people ; he was not charged with 
seeking to promote sectionalism, or strife, or 
party spirit, or discord. He was not charged 
with violating the laws or performing any ar- 
bitrary or indecent acts. The publio mind 
had settled into the belief that he was duly 
declared elected, and as President ' 



There being no wrongful acts of the Presi- 
dent, no oppression, no agitation of the pub- 
lic mind, and no discontent or apprehension 
of trouble, it would seem at first flionght that 
there could be no chance forthe success of a 
conspiracy. Here and there, onoe in a while, 
perhaps, a bubbliT might come to the surface 
— only to burst. Three months after the in- 
auguration there were mutteringa and grum- 
blinga, and even significant threateninga. by 
Tilden and Dorsheim%r at the Manhattan 
Club reception— a sort of ground swell, as it 
were— but with that exception it might be 
said that eight uoatlis paased away without a 



Then Tilden returned from Eiurope. He 
wont away ill—too ill to rally and conduct a 
revolution. But rest and a sea voyage restored 
hix vi|^r, and time to lay plans had been so 
improved that he was ready for the first step 
in imitation of SEintii Anna. A serenade was. 
instituted, and Tilden came out with a speech 
ostensibly to think his friends for coming to 
greet him, but in reality to "flre the popular 
heart" and discharge the first gun in his cam- 
poifju of revolution. 

Raniucl J. TUdea awear* a tremeadmis 
•athl 

In tills speech he annoanoed that "the 
people had been robbed;" that "robbery wa» 
t\ crime:" that It "must be avenged;" that; bo 
help biiu God, " I swear in the presence of 
you iiU— and I call upon you to bSar witness 
to the oath — to watch during the remainder 
of my life over the rights of the citizens of ' 
our country with jealous care;" and much of 
tlie name import, too tedious to quote. ' 

Kujiouy atlra at the sound aamaiy play* 

The popular heart did not fire, aotwith- 
stiiiiding this tremendous oath. There wa* 
no rL'sjinnse, and " order reigned in Warsaw." 
It bicMiie necessary to try some other plan, 
and Tiliien was forced to play " possum and 
luiike believe dead. 

Tildcn'M grievance and the Mexican bnsl-* 
iiCHb—Marrland eats terrapin, and sees 
spotM In the sun, 

Tlio month of January came and the vari- 
iH lleniocm^ic l^slatures met, looked at the 
■ievanofl of Tilden, and wisely concluded not 
> go inM Ueiican business that year^all hut 
thf LpgiHlatnre of Maryland. The Legislature 
of Maryland had two distinctions not enjoyed 
my other. It was once bodily imprisoned 
di.'ilfjyalty by a National Union general — 
r.eorge B. MoCIellan— and hod for a mem- 
ber Montgomery Blair. Such a Leotslatnre 
oiild invent a grievanoe, if one could be in- 
■entt-d. nnd they did. Blair, by a free use of 
htuupHKne and terrapin, pot through a roao- 
ution that the State had been cheated in the 
Idcturnl count — the same language that Til- 
den had used — and the wrong must be te- 
dtesscd. This k>oked harmless and almost 
laughable. So does a cat sometimes when 



Mj'iiirrlnns conferences of Tlldcnites at 

tVfi>hJiiBtaB and New' York — lipeaker 
HaniiBll captured— Kins caucun at work. 

It Innked as though legal proceedings were 
) be iuHtitUted in the courts. But wait a 
ttle. Some pork doesn't boil that way. 
Hliiir Itnves Annapolis and comes to Washing- 
There are many mysterious oonfereucea 
couHultations, dodgings in and out by 
a brother of David Dudley Field, who la 



12 BBVOLUTIONABT ACTS AND PUKPOeBS Or THE DEUOORATIO LSADEBS. 



Tilden'B engineer, and Clarkson N. Potter 
runs back and forth between Washington and 
Grameicj Park, and Speaker Itandall is 
dr^ooned into promiBing U) mle in a motion 
of inqnii^ as a qnestion of high priTilege, the 
cancus is invoked, and all the paHy macbinery 
ia broaght to bear to get passed a reaolntion of 
iniestigation. 

Falseness and dniMcltr of tbe DeB«etwtlc 
pretext far tke Potter InTcat^atlaB— 
Contrarilctary Haosc actlan as to aied- 
«lliW with Hayes' tltla-4aw frlskt will 
dlsffulsc Itself. 

All this ia done on the Mexican pretext that 
nothing ia intended bat the nueutfaing of a 
fraud; but see the felaeness and dnplidty. ,A 
motion ia sought to' )^ made to declare that it 
ii not intended to question the title of Hajea, 
and it is sqnelched with yells, and the most 
talented, most distingnished, and one of the 
most venerable si^^ of the Honse is inde- 
cently hooted down, becanse the oonspirators 
dared not trust their scheme to the test which 
is always applied to honest proceedings. The 
conspirators knew their scheme oonld not 
succeed if pnt to snch a test, and so thev 
choked the test and the mover by riot and 
Bedlnmile howls. A fewweeks later, however, 
the House got frightened into passing the reso- 
lution that the title of Hayes oonld not be 
meddled with, but if they were really of this 
opinion their howling it down at the start can- 
not be aocoimted for. Their intentions had 
not changed, evidently, bat they found it ne- 
. ceseary to endeavor to conceal them awhile 
longer, and henoe the resolution was allowed 
to pass; but neiUier Potter, UcMahon, B. S. 
Coi, Knott, Blackburn, Southard, Springer, 
nor A- S. Hewitt voted tor it. It did not 
commit the next Honae; and nothing pre- 
vented the next Democratic House &tim carry- 
ing ont Democratic revolntioDory designs, but 
the voice of the People, expressed in a greatly 
decreased Democratic m^ority in that Body. 

The Hale AHentUnent and Pattcr's^eaiil^ 

Hr. Hale made an offer to investigate Til- 
den'a attempted frauds, and the oonspirators 
pretending to desire tbe evidence of fraud, 
voted it down. Mr. Potter pretended that he 
was willing to do this if Mr. Hale would say 
he had new evidence, but he well knew Hr. 
Hale and the Bepnhlicsns had regarded the 
oase as finally settled and had not oeen look- 
ing for new evidence, and had no occasion to 
connive with liars and perjurers to get a show 
of new evidenoe on which to hang a pretext of 
revolution, and k(iew they wonlui't hod there 



What or tke threatened Dcmocratle mvo- 
lotion had thus tor been developed 

The facts and coarse of proceedings so fiir 



3. That the real ums of the conspirt- 
tors were carefnlly sought to be concealed. 

3, That the conspirators sought by illfr 
gitimate and riotoaa means to carry th^ 

4. That the nsnal pretexts and oonoomt 
tants which mark the ooorses and methods at 
revolutionists were manifest in the movemenii 
of the Blair and Tilden conspirators. 



GovernBcntT—Bevolutleiiary VAmentaB 
— BcMcnher, 1841. 

The conspirators know some things not ^■ 
preciated by the people. The peopfe imttgiiH 
that the .Oovemment can be overthrown oiily 
by the m^ority, bat the Democrstio leadm 
ULow that a few bad, cunning, and despentt 
men can so wield tbe masses that a revolntkB 
once started takes on a momentum entirelToid 
of proportion to numbers or the merits of tha 
case which they present ' Virginia, Tnnnrf n. 
and North Carolina were strong TTnion BtatM 
from' oonvietion in J861 ; but the storm of 
revolntion, once started, became a whirlwind. 
and the beggarly and oontemptible miuoritj 
swept the majority ont of the Dnion in * 
twinkling, and thousands apQn thoosauda of 
honest Union men c&rriea reb«l jnnsketl 
through the war, or died Sghting in a came 
which they cordially hated and despised. 
Even Bobert E, Lee was a Union man, but de- 
luded with a notion that he most follow hit 
State, Now the delusion will be tliBt thej 
most follow their potty, and innst have 
vengesnoe for an imaginary "fraud," and bo 
one and another have already been whipped 
in, and others will continue to be till the torch 
□f revolution is lighted, and then the Mexican 
methods will be fairly inaogatatod, and tha 
end no man can see. 



t In tbe bud— Three HeT* 



Constitnents. 

The only way to stop revolntion is to nip 
it in the bud. At the commencement there 
are in revolutions three parties — those who 
are in the movement, those who oppose it, 
and those who think nothing will come of it 
The first are usually a small minority ; bnl 
the vicions classes in our cities, the fanatics, 
the soldiers of fortune, all instinctively rally 
to the support of any deviltry ; the timid art 
scared in or into neutrality, and the daspera' 
does soon have their own way, and oonfnaion, 
desolation, and destmotian abound on ereij 

How Fnuwe was stransled In one Blsht 
by one weak, nhallow man 1— Oars: 
er danger from tbe crafty, " atlll-lnuil- 
Inc" TUden— TUdCB'i 



Vidoi! Hugo has prononnced the French 
Bevolntion of Loais Napoleon "the assaaai- 
nation of a people by one man." Yes, and 
that man was considered by most intelligent 
Frenchmen as weak, shallow, and so utterly 
wanting in heroic and magnetic qualities that 



KEVOLUTIONABY ACTS AND PUBP0BE8 OF THE DEMOGBATIO LEADERS. 13 



they laughed at the idea of a coup d'etat down 
to the very night it was accomplished. Then, 
to their intense disgnst, they loond their 
throats grasped by the hand of the insignifi- 
cant villain, and there was no help. The 
nation was strancled in a night, and, to the 
surprise of everybody, the assassin was sup- 
ported and sustained by men of more ability 
than Montgomery Blair, and more diaracter 
than Sam Bandall and Clarkson Potter. Such 
scoundrels are always supported by better 
men than themselves, and TUden had secured 
his coterie already. Some had been allured 
by promises of being made cabinet ministers; 
others fooled with the notion that there was 
to be some fun, but not to amount to a revo- 
lution, while the natural cussedness of a good- 
ly number, which circumstances had hitnerto 
kept suppressed, would improve the occasion 
for a little antic ; and so, altogether, there 
wei;e no lack of allies. The rank and file came 
from the million of Democratic place-hunters, 
who pretended to feel that the counting in of 
Hayes cheatea them of an office which thev 
would get without fail if Hayes were bounced. 
Montgomery Blair admitted that there were 
many members wholly opposed to the revolu- 
tion ; but they were to be forced in by this 
mighty pressure of a million ravenous office- 
seekers, who could not wait two years for a 
regular election. 

** Revolutions ncTer ffo backward "—To 
what magnitude this had swollen in a 
few short montiis I 

Bevolutions grow in these days by a natural 
law. and they cannot be controlled when 
under full headway, nor stopped except in 
their earlier stages. See how Tildcn's had 
augmented. When the Manhattan Club ga- 
thering was held it passed away Uke a smoke- 
whiff. When Tilden made his revolutionary 
speech in October there Was no response. It 
fell flat. When Blair introduced his resolu- 
tion in the Maryland Legislature it was almost 
unanimously condemned by the members ; 
and yet it went through. It came to CongrChS 
and had but few friends ; but a few weeks of 
cunning manipulation by Blair, Field, and 
Potter, under direction of Tilden, and a great 
investigation is inaugurated. Men are put od 
the stand to blacken the character of eminent 
statesmen —that on the stand confess them 
selves liars, owning that they could be and 
were bribed, and confessing that they are 
without moral character, and the respectabil- 
ity of Clarkson Potter is obliged to associate 
with them, and he and McMahon are com- 
pelled to defend as manifest a set of rascals 
as ever came to the surDEice. 

And this was but the work of a few months. 
What as many more months would bring forth 
no man could imagine. 

The horrors to which the pallid, half- 
lial»ied old man of Gramercy Park 
would have doomed the American people. 

The conspirators meant mischief. ^ The 
investigation had no significance in it if not 
aimed at the title of the President Blair 



avowed this, and so* did others. The scheme 
was growing, and moderate men would lose 
control of it. When the torch of i-evolution 
in a country like this is once lighted, hell 
itself follows. The stormy passions of men 
are unchained and rage with bloodthirsty vio- 
lence, and the scenes become indescribable. 
Victor Hugo, in trying to describe the French 
revolution, says: **The gloomy armed men, 
massed together, felt an appalling spirit enter 
into them they ceased to be themselves and 
became demons. There was no longer a 
single French soldier, but a host of indefin- 
able phantoms, carrying out a horrible task, 
as though in the glimmering light of a vision. 
There was no longer a flag; there was no 
longer law ; there was no longer humanity ; 
there was no longer a coufitry ; there was no 
longer Friince — theyttegan^ioamutinate." Even 
this language fails to depict the horror and 
miKcry whicn a revolution brings. AJen turn 
into brigands and women become fiends. 
Homes and hearthstones are abolished. All 
that is held sacred is violated, and where 
peace and plenty and security reigned, want, 
famine, and terror come in and take their 
places. 

The only way to aTOid all this is to crush 
the Democrats risht out of Congress hy 
electing Kepuhlicans. 

It was to avoid this terrible condition of 
things that the people reduced the Democratic 
majority in the House. To avoid this condi- 
tion of things in the near future, the solid 
South — the conspirators who through Hancock 
would work revolution — must be aealt a stag- 
gering blow. But this can only be done by 
electing Grarfield to the Presidency by an elec- 
toral vote 80 large that none will dare dispute 
it, and by electing a Republican House that 
will set the seal of coudemoatioa upon the 
. jvolutionary proceedings ot the last two Con- 
gresses. 



PART IL 

The Potter Eietter— He nvoald 
have throiYn the Election into 

* tlie House to maice Tilden^s 
eiianees sure— llie House the 
sole Judge oi* Presidential Elec- 
tions and can ac^t alope on 
its oivn inibrmation ! - It is 
** supreme ^ — The Democratic 
HiNise having f*olloived his 
advice, Tilden must have heen 
elected if Potter is to he he- 
lieved— TUden as Commander- 
in-Chief of the Federal Army ! 

The fact that Clarkson N. Potter, of New 
York, the next door neighbor, at Gramercy 
Park, of Samuel J. Tilden, was at the head of 
the House Committee striving, by a one-sided 
investigation of alleged electoral frauds to 



14 



REVOLUTIONARY ACTS AND PURPOSES OF THE DEMOCRATIC LEADERS. 



make political capita to help his party at the 
congressional elections and to lay a basis for 
the cohspiracy to seize the Presidency, 
naturally drew attention to his famous letter 
of November 21, 1876, published in the New 
York Herald, of the day following. In that 
letter he argued for the Tilden cause with fal- 
lacious subtleties which, were they living, 
woiild have turned the old Greek sophists 
green with jealousy and envy, and would do 
honor to the casuistry of the disciples of Loy- 
ola. Then, grown bold upon his platform of 
sophistries, he proposed the most violent 
measure of all the wild and anarchical plans 
■advanced by the Tildenites of that troubled 
period. He wanted the Democratic House to 
"take the bit in its ,mouth,*' declare that the 
people had fedled to elect, and proceed to the 
election of a President. In the following 
pages it will be found that on March 3, 1877, 
by a strict party vote, the House did '* take 
the bit in its mouth " bo far as to declare that 
Tilden and Hendricks were duly elected Pres- 
ident and Vice-President ; and it is because of 
this foolish and untrue declaration that we 
now hear so much of the so-called * 'Fraud Issue" 
■and that Democratic demagogues allude to 
Mr. Tilden as "President TUden" before 
Democratic audiences. This letter, written by 
Tilden's next-door neighbor at Gramercy Park, 
and ostensibly concocted at his Wall Street 
office, was believed at the time to have been 
inspired by Tilden himself ; and but for the 
fact that a few Democrats refused to be gov- 
erned by the Tilden revolutionary caucuses, 
the treasonable programme which, under Til- 
den's influence, Potter had laid down, might, 
probably have been carried out to the letter. 
The firm attitude of President Grant in de- 
claring that whoever, under the electoral 
count, was duly declared elected President, 
Y^ould be inaugurated, and the knowledge, as- 
certained by secret emissaries, that the army 
would stand firm and could not be corrupted 
by Tilden's • • bar'ls of money, " had much to do 
with the destruction of the l^lden-Potter pro- 
gramme or pronunciamento for Mexicanizing the 
•United States. Besides exhibitiig what the 
revolutionists originally intended to do, the 
Potter letter throws some light upon ijroceed- 
ings in the Democratic House auer the elec- 
toral count, and upon the n 3W treasonable de- 
parture whioh was taken under ths personal 
lead of Potter himself. Following is tho clos- 
ing portion of the Potter lettor aforesaid ; 

He would have bad the Election thrown , 
Into the House, whteh would have Insured 
Tilden's Election. 

*'If, then, the vote of Louisiana shall not bo counted, 
and Mr. Hayes should be allowed Florida an,d bouth 
Carolina, he will have 177 votes and Mr. Tilden 184, 
and then either Mr. Tilden vill be elected, or there 
will be no election of President. And it will then be- 
come the immediate duty of the House of r.aprcsenta- 
tives, under the express direction of ^.he Constitution, 
to proceed to choose a President by the votes of otates, 
«ach State having one vote, and if Mr. Hayes should 
then be chosen President, hf^ will be chosen absolutely 
in strictest compliance with all the provisione and 
forms, of law, and will be as absolutely and lawfully 
President as any man ever was. So, too, if the Hou8« 
ahould choose Mr. Tilden." 



The House a higher law unto Itself— Ke* I 
sponsible to nothing and nobody— It cu| 
act alone! — It is the *'sole Judgre' 
whether the people haye elected or not,! 
and need not wait the word of any Inform- 1 
iniT body outside ! 

• 

The Constitution has provided for no person or body 
to notify the House that there has been no eleotan 
for President by the electors, nor, by deciding whether 
to make or withhold such notification, to judge of 
that fact, but has left the House sole judge of the huj^ 
peningof the contingency calling for its action. Ai 
one of the counters of the electoral vote the Hoqm 
must necessarily know whether that vote has resulted 
in a choice, and, so knowing, does not require nottfl> 
cation of the faet. Accordingly, had the Constitntiai 
p]^ovided for a nstiflcation to the House, it vronld lum 
been to make its action in that respect dependent on 
some other Judgment of the happening at that con- 
tingency than its own. But instead it leaves the 
House to act ui>on its own knowledge, independent ^ 
the action of any other body or person, and direcii 
the House in that contingency, of which it necessaritj 
has knowledge, and is itself to be the Judge, to proceed 
to choose a President. 

And to whom could the question, of whether the 
power was to be exercised, be so propeily committed 
as to the body which is to exercise the power, to that 
great popular branch of the Government which 8p«ci> 
ally represents the people, and whose members, of all 
those connected with the Federal Government, an 
alone elected by the people. 

The Democratic House beln^ ^^suprenM^" 
who could dispute the Presidential 
thority of Neinrhbor Tilden 7 






Having, then, the ordinary and usual authority oi j 
every superior body, invested with the exercise of a 
JBupreme function, of determining for itself the occa- 
sion when it may be lawfully exercised, and having, 
therefore, the authority to decide for itself whether a 
President has been chosen by the electors or not, and, 
if not, to then itself choose the President, who can 
lawfully dispute the authority of the President whom 
the House ol Bepresentatives may thua^ choose ? 

All who tallc otherwise *'talk Rebellion " 
ai^ainst the Lord's anointed. 

Gentlemen who talk lightly, therefore, of having the 
Vice-President of the Senate receive and count the 
vote of liOuisiana against the ( lieclion oi the House, 
or of choosing some energetic man President of the 
Senate that tneymayha.e a forcible ciUcer to leaid 
the Bepublioan party ifter the 4th of March, or of an 
interregnum in which General Grant shall hold over, 
talk rebellion. The House of Bepresentatives v« ^ai not 
refuse to attend the counting of the electoral vote ; 
it will permit the counting of every vote which it may 
judge lawful to be counted. 

No electoral TOte valid unless amrecdi to 
by the House, and unless its * Judtrment'* 
agrees with its ** concurrence** and «*di- 

. rection.'* 



And no vote can be lawfully counted without its 
concurrence or against its judgment and direction. 

Resistance to TUden is defiance to la,w. 

Whomever, by the vote so counted, shall appear to 
have the majority of all the electors appointed win be 
President, and will be accepted by the Democratic 
party as such ; and whomever, if no President be so 
chosen, the popular branch of the Government shaU 
then, in due form, choose to be President, will be so ac- 
cepted by them ; and it will be those who may see fit 
to resist the Executive, thuslawfoUy elected, who wiU 
be defying the laws. 



EEVOLUnONAKY ACTS AND PtJKPOBES OF THE DEMOORATIO LEADEE8. 15 



: No sllKht Irreffularlty can Impair the title 
of *^me Nelffbbor*' Tilden— If a majority 
of each one of a nmOorlty of States Totes 

I for TUden In the House then he Is Presi- 
dent. 

And even if there has been an omission in the Con- 
fltitation, so that, strictly no one ihay he elected according 
to itf provisions, 'whaX could be so in accord with the 
spirit of our Government as to agree upon am Execu- 
tive, chosen by the House of Bepresentajives, acting 
by States ? That is, chosen by men, elected directly 
by the people as the electors are, and acting by 
States, as the electors do. It was to the House that 
the Constitution committed the election of a Presi- 
dent in the only contingency of a failure to choose by 
electors then foreseen. Had the Convention foreseen 
the contingency now assumed b^ some it would, of 
conrse, have committed the election in such contin- 
gency also to the House of Bepresentatlvea. 

Why, then, not adopt this eourse—CThe 
House did adopt It)— And thus sail as 
near to the ** spirit of the Constitution*' 
as Indla-rubher construetlonlstB like 
Tilden and Potter chopse to. 

Why, then, should not this great people forbear 
strife, and adopt a course which, if no course be pro- 
Tided Tor by the Constitution, would accord most 
, nearly with the spirit of the Constitution? The 
more, as the result thus reached would conform to 
^ the wish of the great body of the people, as just ex- 
pressed. 

And here 1^ me add thi^ to talk of a Senate, in 

which a majority of the Senators represented less than 

I one-fourth of the people, whose power to choose a 

I President is, by the Constitution, confined, first to the 

I failure of the electors to choose one, and next to the 

. failure of the House of Bepresentatives to choose one 

f by the 4th of March following — setting up as their 

' presiding officer a military dictator, to take possession 

of the Government against the President regularly 

chosen by the House of Representatives and backed by. 

an enormous popular majority, seems to me, even in 

view of Mr. Frank Blair's famous prophecy, idle. 

Doubtful the supremacy exercised by the Federal 
authority of late years, and the desire of property 
owners for order, even at the price of Constitutional 
liberty, has produced a pretty general belief that any 
one who can command Fedexul troops can do anything. 

I 

! TUden's claim to be C!ommander-ln-Chlef 

of the Federal Army— Potter helleyed the 

people would sustain It. 

I But the question is not what Federal troops can do, 
but who it is that is entitled to be their commander 
and head — a wholly different question ; and, upon 
; that question, I do not believe the people will be 
; found so anxious to sustain f^ud to keep the minor- 
ity in power, or so unwilling to maintain their consti- 
tutional rights as is assumed. 
Truly your obedient servant, 

CLABKSON N. POTTER, 
November 21, 1876. No. 61 Wall street. 



PART III. 

The Electoral Commission Act— 
Asaiysis of the votes by which 
it iiassed— It was essentially a 
Democratic measure-The votes 
in fVill in both Houses, 

It will be observed by analysis of the votes 
cast in the Senate and Honse npon the pas- 
sage of the Electoral Commission Act — given 
herewith— that this act, now so much abused 
hy the Democrats, and the findings under 
'which they, now pretend to be dissatisfied 



with, and which they pro{>ose by revolution- 
ary meihods to overturn* was essentially a 
Democratic measure. The Senate vote was 47 
yeas and 17 nays— 10 not voting. Of the Re- 
publicans 20 voted yea, 17 voted n'^y, and 9 
declined to vote. Of the Democrats 26 voted 
yea, 1 voted nay, and 1 declined to vote. The 
majority for it therefore comprised 26 Demo- 
crats and 20 Republicans. The vote against 
it comprised 17 Republicans and only 1 De- 
mocrat. The vote in the House, on passing 
the act, illustrates the feeling of the two 
parties even more' strongly. That vote was 
191 yeas and 86 nays— 14 not voting. Of the 
Republieans only 83 voted yea, 68 voted nay 
— 7 not voting. Of the Democrats 158 voted 
yea, only 18 voted nay— 7 not votiAg. The 
majority for it, therefore, comprised 158 De- 
mocrats and only 83 Republicans, The vote 
against it comprised 68 Republicans and only 
18 Democrats. Taking the aggregate vote in 
the two Houses, it will be found that only 
58 Republicans voted for the measure and 85 
Republicans voted against it; while 184 De- 
mocrats voted for it, and only 19 Democrats 
voted against it. The Republicans of both 
branches of Congress therefore stood opposed 
to the measure nearly in the proportion of 2 
to 1; and the Democrats of both branches 
stood by the bill, and "put it through" 
nearly in the proportion of 10 to 1. 

If this state of fftots does not prove it a 
Democratic measure then all proofs would be 
useless. 

The lienate vote In full. 

The vote in the Senate, January 25, 1877, 
on the passage of the Electoral Commission 
Bill was, in detail, as follows: 

Yeas — Mesers. Alcorn, Allison, Bamum, Bayard, Bogy, 
Booth, Boutwell, Bumside, ChaiSfee. Christiancy, Cock- 
rell, Conkllng. Cooper, Cragin. Davis, of West Virginia, 
Dawes, Dennis, Edmunds, Frelinghuysen, Ooldthwaite, 
Gordon, Howe, Johnston, Jones, of Florida, Jones, of 
Nevada, Kelly, Keman, McCreery, McDonald, McMillan, 
Maxey, Merrimon, Morrill, Price, Randolph, Ransom, 
Bobertson, Satdshury, Sharon, Stevenson, Teller, Thur- 
man, Wallace, Whyte, Windom, Withers, Wright— 47. 

Nays — Messrs. Blaine, Bruce, Cameron, of Pennsyl- 
vania, Cameron, of Wisconsin, Clayton, Conover, Dor> 
f^7%ipaton, Haipilton, Hamlin, IngaUs, Mitchell, Mor- 
ton, Patterson, Sargent, Sherman, West— 17. 

Not Yotimo— Messrs. Anthony. Ferry, Harvey, Hitch- 
cock, liOgaji, Norwood, Oglesby, Paddock, Spencer, 
Wadleigh— 10. 

The House vote In full. 

1h3vote in the House of Representatives, 
January 26, 1877, on the passage of the Electo- 
ral Commission Bill, was, in detail, as follows: 

Yeas — Messrs. Abbott, Adams* Ainsvoorth, Anderson* 
Ashe, Atkins, Baghy, Q. A. Bagley, J, H. BagUy, Jr » 
Banning, Beebe, S. N. Bell, Bland, Bliss, Blount, Boone* 
Bnidley, Bright, J. T. Brown, Buckner, S. D. Burchardw 
Burleigh, Cabell, W. P Caldwell, A. Campbell, Candler* 
Cavlfield, Ghapin, Chittenden, J. B. Clarke, J. B. Clark, 
Jr., Clymer, Cochrane, Cook, Cowan, Cox, Crapo, Culber- 
son, Culler, Darrall, J. J, Davis, Davy, De Bolt, DibreU, 
Douglas, Durand, Eden, Ellis, Faulkner, FeUon, D. D. 
Field, J. J. Finley, Foster, Franklin, Fuller, Gause, Gib- 
son, Glover, Goode, Goodin. Gunter, A. H. Hamilton, R. 
Hamilton; Hancock, Hardenburgh, B W. Harris, //. R. 
Harris, J. T. Harris, Harrison, Hartridge, Hartzell, 
Hatcher, Hathom, Haymond, Henkle, Hereford, A. S. 
Hewitt, G. W. Hewitt, Hill, Hoar, Holman, Hooker,- 
Hopkins, Hoskins, Hou^e, Humphreys, Hunter, Hunton, 
Jenks, F. Jones, Kehr, Kelley, Lamar, F, Landers, G. M, 



16 



BEYOLUnONABT ACTS AND PUBPOSES OF THE DEMOCBATIO LEADERS. 



Landers, Lane, LeaTenMKnth, Le Moynt, Levy, Lewi*, 
LuttreU, Lynde, Mackey, Jtaish, MacDougsU. McCrary, 
McDill, Mct^irland, McMahon, Meade, H. B. Metcalf, 
Miller, Money, Morgan, Morrison, MtUchler, L. T. Neal, 
New, Norton, O'Brien, Oliver, Fayne, Phelps, J. F. 
PkUlips, Pierce. Piper, Plat^ Potter, Powell, Rea, 
Reagan, J. Reilly, J. B. BeiUy, Rice, Riddle, J. Bobbins, 
W. M. Robbins, Roberts, M. Ross, Bunpeon, Savage, 
Sayler, Scales, SchUteher, Seelye, Shealdey, SotUhard, 
&oarks. Springer, Stanton, Sienger, Strait, Stevenson, W. 
H. Stone, Stoann, J. K. Tarbox, Teese, Terry, Thomas, 

C, P. Thompson, TkrockmorUm, W. Townshend, Tucker, 
Tttmer, R, B. Vance, ^addeU, C. C. B. Walker, O. C. 
Walker, WaUing, Walsh, E. Ward, Warner, Warren, 
Watterson, E, Wells, Q. W. Wells, Whitehouse, Whit- 
tkome, Wike, Willard, A. S. WiUiams, J, WiUiams,, W. 
B. WUliams, WiUU, WHshire, B. Wilson. J. Wilson, 
F. Wood, Veatei, Young, aod the Speaker— 191, 

Nays— Messrs. J. U. Baker, W. H. Baker, Ballon. 
Banks, Blackburn, Blair, Biadford, W. B. Brown, H.C. 
Bnrchard, Butts. J. U. Caldwell. Cannon, Carr, OMSwell, 
C!ate.ConM,CronnBe. Danford, Denison. Dobbins, Dnn- 
nel, Durham, Eames, J. L. Evans. Flye. Forney, Fort. 
Freeman, Frye, Qarfleld. Hale, Huralson. Hendee, Hen- 
derson. Hoge. HubbeU, Hurd, Hnrlbut. Hyman, T. L. 
Jones, Joyce. Kasson, KimbaU, Knott, Laphani. Law- 
rence. Lynoh. Magoon. MUHken, Mills, Monroe, Nash, 
O'Neill. Packer. Page, Plaisted, Poppleion, Pratt. Pnr- 
man. Bainey, Robinson, Bnsk, S^iglelon, ^Sinnickson, 
Stemons, Smalls, A. H. Smith, W. E. Smith, Stowell, 
Thombnrgh, M. I. Townsend, Tnfts, Van Vorhes, J. L. 
Vance, Wait, Waldron, A. 8. Wallace, J. W. Wallace, J. 

D. White, Whiting. A Williams. C. G. Williams. J. Ji. 
WUliams, A. Wood, Jr., Woodbum, Woodworth— S6. 

Not Voting. — Messrs. Bass, C^ison, Collins, Egbert, 
Hays, King, Lord, Odell, W. A. Phillips, S. Boss, Schu- 
maker, Stq^hens, Wheeler, Wiggington — 14. 

The Electoral Count — The vote as an- 
nounced—Final separation of the Houses 
—Subsequent revolutionary iiroceeillnffs 
in the Democratic House before aiUoum- 
ment of the Forty-fourth CTonirress— 
Field's "^ Quo. Warranto Bill" and vote 
on It. 

The counting of the electoral vote of the 
States commenced February 1, 1877, and did 
not end until March 2, at four o'clock a. m., 
each House having been in session continu- 
ously from March 1, at 10 o'clock a. m. 

When the counting of the vote of the States 
was concluded, and the tellers had an- 
nounced the result of the footings, the pre- 
siding officer of the two Houses declared 
Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, the duly elect- 
ed President, and William A. Wheeler, 'of 
New York, the duly elected Vice-President for 
the four years commencing March 4, 1877 — 
whereupon the two Houses finally separated. 

The electoral vote of the States as de- 
clared by the two Houses, belnir the 
evidence of title which nothing can 
shake. 

The vote for President was announced, as 
follows : 

Votes. States. Hayes. Tilden. 

10 Alabama 10 

6 Arkansas 6 

6 California 6 

3 Colorado 3 

6 Connecticut 6 

3 Delaware 3 

4 Florida i 

11 Georgia 11 

21 Illinois 21 

15 Indiana 16 

U Iowa: 11 



Votes. States. Hayee. Ttlden. 

'6 Kansas 5 

12 Kentucky , 12 

8 Louisiana '. 8 

7 Maine 7 

8 Maryland 8 

13 Massachnsetts 13 

11 Michigan 11 

5 Minnesota -5 

8 Mississippi 8 

15 Missouri 15 

8 Nebraska S 

8 Nevada 8 

6 New Hampshire 6 

9 NewJersey 9 

35 NewYork 85 

10 NorthCaroUna 10 

22 Ohio 22 

3 Oregon 8 

i Rhode Islapd 4 

29 Pennsylvania 29 

7 South Carolina 7 

12 Tennessee 12 

8 Texas 8 

6 Vermont 6 

11 Virginia 11 

6 West Virginia 5 

10 Wisconsin 10 

369 Total 186 181 

David Dudley Field's Quo Warranto BUI- 
Belnff one of the moves In Tllden's crafty 
same. 

March 2, 1877. — The very same day when 
the vote for Hayes was declared by both 
Houses, David Dudley Field, from the select 
committee on the privileges, powers and du- 
ties of the House of Bepresentatives in count- 
ing the vote for President and Vice Presi- 
dent, hastened to report a bill, entitled **An 
Act to provide an effectual remedy for a torongful 
intrusion into the office of President or Vice President 
of the United Stales." 

Vote by which the Quo Warranto Bill was 

lost. 

• 

The vote on the passage of the above Quo 
Warranto bill was 66 yeas (all of them Demo- 
crats) to 99 nays, which comprised 76 Repuh- 
licans and 23 Democrats, while of those not 
voting 89 Democrats seem to have been 
" watching how the cat jumped." In detail 
the vote was : 

Yeas. — Messrs. J. H. Bagley, Jr., Banning, Beebe, S. N* 
Bell, Boone, J. Y. Brown, W. P. Caldwell, dandier' 
CaU, Cauljield, J. B. Clarke, J. B. Clark, Jr., CoUinv 
S. S. Cox, J. J. Davis, De Bolt, Eden, Ellis, D. D. FHeUU 
J. J. FinUy, Franklin, Fuller, Gause, Glover, A. H. Ham- 
iUon, Hardenburgh, J. T. Harris, HartteU, Hatcher, 
HiU, Holman, Hooker, A. Humphreys, T. L. Jones, F, 
Landers, Lane, Levy, Lord, LuttreU, Lynde, Meade, 
Morrison, L. T. NecUe, Payne, Poppleton,A. V.Riee, J. 
Robbins, M. Ross, Scales, Schleicher, SheakUy, Slemims, 
Sparks, Springer, Teese, Terry, Thomas, Tuekfr, J. L, 
Vance, R. B. Vance, O. C. Walker, E. Wells, Whitthome, 
Wiggington, B. Wilson, Yeates^SS. 

IvAYS— Messrs. Abbott, Adams. Ainstoorth, J. H. Baker,. 
W; H. Baker, BaUon, Banks, Belford, Blair, Broiciford, 
Bradley, W. B. Brown, Buckner, Burleigh. Buttz, J. H. 
CaMweU, Cannon, Catfwell, Chittenden, Conger, Crapo, 
Croonae, Culberson, Cutler, Danford, Darrall, Davy, 
Dennison, Dobbins, Dunnell, Eames, Forney, Foster* 
Freeman, Frye, Garfield, Cfoodin,* Haralson, B. W. 
Harris Hathom, C. Hays, Hopkins, House, BnbbeU, 
Hunter, Hurlbut, Jenks, Joyce, Kasson. Kehr, Kelley, 
Kimball, O. M. Landers, Lapham, Lawrence, Le Moyne, 
* ynch, MacDougall, McDiU. Mills, Monroe, New, 
Oliver, O'Neill, Packer, Page, W. A. Phillips, Pierce, 
Pratt, Bainey, J. B. Reilly, Riddle, M. S. Robinson, 
Sami>8on, C. P. Thompson, Thomburgh, M. I. Towns- 
end, W. Townsend, Tufts, Wait, Waldron, A. S. Wal> 



KBTULUTIOMABY ACTS AND PCBF08B8 OF THE DBMOOSATIO LEADKBS. 



J. Wttoon— 0». 



Bright. H. C Burcbvd, .,. _. ... _, , 

OamplHil, Carr, Chcfs. Gliapii^ ClynHr. Vaiknme, Ci. 
Oonait, DUirr^ Voufftai, Duraivl. Durham, Ej/ba-l, J . 
EvanB. Faulhur, Filbm, tnje, Fort, OibioTt, Oc 
Omicr, Hale. «. HiUtUUm. Hani^odi. H. R. Har. 

BmkU, A. S. IlT^'. Q. W. Ht<Bia\aa. Hoge. \ 
kiM. BtMoA, K • - ~ - 



'. muipt, JHftr, PUM«d. FUtt, Potter. Pmli. 



Bf SmM, SiHMard, SlaMim, SUHgtr, Stettaii, YT. u. 
SUme, avamt, Tknckntvlan, Titrntr. Tul Varbat. C. I7. 
B. WaJlur, Waatvi, WaM. E. IFord. Wanur. Watirr- 
nm. Q. W. Walk. Wbulsr, Whiting, ITikt, A. WllUamD, 
d. S. WiUi-uu, J. Wiliiamt, J. S. WilUmu, WiUhin, 
A, Wood, Jr., J^ ITood, Woodbum, Woodworth, Teung 
— U». 



PABT IT. 

Bouse Voarnnittee Report alBrui- 
Ing: the right nT the Hoiue to g*» 
behind the Blect^wal Returns, 
und '* the authority oTthe House 
over tlie counth^' thereoT-Res- 
' oiotion reported to that eflfect— 
Tote on Burctaard's Amend- 
ment to it. 

Haioh 3, 1677, David Dudley Field, Demo- 
crat, from tbe Committee on PiiTilegea, etc., 
made Uie foUowing report : 

"TlM CammlttM oa Uu FrlTllagM, Fowsn, uid l>u- 



nto (or PcBBldeut Mid Vice Fnaid«tit of the United 
BtAiflA, report, in part, that ilnce thelrpaitUlmKiA of 
cataln rEBOlatloat, made to till* HoiiM on the lath 
da; ot iBiaarj lait, tlie piaHga of the Hi entitled 
■An act to pniTlde Ibr and nnlite the eoontlng of 
Totea lor Frealdent ud Vtea Prcaidnt, aod the de- 
•Mod of qneatlona uiilng thet«an, for the tann nam. 
-—■— '"ff lliroh 1, A. D. vm.' M>4 (tM pK 

Bnaca A tun intemipted "-- " " * 

iwdutlona Bodthe tc&aa c 



AlBli^ 



>I the BeetorU Cammlaian. oanatltaled 
Dj toB Klui act to bear an/ eTldenee touobliig th.; 
Aaoda tod want of iDTlMUetloii of the eonvugiuH in.l 
vtomlnA boarda ctf Tlorida and Lonlilana, lua nui ] • 
It «> mQon Uu man Imporlaiitto aSnntheiald r-.. 
otnUonaad UiuttoriV^r (UtlTaaM anr Uiemiitftnj 
^[Jk< (jBtemlsoli^aDd enpeoiallj the right of Cougn r- 

and of the Honaa to Ininira inwUur ' 

porting to ooma Ikom a state have bei 
aona doll upolnted In t~ 
and Viae ^naldant in 



Jiter Proctor Knott, Demoorat, liad offered 
on amendment — whicli lie subsequantl; with- 
j ili'ow — Mr, H. C. Bureliard, lUpablican, from 
{hi- minority of the Committee on PriTilegeH, 
</ti-., moved to amend Ux. Field's reaolntion by 
KiJiUng to it these words : 

" AlfocClng the genuinaneaa of proper anthentlcation 
, i|' i,uch oertiflcatee, bat not for the poipoae or qaee- 
. tELicilng the namber of vot«« by which, na b1u>wd rroia 
U,^ csrtUliste a( duly aathort»dcaiinaBlngofflc«nof 
tlI^^ Btat«, the eleoton may hate been appomted." 

The amendment waa diaogreed 
'((Ul Bepnblicens, save one), naya 123 (all I>e- 
mocrata), not voting, 31, as fbUowB 



Bi 



. Barfey, W. 1 
Uey.W. R.Bm 



lion, Banki, a. X. BtU. Bradlay.fl _ _ _ _ 
.nhard. Bnrielgli. Batta, Oai)iian, CaawcIL Ohltten- 
11. OoDcer.Cn^M. Otoanae. DanftirJ, Damll, SenlaaD. 



I.'. Uaj*. He ndeo, Honderaon, HoaklBI. Habbell, Hnn 
t>^r, Uorlbut. Hyman, Joyce. Xaaaon, Kallay, Lapbaui 
I^wi'enDe, Xdaveawortb. UAgoon, KacDoagall, Hc- 
<.raiy.UcIHll.lIanroe. MaahTNarton, OUver, OHcllL 
P*^-tar, Page.W. A. Phillip*. PlaiaUil. Platl. Balney. 
yi. A. BobluAon, S. Boao, Siupaon. Seelye. BinnlckBou, 
Biualla. A. H. Smltli. SUwcU. Utralt. Thomburgh, 
T[iJta,WaiC,A. a. Willaca, J. W. WaUiu», fi. W. WcUa. 
J. a. White. Whiting. A. WlUi&mx. C, Q. WlHiams, J. 
WiUon. A. Wood, Jr., Woodbuni, Woodworth— SI. 

Niia— JTairi. Aiiumrai. Ai>a, Alkxnt, Bagbf, J. H, 
Buffltg, Jr., AuHiiif , .SlmiUunl. Btand, Blia, BUaiilt. 
Hobiu. Amdfbrd, Brvaii. J. IT. Awnt, J. H. CaidadL 
n: p. CaldwtU, J. B. Clarln, J. B. Clark. Jr.. 



; J. JoBit." 

He BtU, Ainkw. BiUi. fauOamr. D. D. Fitid, J. J. 
i'inJqr, Fomtn, Frtaldi*, FtUUr, OiwK. Sitteo. Obner, 
(iiHidt, Canter, A. H. HaMiUoa. JL aamaim, Bardai- 

HarUcU. UaOAcr. Uenidc. Ilookrr, Hopkiiu, Heiat.Hm- 
Ion. Burd. JcHii. T. L. Jona, KkbU, F. Zimitri. O. M. 
Laiuiert. Le Mti^ne, Ltvif, Lard. Lidtrttl, Lgitiie, MacAty, 
McFarlaid, McMaiaH, KwK, JfiUl, Jfiwy. MulMer. L. ■ 
" "--' ■'--"'-" 'iimi.nelpi.J.F.PIiHipt.pamile- 
J. Seffly, A. V. Au*. SIfUic.J. 
aj, Babtrii, Saaaae, Si^fier, Soaia, - 
SIttaklty. SIcouuu. W. E. Smitli, SoMitd. Sparla. 
Springer, Stanloit, SUngrr, w. H. Slant. SmOM. J. X. 
ntrfrni. nut. Tcny, nowu, O. f, Tlumftim, nnwt- 
■Hirtnt, Ttieker, Tunet. J. L. Vance, R. B. Fa*«, Wad- 
Mi, irUKM. Waltk, ironHT, M. Wra$, WI-ilSBm, 
tP^oMlM, watt, J. WUUamt, J. S. WUllatu, B. A. 
iraSt, B. WOim, raataf-lU 
Hat Yoama—Mmn. AMUt, Anirrtin. I. H. Baker. 
_ . . ,.- . _ . j_ ^_ Bardiari, 



. aeiUr, J. B 
t.JtMtilu.Ei 



; A. OanUU, Oamdl, . . 

, , moftit, OMm^mi, OmtUr. DaTf. Itibnii, DovglaM. 

DudimU. ihmmi, JUti^ >«<««, AfMt, Fort, Oaodin, 



*«bjrp.t 

^(edby lU 



of Uie (iH^icry, Maebood, oi 
(Ate of any Govemttf « — - 

oonunittee tbaralMa n 

fullowing additional MaolBtton : 

"JIcufEieit. Tlkat in the oouatioa 

of any Btate it la the light and duty of Oongitea aan 
ot Uili Uooae to Inqnln whether any votea pttrportloig 
to Dome from a State have beoD eaal by penona duly 
twpolntad by that Stats eleetoB or Preddent and Vl<>' 
Pmidentin the manner dlnoted by lu Leglalatur. . 



Kimball, tuiu, Iimar, La^t, LiwfiM, Lynch, MaiA. H. 
B. MneM, Killer, JfilUiat, MvrgoK. Morrittm, O'Brm. 
I'l.roo. Pirtr, Potter, i^jiotU, Fratt, Punnan, Jlduao, 
SI. ;ten. Bnak, AMaater, Sekmmtkir, SiialiJiM. Blrpkmr, 
.S-VMum, M. L Townand. Tan VoAaa, Waldcon, C. C. 
H. ifoLkar, ff. V. WaU^, S. Ward, ran™. WaUtrmm, 
Wli..elar. WJiOlumie. WUlard, A. 3. WOUmu. W. B. 
Williaaia. WiUm. f. Wood, rewv— M- 

Ml. Field'a leaolntion waa then agreed to. , 



PART V. 

nurrison'ji I^etter mi TUden'H 
" Lack of Pluck " — Tllden 
thou^t he had " paeked " the 
Ulectoral Commiasion ~ Hen- 



18 BBVOLUrrONABY A0T3 AXD PUBPOSBS OF THE DEXOOBATTO LBADBBfl. 



drleks urges the House to de- 
dkre Tilden and himself elect- 
ed—Votes by ^vhieh the House 
nuikes that revolutionary de- 
claration—Subsequent Demo- 
cratic protest declaring Hayes 
**a Usurper! ''—The House ]>em- 
ocrats offlcialiy notify Tilden 
that he ivos *^duly electecl 
President''— Did Tilden take 
the oath?— Revolutionary taiii- 
Hewitt's enforcM^d resignation 
and peculiar apology— Judge 
Black's revolutionary threat* 

Letter ttom the Demoeratie leader Morri- 
son to the seyen men amony his constitu- 
ents who were not satisfied and wanted a 
new election. 

In tlie New York World, March 5, 1877, ap- 
pears a. letter written by W. B. Morrison, the 
then. Democratic leader of the House and 
Chairman of Ways and Means, which con- 
tains two or three pregnant admissions worth 
noticing. It was written February 24, 1877, in 
answer to a dispatch of same date, received 
by him from Messrs. L. H. Hite and six 
others, of East St. Louis, 111., in which they 
say: 

"American institutions and constitutional liberty 
demand that the conspiracy shall not succeeds Our 
party can prevent it without resorting to reyolutionary 
measures, for the partisan decisions of the Electoral 
Commission oommand no respect. Give us a new 
election.'' 

He tells the seven Itoolish ^iryins they have 
trimmed their lamps **too late, I fear" 
—The Democratic leader's idea of ffood 
faith,*' 

Morrison's reply ran thus: 

** Dbab Szbs: Tour dispatch has b«en received. . I fear tt 
is too late ta accomplish what you soffgcst, and whai 
the right and Justice of the case demand, liany of our 
frieniU, and some of the most inflnantial think, or pre- 
tend to think, that we aca bound by obligations of good 
f&ith to go on, under the Electoral Oommission Bill, to 
see Hayes ftaudulently counted in. There are so many 
of this way of thinking that this result eeema to me to 
be ineritable." 

He lets out the truth on Tilden—CharKes 
him with lack of *' pluck," but thinks it is 
to Tilden's '^credit" that he agreed to the 
Electoral Comflsilsslon,beGan8e he thonvht 

it would he ''packed'* in his interest. 

« 

"The truth is that our great man Tilden. able as he 
undoul>tedly is, did not have the pluck to meet the re- 
quirements of the occasion at the right time, though I 
suppose it must be said to his* credit that whnn this 
commisBion was gotten up it was expected that Davis 
would be the eighth man." 

The thingr is lost— Horrison never believed 
in Electoral Commissions. 

. *'I look upon this thing as lost, though our folks could 
keep Hayes out if they were united, and possibly could 
secure a new election; but Lamar, Hill. Watterson. 
Wood, Wells, and many others, say they iutended to let 
Hayes go through, and believe themselves bound to do 



so. I never had any fi&ith in the electoral prcfjeot. but 
everybody in the country seemed to favor it, and when 
I returned fh>m New Orleans it was already settled 
upon as the way out. BesiwctfullyyourB, 

" W. B. MoBBiBOir." 

Hendricks openly encouraged the adoption 
of the House resolution declaring Tilden 
elected President. 

A meeting of Democrats at Indianapplis, 
3ilarch 4, 1877 (according to New YorklVorld 
of the 5th), called to deliberate as to the atti< 
tude of Democracv, sent a dispatch to Sena- 
tor McDonald, of Indiana: 

"Tour Ir lends at home desire that you should take 
no part in tho Loauguration of Hayes. 

The same telegram states that Hendricks 
said of the House resolution declaring Tilden 
and Hendricks elected' 

"The House should pass such a retolution, though it 
would have no practical effect." 

Proctor Knott's Resolution ** solemnly 
Declaring*' that Tilden '* received 196 
electoral votes," and was 'Hherehy 
duly elected President "—Totes In the 
House on Question of ** Consideration." 

March 3, 1877, Proctor Knott, Democrat, 
from the Committee on Privileges of the 
House, etc., submitted to the House a long 
preamble, ending with -the following resolu- 
tion : 

"Resolved by (he House of Representatives of the United 
States ofAinerioa, That it is the duty of tjbie House to 
declare, that Samuel J. Tilden, of the State Qf New 
York, received 196 electoral votes for the oflBice of Pres- 
ident of the United States, all of which votes were cast 
and lists thereof signed, certified and Ixansmitted to 
the seat of Oovemment, directed to the President of 
the Senate, in conformity with the Constitution and 
laws of the United States, by electors legally elected 
and qualified as such electors, each of whom had been 
duly api>ointed and eligible, in the manner directed by 
the Lei(i8lature of the State in and for which he cast 
his vote as afcwesaid : and that said Samuel J. Tilden, 
having thus received the votes of a miy}ority of Uie 
electors appointed as aforesaid, he was thereby duly 
elected President of the United States of Ajnerica for 
the term of four years, commencing on the 4th day of 
March, A. D. 18T7 : and this House further declare that 
Thomaa A. Hendric^, having received the same num- 
ber of th^ electoral votes for the office of Vice Presi- 
dent of the United States that were cast for Samuel J. 
Tilden for •President, as aforesaid, the said votes hav* 
ing been cast for him by the same persons who voted 
for the said Tilden for President, as aforesaid, and at 
the same time and in the si^e manner, it is the opinion 
of this House that said Thomas A. Hendricks, of the 
Sti^ of Indiana, was duly elected Vice President of 
the iTnited States tqr a term of four years, commencing 
on the 4th day of Karch, A. D. 1877." 

Straight Party Tote on Question of '* Con- 
sideration." 

The question of consideration being raised, 
it was decided to consider the resolution, b^ 
146 yeas to 82 nays, 62 not voting. 

Teas — ^Messrs. Abbott, Ainsvoorth, Ashe, Atkins, Ba,gby^ 
J. H. Bagley, Jr., Beebe, filackbum, BUnvl, Bliss, Boone, 
Bradfin-d, Bright, J. T. Brqvon, Buckne, S. D. Burchard, 
J. H. CaldtoeU, W. P. Caldwell, Candler, Carr, Cauifield, 
J, B: Clarke, J^B. Clarke, Jr., Clymer, Cochrane, CoUiru, 
Cock, Cowan, Culberson, Cutler, J. J. Davis, De Bolt, De^ 
hreU, Douglas, Durham, Ellis, Faulkner, D. D. Field, J. J. 
Finleif, Forney, Franklin, Fuller, Gause, Gibson, Glover, 
Goode, Gunter, A. H. Hamilton, R. Hamilton, Harden* 
bergh, H. R. Harris, J, T. Harris, Harrison, Hartridge, 
Hartzell, Hatcher, Haymond, Henkle, A.S. Hewett, Hooker, 



KBTOLOnONABT ACTTS AMD FDSPOeSfl OT THB DSUOOSATIO LHADEBS. 



AMtei. B<mK, A. Btmrnkrefi. BmUm. fikrrf, JeHla, r. 
U.^tma.KtuO, Lammr, >. f jp r . Lam. U Mttme. Lam. 
£t»if. LtHtnU. Lfiitt. iraabfy. McKtrlamd. McHalm. 
MmOe, MiOl, JAm^, Merrium, MmUUtr, L. T. Ntal, Nrmi, 

J'nKO.rammn.MHi.J.KtiSlt. J. B. BtSu, J.V.Sia, 
SHU, W. M. BMtiu. Aatorlt, M. Boa, Sanmi, SaKUr. 
3eaim, BMtklitr.aiieakltf, affiUmt, Slmm. W. E. 
Smitk, a/mOianl. j^ija, aprmatr, SlaMm. SlMrr, 
ffictKUM. ir. H. Xem. Anna, j'k. IVirtoi, Tok. IVr™, 
Tliomai.C.j: namim. rimlmorim. Turlier, Tttmrt, 
J.L. rar - " - " •~~^^-.. - - - 



WlUluu, i. WllMiii, A. 



fialfaid. a. tf. oat. J 



3. CiSw-i 



- —iDia,ii<u,R 

r, Klab^ KIbs. LiHif, Le Mo 
" B. Meteal/t, MiLitr- "— 



i. Tantt, WaddeSi. C. C. B. tFalk^r. Wat 



HUman, F. Jnui. Kth, 

Ltiaii, I^neh. MiilA, i 

F*ckar. Pierce, I'iftr, Potter. /bweU. Pntt, Eeaoen, 

Satajji , aiAamaktr, Siit^UtH, BuuDb. Sttphm, Sltpktn- 



I. WaUrrKo. Wlieelnr. II 



JMlon, Buks, SluT, findlf j. 



p. WomJ, rata. I'eimg— 

L Bagley, W. H. Ba«, 
UfJ. W. B. BiuvD, ILC. 

, JhltteDdcD, Conger. Cmpo. 

Gcoaatu, Danfind, Damn, Dkv;. Dealam. DobUiit. 
l>v>iMll, Imea, J. L. EniMt flje, fort, Frye. Oaifleld, 
Hals. "-—'-"■ B.W.Hutia, Hathmi. C. Hl^ Heudee. 
Henduaan. Hoge. HoNIim. Hubbell, Hunter. Bnribui, 
BjBUL. Joyce, Kaaon, lupbtia, L«*nnce. LaiTeD- 
inrtk. LTBeh. Ifagooii. MacDoauU, HeUmir, K 
Miller, Honiw, Kmib, Hortsn. mier. Fags. *. A. 
Up*. Fleroe. PUlrted. PWt, Pkyne. 3_E ~ " 

' ■"--'- S: 

„, . . „--, _.o, wu- 

liuna. W. B. WUUanu, J. WilKia, Woodbnni, Wood- 
mrth-sa. 
Hot Tomia— Mesin. Jitdnwn. J. H. Baler, Bart. 
~ , BoWonJ, 5. iV. Btll. BUnml. Burleigh. 



fuke 



(. Kelir. KeURY, KliDbaU. King, Q. M. L, 
VoM. H. B. MeUal^c. Milhkm, Margan. G 
, piper. I>att«r. Pnll, Reagan, J. Hahb 



•nd protMt Bcalnat tbe elcctlan— Dcda.- 
ratlMl or the clecUn af ■■;««. 

On SatDzdK/ eTening, March 3, 1877, the 
i^emociatio memben of the Hoom, in Mncns, 
ftdopted & long "addt«BS to the American 
i people " vhioh cloeea Urns; 
■In tlia aicltlng day* jmt laat tli 



lOrgotten. --^ - -- 

opportunity tba people m 

at the DalTBgB. tot nn: 

every elei^tlun In ib. Bxjet and bla admlnlatnttui. 

* • ■ Let tbB nemoaatlc party at once ot^nlie Bw 

the*ne« coDlesla to aecure orerwlwImUig Ttetoeie^ 

Qiat ooneplratoiH Diay oever again attempt the expori- 



which ni 



hckigkiaoSiaai 






s, -Waldroi 



WtUktT, 1. W. Wallace 
S. WUIiaMt,.Watkirt, 

The reaolation, with its preiuiihle, itbb thes. 
adopted b7 yew 136, najsSS— not voting 66 — 
as followa: - 



J. a. I 



[Special dlapalcb to the World.] 
WASHreoTon, March S.^The followi^ 
patch, signed by the Democrats of the H 
waa aent to Mr. Tilden this erening: 

" Hr. Knott'* reaDlnUoa deelailns tbat aaniliel 
den and niomaa A. Hendriofta had recalTad thf 



i. Btovkard, OabtO, J. H. OMtnU, W. r. OaidMtll, 
Tarr, CaMUMH. J. B. Clrla, J. B. Ciark,jr., Clftur. 
^odmne. CoUiiu, Oook. Oivafi CuI/xtibk, J, J. DaeU. 
It Boil. ZKbrcU, Dnn/ot, thmlom. ElKt, Fimllner, D. D. 
fitifi, J, J, fimlff. Fanpf. FraiMiti. fWIar. Oave, 



A. M. Wad- 
H. Uam- 



Xord. Lu/lrtll, lynilr, Maclx), McFarlaad. McMoAan, 
JtMdc. MiUi. Mmf. JfomiM, MaltUer, L. T. Sal. 

iwtolcp.. Puimm. ««, J. SriUty, J.B.Btinv. a!'v. 

Ma, Bidd'r. J. Babtint. W. J(. Batlbim. Xobnll, M. 

Boa, Safltr. Bcalrl, Sctlridisr, SIttakltg, Slaioiu, W. K. 

^mUk, 30Mikant. SparkI, Sprinffer, StaiUon, Sfaiger, W. 

H. SiofK, Svaan, J. K. Tnrbox, Trtu, Terry, TAoniax, 

■ C- P- Tko^fiton, Titroekmsrttm, Tuciter. Turner, J. L. 

rtma. R. U. Varna, IfaiMtfJ. Waliing, WaliX, E. Want, 

Wamrr. X. WelU. VkilOlamc. WiggK ' 



■(Mil, WiMiri.l 
-. Bagl?y. W. H. Bakf i 



Burehard. fiotu. Caunno. Cainie 



flrhl. 1 



<nl, Darrall. Denleou, Di 
J. L. Evans, Fjr. Fort, Fniitrr 



n, Frj-c 



Hunttr, HuiibV. U.voiaa. Joyce. Kaanin. i^elley, Lap^ 
ham, LawreDc''. LnirvnwoTth. Mapion, MacDounll, 
IttVatv. MrDJll. Miller, Monroe. Sash, Knrton, Oliver, 
O'Neill. Paee, W. A. Phillips, Plabilrd. PUlt, iUlnfy. 
U. 8. DobmHin, S, Row, BsKk. Rimpaon. Beelye, Blu- 
nlckitnn, A. U. Snilh, Stooell. lilisit. TbDrDbarah, 
M. I. Towimencl. W. TowBM'Ud, Tunn, Wail. A. S. Wal- 
lace, J. W. Wallaci.-, O. W. WfllF, J. D, Whit*. Whilini.', 



dent Rv the te 

IgTT. kaa paaaeii tt» now 

'■David DuitUv Field. I 

M. Beebp. John L. Vance. . ... 

T. Walllug, J. R, Tucker, J. PiooloF Matt, K.B, 
J. J. Abbott, J. B.C.Blackbnru.A-T, " -- ' ' 
del, Fruiklin lAndere, LaAbjett« Jjan 
F. H. Bnrd. B. O. CSulBehl, H. D. Hi 
illon. W. A. 1. Bparke. A. H. Bliu, i). v. d. 7.m^oc. n. 
W. F. aismous. W, S. HaymoDd and others." 
ma lUden tabc tbe Mth •--GoiitcBplated 
««• marr^Mtm prt tw llBgw. 

" WAmmmw, Hareh 4.— • • • TbK hoteta have 

Tilden !»t at oaOi' In Ueir Ynrk on bearlne *l the 
Houae reaolDtioii, ^d In order to etrmat nan bis 
claims througk the comcmploUd qito varranio proceed 

The aboTB diapiitch is from the New York 
JTorifltUMchS, 1877. That paper add^ edi- 
'torall;, this; 

■■ Borne eiciteaieiit was caused yesterday in this city 
by the receipt of telegiana fam Waahingtwi uUng for 
the truth of tlis runor that Govanur Tilden, on Sstui^ 

of the United 'sates. The rumor was so preposierous 
I as bardli;_ to rtnuiru the O-mlal which it promptly 

I This is abtttt «U the light that has ever 
I b«en thrown npon the i^iieetion whether 
I Tilden took the oath or not. That the 
"rumor" received a "deniiil" m«y or may 
not have been true; but was thHt "denial" 
tme, and , did Tilden himself make it? Ko 



20 BBVOLUnONABY ACTS AND PUBPOSBS OF THE DBMOOBATIO LEADERS. 



affirmatiye eyidence has heen given on these 
two points. 



talk.liy Tiltfea's 
p i sc c after liiAiiKiirmtloB. 



mUt' 



The New York W&rld, March 6, 1877, said : 

'* Id A ft«e oonntry a minority (meaning the Demo- 
onto) ctax only be deprived of its rights by fiwad; and 
if a majority, deprived of its rights by fraud to-day; 
cannot reooyer iheta by honest and determined aeiion 
io-morrm»t it is not fit to be a minority at aU." 

AlmuB 8. Hewitt forced to resign from the 
NaitloBal Bemoermtlc COaualt;too.hjr 



liar sort of aa 

Oil the 3d Ifarch, 1977. Abnm 8. Hewitt 
resided tho ohaixmanship of the National 
Demoeittlio Oommittee, forced to that step by 
Democratio anger at his eoxifse teaching the 
Electoral Commission BilL In his letter of 
resignation he says : 

"An absurd statement has been widely oircnlated 
that I had declared that ' I preferred the inangniation 
of Hiuea to the shedding of a single dcop ot blood.' 
* * m The only remark which I ever made on this 
snhfeot was in a private oonversatlon, not intended to 
be repeated, and was to the e£Edct that ' I would prefer 
four yean of Hayes' administration to four years of 
oivil war ;' and upon this declaration t am willing to 
stand, because four years of oivil war would, in«my 
opinion, utterly destroy oonstitutiaaal government for 
this generation at least." 

4iui«e Blaeli vropbestos-reTolntloB. 

In Judge Jeremiah M. Black's philippic 
before the Electoral Oommission, when he 
found that Tilden had lost aU chance of being 
'^counted in," occurs the following prophecy 
of coming revohition: 

"• * * But, nevertheless, wait a UttleicAfle. * • * 
This mighty and puissant nation will yet raise herself 
up like a strong man after sleep and shake her invin- 
cible locks in a Huhion you little dream of now. Wait, 
retribution will o(»ne in due time. Justice travels with 
a leaden heel, but strikes with an iron hand. God's 
milL grinds slow but dreadAiUv line. Wait till the flood- 
mte is lifted and afoll head of water OQBIM niahing an. 
Walt, and ym wOi toe jine ^rMtiv ttok" 



PART VX 

nie Mfiithftttan Club Beoeptfon 
-4kr^k&em wUeh iiie Democratic 
Hmise is now enlbrciiig— Trea- 
•onalrfe utteramMMi of tibie Pre- 
tender Tiiden—Ueulieiiaiil; €rov- 
emor Donlieinier, DaiM Itad* 
ley Field, and otiien— A gath- 
eriniT oT HMO distinsaislied 
Oemocrats fkHMn twelve (States 
apida i n U i the revolutionary aen- 
Hments tbat ««It might be with- 
in ihe scope oTa statesmanlike 
policy, resolutely pursued, to 
ifvorfc out a complete remedy 
ibr this (Presidential) wrong, 
even beibre the next election.^ 

The following, condensed from the New 
York Tribitne, June 13, 1878, so clearly betrays 



this treasonable purposes of the moTementin- 
angnrated by the Democratic House in th« 
appointment of the one-sided Tilden oonunit- 
tee, which '* investigated'* alleged frauds of 
BepubUcans in the electoral count, so as to 
lay a basis for future rcToIutionAiy action, 
that '* he who runs might read " the portents : 

Oae thoasaiitf representatlTe nemocrmit 
assemble to endorse reTOlntieiir^TwalTe 
States represcntetf. 

The reception of the Manhattan Club to 
ex-Governors Tilden and Hendrickii, Gover- 
nor Bobinson, and Lieutenant-Governor Dois- 
heimer brought together a great number of 
well-known Demo<»ats, many States being 
represented. • • • • j^fteen hnndroa 
invitations were issued, and between 800 and 
1000 guests were present, representing the 
Democrats of many States of the Union. * * 
Prominent among whom were : Kew York— 
Secretary of State John Bigelow, Attorney- 
General Fairchlld, Mayor Smith Ely, Samuel 
S. Cox, Abram S. Hewitt, Colonel Pelton, ex- 
Mayor Wickham, John T. Agnew, A. J. Van- 
derpoel, ez-Govemor John T. Hoffinan, Sena- 
tor Keman, John J. Annstzong, Ijawrenoe 
Tumure, William 0. Dewitt, Boyal Phelps, 
Hugh J. Jewett, Parke Godwin, Benjamin 
Wood, Chief Justice Charles P. Daly, Judge 
George 0. Barrett, General Boger A. Pryor, 
Henry L. Clinton, Augustus Schell, Peter B. 
Olney, James W. (Covert, Judge Van Hoesen, 
Frederick B. Coudert, Corporation Counsel 
William C. Whitney, ex-Judge Henry Hilton, 
District Attorney Britton, Thomas Klnsella, 
W. A. Fowler, A. M. Bliss, Calvin Frost; Eras- 
tus Brooks, George M. Beebe, Judge West- 
brook, Colonel A. C. Davis, Judge Donahue, 
Judge Lawrence, GkK>rge Ticknor Curtis, Ben- 
jamin A. Willis, General Fitqohn Porter, 
Judge Larremore, £. Winslow Paige, Colond 
Wixigate. John McKeon, Douglass T^lor, 
Algernon S. SulUvain,. David Dudley JEield, 
P<moe Commissioner Smith, Conunissioner 
Campbell, Charles G. Cornell, Waldo Hntch- 
ings. General McMahon, Smith M. Weed, 
Scott Lor4, General Spinola, W. S. Andrews, 
Frank Leslie. 

Massachusetts. — Josiah G. Abbott, Charles 
P. Thompson, John K. Tarbox. 

Connecticut — Senator W. H. Bamum, ex- 
Governor IngersolL 

l^ew Jersey. — Governor Joseph D. Bedle, 
Seziator John B. McPherson, Speaker B. F. 
Babe, ex-Mayor Traphagen, Judge Tesse, ex- 
Goveznor race, ex-Governor Joel Parker, 
Miles Boss, Senator Theodor F. Bandolph, ex- 
Judge Ashbel Green, A. A. Hardenbnrgh, 
Orestes Cleveland. 

Pennsylvania. — Hiester Clymer, Thomas G. 
Pearoe, Samuel A. Thompson, Bobert E. Ban- 
dall. General W. H. H. Davis, Dr. Lambdin, 
Philadelphia Times. 

Maryland.— Senator W. P. Wh vte. 

Washington. — ^Bichard Merrick. 

Virginia. — ^The Be v. Dr. Hoge, of Bich- 
mond. 

Ohio. — General Geoi^e W. McCook. 

Georgia. — General Pierce M. B. Youngs 



BETOl.UTIOIf.iBY ACTS ASD PUBPOBKB Of THZ DEKOOBATIO LSADER8. 31 



Uusoari. — CougreBsmiLii Philipa, Concross- 
man WeUs. 

'WiBoonam. — J. B. Barrett. 

Vh9 Botlischlias' American rcprrHcntatlve 
VeBMea— Otfeen «I wealth and welstat 
ofllelatliiB— Tke dub's "Welcmar" la 
tjM''dBinr«>' rrealdcnt and VIce PresU 

Th« leMptioa Mnuaittee which had charae 
otth« MiaBoeiafltLtB wna compoeed of the fol- 
litnriBgaentIemea:ATiKii5t Belmont, president; 
Aaton J. Vuidorpoel, vice-president; JohnT. 
AgtMW.lobnileKeou, John T.HoBmiin,Di)ug- 
bst Taylor, John O. Da-ris, J. Watte Bangs, 
Edwaid L. Oanl, Hen^ W. Allen. F. R. Coa- 
dert, AngiutiuSdieU, SamaelS.Coi. Bichaxd 
IaUiais. JamMO. Spenoei, Peter B. Olney, 
Bobmt B. BooHevelt 

The apeaken were introduced by. &. J. 
Tutderpoel, who said that it woa his agreeable 
dntv to tondei, on behalf of the Monbatton 
Olnn, which repreMllled not only the Demoo- 
Tsqy of the Empire City, bet of the Empire 
EttaUaawell, a welqometo "those candidates 
who i«oelTed * minority o.f the constitntional 
and akotoral rotes for the ofGcea of President 
^itnd Tioo-Pieaideikt, and to those who are not 
only A^'tuv but A /iKf» the eiecntive ofScers 



eotmtty we had eatabliahed a Hystam of ptaee- 
ful change in the BOTemins power. In other 
coontries in the Old World changea in the ad' 



have generallv been worked oat by frands Ol 
by force. We felicitate ooiBelves that here, 
throngh the Bkill and patriotism and philan- 
thropy of onr forefathers, we hod estab- 
liBhed a -syHtem of peaceful change thrtnigh 
the agency of the ballot-box. And this is the 
first time in American history that the right 
of the people has been impeached. It is the 
first time in American history that anybod;r 
has pretended that the Government of this 
great ooantrr wa* handed over to any set of 
men through linad. [Applause.] It is an 
event novel, portentone. The eumpls, if 
anoceooful. will find imitaton. 



cf onr great State. 



a speech— A porten- 
C«iinted out " and 
The wroHK ionst be re- 



* * * The oooBBion and the apparent 
mneral eixpectatioll seem to require tbat I 
Sbould Hay a word in respect to public affiiirs, 
and especially that I shonld allude to the 
. traiksaotion which, io my judgment, is the 
most portentous event in onr poGtical history. 
Everybody knows that after the recent elec- 
tion the men who were elected by the people 
President and Vice-President of the flnited 
States were " counted out," and the men who 
'were not elected were "counted in" and 
seated. [Cries of "Heat! Haor!"] I disclaim 
any thought of the persoaal wrong involved 
* in this transaction. Not ooe of the four and 
' ft quarter millions of AmericHD citizens who 
.gave US their votes but what experiences a 
. wrong as gpeat and na deep as I; not one of 
that minority who did n^t give us their votes 
but what in Uie resulting consequences of this 
act wili share equally in tha mischief if it is 
.not redressed and panished. [Great ap- 
i plauae.] 

Helspraador the olfl "peaceful" changes 
In the BarendDB powei^-He Ih the tlrst 
IB American hlstarj lo ** pretend " there 
was fraud — "If" Hafep Is "successful" 
In retainlns the Prestdenri', then what ? 
Evils in government grow by soccessandhy 
impnnitf. They do not restrain themselves 
Torantanly. They can never be limited 
cept by external forces. It had been. 
'. pnde and our congrnl nlation that in 



rl^ts and mte'--^WUck Bteaashy pat- 
tins Bares Mit and TiUeu In. 

The temptation is always present, and / a 
td qT men, bang in potteaion oT Uu Gocerrmient, cos 
tnoinlan Mot soMBinon against the elective power 
of the people, and after they are condemned 
at the election, why should not sacb an eveht 
be imitated by their snooeesorsr Devices will 
always be found to give the color of law, and 
false pretences on which to found a fraudulent 
judgment will not be wanting. The qttestiou 
fat the American people now is whether or 
not the elective system of our forefathers, as 
it was established in this country and has 
been respected and venerated for seventy-five 
years, shall be maintained, or whether we 
' " adopt the bad practices of the worst 



shall be settled no inferior administrative 
questions will have any siouifioance in tha 
politics of this country. There will be no 
politics in '.his count^ but the quealJon, 
'Shall the people ngnm their rights and rule 
_.i this BepnbUo ? " [Some one in the room 
here proposed three cheen "for the Presi- 
dent-elect," but as it seemed an inopportune 
moment no response was made.] 

' If " Hayes' aceesaton 1« tke PresUener " la 
mice condoned," what then will happen- 
But it won't he-'The lastttatlOBs of Um 
ratlwrs," t* vrtt: 'i.ti .en and Hendrtcks 
" are nst to expire in shame:'- "The Mv- 



If ant intUmet of the successful assumption of 
the Government in this" mode can be tatMitbed, 
it vHll find plenty' of imitators, ^ il U amdoatd 
by the people —ayi, if it is once eendontd. If my 
voice could reach througho -t our country 
and be heard in its remotest hamlet, I would 
say, "Be of good cheer. The Republic will 
live. The institutions of our fathers ore not 



BBTOLDnOITAKT ACTS AND PlTBPOSra Or THS DSHOOSATIO LKASXB*. 




a involves the elective syHtem, 
it inTolves the whole Btmatnre of free goveni- 
ment, uid the rights of the people through it 
again vill be Tindicated, re-asaerted, and foi- 
evac estftblished. The people must condemn 
the gmot and tnauwendent .wrong that has 
been committed. They mnst mndam H with a 
Toiee and in a Mooter that ahall prevent its imi- 
tation hereafter. They mnet strip from this 
example everything in it that attracts imitO' 
tjon. Hey mnet deny, they must rsfnEs 
snccesB and prosperoas impunity to frand. 

[ApplOBMu] 



UieB we win " Ax " tUnn so thMt to elect 
uul seat HnotKer RepuUlcmn 
shall be " impONSliiie." 



to assert that the will 

. disremrded, and Qiat 

unless such acts were re^rded aa.crnva then 

DO hope of the United States sarviving 

nation." 



"Seek I 

"Wrans-IMcr," wMck m 

■^We wui" Make the WrMw''UencMTT" 



Uentenant Governor Dorsheimer claimed 
that a great injustiGe had been done to the 
Democrstie pany in the iuaogoration of the 
Republican candidiLte. He oondnded as fol- 
lows : It devolves tipon yon, fbr it is yon who 
have been wronged, and Jn all affoira it is fbr 



the party wronged to seek ridraii, to find out 
andjmnaktha vrrarig-diier. Now. what sh 
do ? We will, in the first place, impttfvt 



in their behalf, miai devitc pxeatitra <if ItyuliOion, 
meaaires 1^ Gin^utional dvmgej if nfcatory, that 
ifiaU wake a recvrraice o/* such an ae£ as Kai atamed 
our naiiond kiiloiy impMt^. 



President Hayes Is on theeveof kls "tell" 
—He may seem invincible— Yet "in a 
year ar two; he wUi be either in the 
penllentlary or In exile 1 "-Hayes Illus- 
trated by TweeiL 

SiKcasfjil vrrong U ruver bo amartnUy frtumpAoui 
as when U ia on the toe of its fall. Seven years 
ago a corrupt dynastj^ had established its 
ascendency over the inilliona of people who 
live in New York. It had obtained all the 

{lowers of government and of administration, 
t conquered or it bribed, or it persuaded, 
and won the almost universal acquiescecoe of 
onr people. It even aspired to social reuog- 
nition. It nemei to be invmdbli. And yet a year 
or tieo later the vutnhen <^ it were eUha tn the ptraten- 
iioTy or in ecile. History ie full of snch exam- 

Eles. We must trust the people ; we mnst 
eUeve in the right ; we must believe in the 
fatnre of our country. A great and noble 



against it. We will 
make a sense of this vo-nn^ to lie heavy upon 
every consdentions Bepnbllcan m the conn- 
try.^ Bui I hope ice toiU not conirni aurtdva mlh 
thai. 

He farcshadswa the action or the Dem^ 
eratle House— Alleged power* of ■ tke 
HauRe— A " gollry " to be " reaalntely 
pursued " to work out s "complete rem- 
edy lor this wrouK, even before tbe next 
election 1"— Tbe l«a« dlstlniculshed Dem- 
ocrats apitlaud the treason t 

A diatiugaiahed member of the HooM of 
Bepr<:sBntatives, whom I saw a few moments 
ago, told me last evening that the House had 
the power to inquire and to make plain, and I 
may say to you further that the Bouie af San- 
eenSativee it- by the Gmtiituium endowed K-Hh ihcte 
grratpoioert which in every generation the Brit- 
ish House of Commons has used boldly and 
with perfectfreedomfninri anl the Hbertiei ot the 
English people. [Applause.] 8o I should hope ' 
that it naghi he iviOan the tcope qf a ilatiantimWa 
polici/ retoiuiely purtued to work aai a rnm|rfiTf 
Toaidy far Ihit ummg eeea l^on the neat daeUtm. 
[Applause.] 



Governor Bobinson, who was warmly ap- 

S lauded, said he "was glad to be present to 
honor to the distingnished gentlamen who 
were the Democratic standard-bearers in the 
late national contest. From the time a Chief 
Magistrate of th - - - 
.ated who Lad s 



David Dudley Field' 
nrantbs after Vice President ^rhceler taak 
the oatk or olBc« Field terms HeBdrtelu 
of Indiana, " our Vice President." 

David Dudley Field, on being called for, 
said: "It is quite impossible for me to think 
of addressing you in the presence of so many 
gentlemen from other parts of the country, 
much worthier and better able than I, and, 
therefore, I must beg you to excuse me. I 
aeta point to dozens of gentlemen from other 



RXVOLUnONABr AOTB iJn> PITRPOSBS OF THE DSMOORATIO LBADEB8. 



2S 



of them. We hxve got here Judge Abbott, of 
Ma88ao|iiisettB» one of the noblest men that 
evez voted a ballot for freedom, and for days 
and weeks lie and I stood shoulder to shoulder 
fighting your brittle in the House of Bepre- 
sentatiyes. laskyontohearhyn. Then there 
is another distinguished gentleman from the 
^ame State with our Vice President —Mr. Mc- 
Donald <-who also bore the standard brayely 
in the struggle, fie is here." 

Senator McDonald acknowledged the cour- 
tesy, but exouaed himself from a speech. 

TIM Bffftfa ■■nrt'Shakliug with «"•!» 
PTMltfeat mna Ylce Pryldent eleet." 

Mr. Tilden and ezrGoyemor Hendricks held 
an informal levee, and such persons as had 
never enjoyed the privilege before were per- 
mitted to Bhkke the hands of " bur President 
and Vice President elect," as thev were invari- 
ably introduced. Aftw the collation, which 
was partaken of without speech-making, the 
Young Men*s Democratic Club, accompanied 
by Graffnlla's band, reached the dub-house 
and serenaded tiie distinguished guests. 

TUdeii **»i»tV» the pemocmcy fmr "devo- 

tleii" tm hlin— '*The Intare la oan,'* he 

says,'* and we shall prevail*'— Firmness 

*«ooara9e" needed — His cominff 
♦» 



«t 



trlomph, 



Mr. Tilden spoke from the front stepp and 
said; "I am m^ortunate enough to be suffer- 
ing from a temporary cold, and have been told 
that I must hot show myself out here ; but I 
feel there cannot be any harm in speaking on 
such an occasion as this. I wish to avail my- 
self of this opportunity to thank the Democ- 
racy of New York for their devotion in the 
contest of 1876. I cannot say more than : Be 
' of good cheer ; the future is ours and we shall 
prevedl. Be constant, be fimiy be courageous. 
Right, truth, and justice shall at last triumph. 
Thanking you again for your zeal, courage, 
and indomitable energy, I bid you good 
night." 



PART VII. 

Maryland makes the First l^tir 
in tiie Plot— The IMEontsoniery 
Blair Quo Warranto move- 
ment* 

On the last day of the session of the Mary- 
land Leeialature, Montgomery Blair, by the 
plentifofuse of champagne and terrapin *' put 
through" the following resolution, which was 
presented to the National House of Bepresen- 
tatives, April 22, 1878 : 

** Buolved hff the General Assembly of Maryland, That 
the Attorney Qenenl Qt the State be, and he is hereby, 
instmoted, in case Ckmgreas shall proyide for expediting 
the action, to ezhibdit abill in the Supreme Ck>art of the 
United States, on behalf of the State of Maryland, with 
proper parties thereto, setting forth the fiust that due 
effect has not been given to the electoral vote cast by 
this State on the 6th day of December, 1876, by reason 
of tandoleiitretiiniB znade ftom ottier States and al- 



lefwed ttf be counted ptovislainally by the lileotonl eam- 
mission, and aut^eot to Judicial reyision, and piaying 
said court to make the reTision contemplated by the 
act eetaMiflhing laid commissiop ; andui>on such revia* 
ion to declare the returns from the States of Louisiana 
and Florida, which were counted for Rutherlbid B. 
Hayes and William A. Wheeler, fhtudulent and void, 
and that the legal electoral votes of said States were cast 
for Samuel J. tilden as President, and Thomas A. Hen- 
driokB aa Vice President, and that by virtue thereof and 
of 184 votes cast by other States, of whiclrS were cast by 
the Stste of Maryland, the said Tilden and Hendricks 
were duly elacted, and praying n&d court to' decree ae* 
oordiagly." 



PART vm. 

The Potter Res^rtudon FcNinded 
upon the Hl^rylaiul Resohrtton 
—Its f^weeplng^ Powers wlthfai 
eertatai Unes—A one-sided In- 
Testi§;ation pr<»posed ^High- 
handed proc^eeilings in the 
HcNise— nnie Revohitionary in- 
tent exposed— RandlaU's ruling 
—The votes in fkOL 

May 13, 1878; Mr. C. N. Potter, Democrat, 
of New York, offered the following reeolntion. 
The preamble is here omitted : 

"Be it resolved. That a select committee, consisting of 
eleven members of this House, be appointed by the 
Speaker to inquire into the aforesaid allegation as to the 
conduct of the persons in office aforesaid in respect of 
the said election, and'into the alleged fEilse and. iteudu- 
lent canvass and return of votes by State, county, parish 
and precinct officers in the said States of Louisiana and 
Florida, and into all the ikcts which, in the judgment of 
the said committee, are connected with or pertinent 
thereto ; and that the said committee, for the purpose 
of executing this resolution, shall have power to send 
for persons and iMtpers, to administer oaths, and to 
take testimony, and in their discretion to deta^ sub- 
committees, M'ith like full authority of said committee 
in every particular, and with power to sit in Florida 
and Louisiana, which sub-committees shall be com- 
mittees of this House ; and the chairman thereof shall 
be authorized to administer oaths ; that the said com- 
mittee and sub-committees may employ 'stenograph- 
ers, clerks and messengers, and be attended each by a 
deputy sergeant-at-arms, and may sit during the ses- 
sions of this House and during the vacation ; and that 
said committee do forthwith proceed in this inquiry 
and have leave to report at any time." 

The point of order which was to deyelop 
the reYOlutlonary intent of this Potter- 
Tilden coDuliittee business. 

Mr. Conger (Bepublican) made the point of 
order that the resolution is not a question of 
privilege, and was ably supported by Messrs. 
Hole and Garfield, Bepublicans, and Mills, 
Democrat, all of whom pointed out clearly 
that unless it was intended to impeach or take 
some other positive action ag^ixinst President 
Hayes as a result of the investigation, it could 
not be termed a question of privilege. ^ > 

Mr. Haie puts it squarely to the DenMM 
eratie ^Speaker as to the outcome of this 
proceeding. 

Said Mr. Hale : * * * " I await with solicitude tiie 
ruling of the Speaker. If this resolution, however 
deprecatory it may be in language, means that this 



24 SEYOLnriONABT ACTS AND PURPOBBS OF THB DBMOORATIO ^BADBBS. 



HoTue is to enter upon, as it would in the election ola 
Speaker, or in the seating of a member, the praotioal 
question aifi toting the election of a President, thereby 
intending to subvert accepted results, then there may 
be some claim that it is a question of priyilege. But 
as an egression of opinion, as, for instance, if I should 
rise and offer a resolution that the gentleman trom 
New Y(»rk or his title to his seat here was affected by 
rumors, and as an expression of opinion it was deelnh 
ble to settle history on that, the Chair would undoubt- 
edly at once rule it was not a question of privilege, be- 
cause no action was intended. I put it squarely to the 
&I>eaker. and upon that, as I haye said, shall await with 
solicitude his ruling, whether under the provisions of 
the rule, thli is a resolution calling for action on the 
election of President, which action must be in the 
direction of attacking the legality of the title of the 
President of the United States to the subversion, it 
may be. of that title and the expulsion of the incum- 
bent. All that is involved if this question belongs 
here." 

" VttLrt off your danmalile jtees ui4 bestn ** 
— 4>mrtielfl*« statement of tke point. 



Mr. Oarfleld said: '* The right of petition wm dis- 
euMed on the presentation of the Maryland resolu- 
tions. Everybody admitted the unqoestioifed right 
of petition ; but the right of action here on this floor 
is a different thing. The question which rises to the 
dii^ty of a prtTilM;ed question depends upon the 
right of action which some one can demand of the 
House. A member here can demand action in xegwd 
to his right to his seat 

" Anything that leads to an action relating to these 
high questions of privilege, of course, .can be called a 
privileged question. But this memorial, reoeived 
here by the courtesy of the rules of the House, and 
not as a mitter of naht, except as a petition, eannot 
now, by any form of logic, be raised to the dignity of 
a qi^iBstion of privilege. 

*' Now, I say another thing. This would be a ques- 
tion of privilege without any doubt, provided the 
resolution alleges a purpose to institute proceedings 
in impeachment. If he says this is a proceeding in- 
tended to pave the way for an impeachment, doubtlsss 
it msT be made a question of privilege. 

" If he says that it is a proposition by this House to 
raise and determine the question of the title of the 
present Chief Magistrate to the office which he holds, 
then I answer him that that question has been deter- 
mined by the Joint action of the two Houses of Con- 
gress, and is as much beyond the reach of this House 
as the election of Grant or Washington. 

" Again, if the object of this resolution is'merely to 
•rganize a committee for campaign purposes, to make 
campaign literature for the coming Fall, I affirm that 
the exigencies of a political party have never yet been 
treated as a question of privilege. 

<« Furthermore, there is in this resolution— and I re- 
serve the point of order after the point now raiMd 
shall have been settled — a proi>osition that the com- 
mittee shall iiave the right to report at any time, and 
that they shall have the right to sit in recess. Neither 
of these things can be effected by a majority vote if it 
comes to tha4, and I reserve on them the points of 
order when the time shall have arrived. I conclude 
by saying I am glad that at last, after this pro<»eding 
has so long been hanging over the country, we now 
know what they are seeking to do. For some weeks I have 
been inclinea to say to these gentlemen, in the lan- 
guage of Hamlet to the players — 

*' ' Leaye off your danmable £soes and begin. ' " 

The stand wlileh one Independent Demo- 
crat took— He protests asalnst the threat- 
ened *' usurpation " of power by the House 

. In the Interests of the rerolutlonists. 

Mr. Mills, of Texas, said : * * "The exercise of the 
power by the Forty-flfth Congress over the question of 
the election of President of the United States is a 
usurpation. We have no power over that qitesiioi^ at all. 
By the Constitution of the United States that power to 
inquire as to who was elected President of the 'United 
Stc^ was vested in the Forty-fourth Congress, and 
when that Congress spoke or foiled to speak on that 
qnestioQ, when it made a law by which it abdicated 



that power conferred upon- it by the Gonstitution o 
the United States, it parted witk it forever, and so tBHtta 
this, the Forty-flfth Congress, is concerned, there re 
mains notashadow qf authority to invettigaU the electioi 
qfthe I^residenL" 

Speaker Randall's ruliny— He ffonnds li 
on the IHarylitnd quo warranto resnln 
tlon, which demands '* action" affmlnst 
Hayes' title— The InTestlyatlon bound* 
less in the one direction and the ** rem* 
edies" without ''limits." 

The Speaker's deoision was as follows: 

" The issue involved is a new one in the history q 
our country. An ezamtnation of the basis upon whid 
the preamble aM resol^on are introduced is pxopsr 
The Legislature of the iRate of Maryland passed a joini 
resolution touching the suhject treated of in the pm 
amble and resolution ju^t read, a copy of whioh Imh 
been remitted to this body, received and referced. sac 
is within the knowledge of the members of the House 
The following language is nsad : 

** ' That due effect has not been given to the eleoiocS 
vot6 cast by this State on the 6th day of December 
1876, by reason of fhtudulent returns made from otfaei 
States and allowed to be counted provisionally by tin 
electoral commission and sul^eot to judlciai s»tI 
sion — * 

• **And ftirther— 

" * Alleging that the returns from Louisiana smt 
Florida, which were counted for the present oooapaal 
of the executive chair, were fhtudulent and void.' 

"Here is the appeal of a State of thisUnkmto ikt 
Federal legislatiTe power for the oonrectioB of a higl 
grievance said to have been committed in the Btades m 
Florida and Loo&iana against the rights of the State a 
Maryland, in having by ftuud. in said States of Hortii 
and Louisiana, produced a different result in thi 
election of a President and Vice President l^m tbH 
actually decreed by the po<^le themsehres at tki 
polls. 

"Whether these aHegations can be sustained by pnMf 
is not iat the Chair to consider. It is enoudii iac Us 
to know that they come firom a power whioh withii 
the limits is recognized as sovereicpi by the ConslitatiaB 
and that the issue involved runs to tiie weUkre of tin 
people of all the States. Kor is it within the range a 
propriety for him to express an opinion as to how flu 
such investigation should go to reach the fkcts, na 
what limits ^lottld be set up as to remedies to be provided 
against a recurrence of such like events. 

"A higher privilege than the one here involved an^ 
broadly and directly presented as to the righ^fiU oe 
cupancy of the Chief Executive chair ef the Cfovernmemt 
and the connection of high Government officials wltii 
the frauds alleged, the Chair is unable to conceive. 

" The Chair finds enumerated among the questions oi 
privilege set down in the Manual the following 

* Election of President.' 

" The Chair therefore rules that the preamble and t^ 
solution embrace questions of privilege of the higbesi 
character, and recognizes the right of the gentleman 
from New York to offer the same." 

An Appeal from that decision— StraisM 

partisan rote. 

Mr. Conger (Bepublican) appealed from tbifl 
decision; but a motion by Potter (Demoorat) 
to lay ftie appeal on the table prevailed, by 128 
yeas to 108 nays; all the former Democrats, 
except 2 Beptiblicans, and all the latter Bepnb- 
licons, except two Democrats, as follows: 

Teas — ^Messrs. Acklin, Aiken, Atkins, Bawning, Beebe, 
H. P. Bell, Benedict, Bickwell, Blackburn, Bliss, Bkmnt. 
Boone, Bouck, Bragg, Bridges, Bright, Butler, J. W. 
Catdwell, W. P. Caldwell, Candler, Chalmers, A. A. Clark, 
J. B. Clarke, Clymer, Cobb, Collins, Cook, 8. 8, Oox, 
Cravens, Crittenden, Culberson, Cutler, J. J, DtuHs, 
Dean, Dibrell; Dickey, Durham, Eden, Elam, Ellis, J. H. 
Evins, Ewing, Felton, E. B. Finley, Forney, Fort, 
Franklin, Garth, Cause, Gibson, Glover, Gunter, Harden- 
bergh, H. B, Harris, Harrison, Hartridge, Hartzell, 
Hatcher, Henkle, Henr^, Herbert, A. S. Hewitt, G. W, 



BXTOUrnONABY ACTS AND X'UBFOBBS OF THE DKM^RATIO LBAPBBA. 26 



Bewitt, Hooker, H<mat, F. Jcn&», J, T. Jomet, Kenna, 
Kimmel, Knaw, Ligen, Lockwood, LuUrM, Lifnde, 
Machey, Mmming, Martm, Maykam McKmtU, MeMakon, 
MUcketl, Morgan, Morriaon, MuUbrow, MuUor, T. M. 
PaUenon, Pkotpo, C, If. FfMer, Fridemore, Rea, Reagem, 
J. R, BeiUy, BuidU, W. M. Robbiru, KobMton, M. Bo$9, 
Sa^t Seale$, Schleicher, SkeUejf, Singleton, SUmont, W. 
E. Smith, Southard, Spark$, SpHnger, Steele, Stenger, 
JSwaim, Tkroekmorton, B, W. Toumehend, Tucker, Turner, 
Turmg,B,B, Vance, WaddeU, Wcdeh, WhiOKome, Wig- 
aintm. A, S. WiUianu, J. WiUiams, J. jY. WiUiamt, A. 
S. WUtit, B, Wiieon, F. Wood, Wrigkl, Yeatet, Young^ 
138. 

Natb— Measfs. Baoon. J. H. Baker, Banks. Bayne, 
Blair, Boyd. Brentauo. Brewer, Brigg8,Broffden. T. M. 
BrowiM, Buekmr, Bandy, H. C. Borchard. Burdick, 
Gain, ^'fc<"«, Gamp, J. M. GampbcU, Cannon. Gaawell, 
GlalUik, B. Ckuik, Cole. Con«^, J. D. Oox, Grmo. Cum- 
mlnga, Danftwd, H. Daria, Beering, Deniaon. j>anneU. 
I>wlght, Bamaa, KUaworth, Errett, L K. Erans, J. L.. 
Erana^Foeter, Gardner, Garfield,' Hale. Harmer, Has- 
kell, P. C. Hayes, Haaetton. Hendee, Henderson, Hia- 
oock, Hubbeu, H. L. Humphrey. Hungerford, Hunter. 
lUner, Jamea, J. a. Jones, Jorgenson. Joyce, Keifer, 
Iteightley, KeOey, J. H. Ketobam, Killinger, Lapham, 
La&op, Karsh. McCook. McGowan. Mc&inley. L. 8. 
Metoalfe, MUU, Monroe. H. & Neal, OUver, O'Neill. 
Page, O. W. Batteraon, Peddle, W. A PhiUps. ^und. 
Prtoa, PngL, Bainey, Bandolph. Beed, W. W. Bice, 
Byan, Sampaon, 8app, Sexton, BliaUenbecger, flmalla, 
43tewart, J. W. Stone, J. O. Stone, Strait. J. M. Thomp- 
.aon, Thomlmigh. Tipton, A Townaend, Van Yorhea, 
Wait, W. Wanl. H. White, M. D. White, C G. WOliama, 



Patter sass tiM Hmim of meprMcntatlTes 
f(M* BMurljAWMk— AlMk stephMM jreUed 

Mr. Hale asked Potter to yield so that he 
might offer a ceneral amendment (which will 
be found tinder the chapter on *' Democratic 
Frauds") to enlarge the sweep of the resolu- 
tion, 80 that alleged frauds of the Democrats 
at the Presidential election might also be in- 
Testjflated, but Potter declined, called the 
preVioiis qttertion, and would not even be 
<aTil until he suddenly found himself, through 
the aotion pf his reyolutionary party friends, 
without a quorum, and wasobligea to move 
an adjournment, which was carried. For 
soreral da^ Bevolutionary Potter insisted on 
the ** prcYious question," and would not let a 
soul be heard on it; refusing even to hear 
Hills, one of his Democratic friends, and the 
yenerable statesman, Alexander H. Stephens, 
of Georgia, whom, when he strove to gain a 
brief hearing, was absolutely yelled and hooted 
down by the Democratic revolutionists; and 
for as many days the Republicans refused to 
vote, as they could not amend the resolution 
nor be heard in protest against it. But at 
last, on the 17th May— after five days of Dem- 
ocratio absenteeism — enough Democrats were 
secured to make a quortlm, the iniquity was 
aboompUshed, and the Potter-Tilden revolu- 
tionists wete BuccessfuL The resolution was 
adopted by H6 Democratic yeas to 2 Demo- 
cratic nars-Hall the Bepublicans and 7 Demo- 
crats declining to vote — as follows: 

'llie laUptftoiM Beeorcl of the Democratic 
pwtys MsfMiiMfr— llie TOte in fidl on the 
PvtteriiiTestlsmtiiiv resolution. 

Tba8— Meaara. AckUn, Aiken, Atkim, Banning, Beehe, 
H. P, Bell, Benedict, BickneU, Blackburn, Bland, Blise, 
BtomU, Boom, Bouek, Bragg, Bridges, Bright, Buckner, 
•CbbeO, J. W, CaUtneU,W. P. Caldtoell, Candler, Chalmers, 



A. A. Clark, J. B. Clark, Clvmer, Cobb, CoUins, Cook, S. S. 
Coa, Cravens, Crittenden, Culberson, Cutler, Davideon, J. 
J. Davis, Dean, Dibrell, Dickeu, Douglas, Durham, Eden, 
Eickhoff, Elam, EUu, J. H. Evins, Ewing, Felton, E, B. 
Finle^, Fomeg, FrankUn, Fuller, Oarih, Gause, Gibeon, 
Giddxngs, Glover, Goode, Gunter, A. U. JUamiUon, 
JIardenburgh, H. B. Harris, J. T. Harris, Harrison, 
Hart, Hartridge, Hartxeli, Hatcher, HenkU, Henrg, 
Herbert, A. 8. Hewitt, G. W. Hevntt, Hooker, House, 
Hunton, F. Jones, J. T. Jones, Kenna, KimmM, Knofp, 
Ligon, Lockwood, Luttrell, Lgndi, Uackeg, Maish, Man^ 
ning, Martin, Mayham, McKenzie, McMahon, Money, 
Morgan, Morrison. Muldrow, MuUer, T, M. Patterson, 
Phelps, C. N. J'Otter, I*ridemore, Bea, Beagan, J. B, 
ReiUy, A. V. Rice, Riddle, W. M. Robbins, Roberts, 
Robertson, M. Ross, Sayler, Scales, Schleicher, Shelley, 
Singieton, Slemons, W. E, Smith, Southard, Sparks, 
Springer, Steele, Stenger, Swann, Throckmorton, R. W. 
Townihend, Tudeer, Turner, Turney, M. B. Vanoe, 
Veeder, WaddeU, Walker, Walsh, Warner, Whitehome, 
Wigginton, A. 8, WiUiams, J, WiUiams, J. N, Williams, 
A. S. WiUis, B. A. WiUu, B. Wilson, F. Wood Wright, 
Yeates, Young~-^4A, 

NAxa— Heaara. MiUs, Morse— % 

Not Yomia— Meaara. Aldrioh, Baoon, O. A. Bagley, 
J. H. Baker. W. H. Baker. Balkm. Banka, Bayne. Biabee, 
Blair, Bovd, Brentano, Brewer, Brigoa, Brogden, T. X. 
Browne, Bundy, H. 0. Burchard. Boraiok, Butler, CSain, 
Calkina, Camp, J. M. Campbell. ( annon, CarlMe, Cs^- 
well, Chittenden. Claflin. B. Clark, J, B, Clarke, Cole, 
Conger, Covert, J. D. Cox, Crapo, Cumminga, Danftnd, 
H. Davia, J>earLng, Denixm, Dunnell, Dwitfht, Eamea, 
EUaworth, Krrett, i. N. Evan, J. L. Braaa, Fort, Foaler, 
Freeman, Frye, Gardner, Oaifleld. Hala, Haana, 
Harmer, B. W. Harria, irarirwlT, P. C. Haye|k Haaalton, 
Hendee, Henderaon. Hiaoock, Hubbell, H. L. Hnm- 

Shrey. Hungeifotd, Hnnter, Ittner, Jamea, 1. S. Jonea, 
orgenaon, Joyce. Keifer, Keightly. KeUey, J. H. 
Ketcham, Killenger. Knott, G. M. Landers, Lapham, 
Lathrop. Lindaey. Loring, Mamh, McCook, MoGowan, 
MoKinley, L. 8. lletoalfiB, Mitchell, Monroe, H. 8. Meal. 
Norcroee, Oliver, O'Neill. Orerton, Page. O. W. Fatter- 
aon, Peddie, W. A. PhiUipa, FoDard. Pound, Poweia, 
Price, Pugh, <^*fMi. Bainey, Band<^h, Beed, W. W. 
Bice, O. D. Bobinaon, M. 8. Bobinaon, ftyan. Sampaon. 
Sapp, Sexton, Shallenbexger. Sinniokaon, Smalla, A. H. 
Smith, Starin, Stephens, Stewart. J. W. Stone. J. 0. 
Stone, Strait, J. M. Thompaon, Thonibnrgh. Tipton, 
A. Townaend. M. L Townaend, Tan Yorhea, Wait, W. 
Ward, Wataon, Welch, H. White. M. D. White, A. Wil- 
liama,0.a.WlUi«ma. B. Williama, WiUita, Wren--14S. 



PART IX. 

The Casey Youngs ResoliitkNi— 
The Democratic Caucus r^ect 
the proposed Declaratioii that 
<< it is not intended hy this pro- 
ceeding to disturb the present 
Cliief magistrate ^—Republican 
Caucus declares the Potter 
movement ^^revolutionary.'' and 
decide on resistance— RepubU. 
can address to the people— The 
Potter Plot to sul>orn ivitnesses, 
declare Hayes an usurper, and 
put him out of the White House. 

On the night of Tuesday, May 14, 1878, a 
cancos of the Democrats of the House was held, 
whereat a resolution to add to the Potter reso- 
lution the following declaration was defeated : 

"But if is not intended by this proceeding to disturb Ihe 
present Chi^ MagistraU in the occupancy qfhis qfioe, nor 
to Impair public oonfldenoe in the poUoy behaaia- 
angnrated toward the Southern States.'* 



26 REVOLUnONABT ACTTB ANl> FUBPOSBS OT THE DBMOOBATIO LEABSB8, 



Which was ovenbkdmingly defeated. 

*' It yna said (see Washington RepHbUeem, "Uaj 16) that 
many of those present actnallT. oeliered the amend- 
ment was right, bat were whipi>ed into the party 
traces by Speaker Randall." 

The Mepulilican eaxneoM wnanlmonaly ^e- 
noviiees the Potter resAlntlim as ^'reroln- 
tionary." ui4 Aeetaes t» '* rettot." 

At a caucns of Bepnblican members of the 
House, May 15, it was unardinouMy 

Resolved, That the resolnticn now pendins in the 
House is an attempt, in a form nx^jnstifiaDle and 
illegal, to re<»>en the qnostion of the Presidential title, 
a question solemnly settled by the action of the Forty- 
fourth GongresB, wnioh alone had Jurisdiction; and is. 
therefore, revolntionary and destrtfctive of the good 
order, business prosperity, and peace of the eountry. 

Besolvedt Tliat the effort of the Demooratio majority 
to force upon the House, without opportunity for 
amendxneat or debate, a measure of such revolu- 
tionary chaimcter, which has not been recommended 
or considered by any of its committees, but has been 
devised by indiTiduals ft>r private or party ends, 
should be resisted by all the means which are author- 
ized by the rules of the House. 

Reimlrileaa adflress to the Toten of the 
United States— The Potter Plot— The inten- 
tion to ** suborn erldenee," deelare Hayes 
^*an nsurpeT)" and drlTe him fktint his 
office. 

"To '^^rg YOTBBS OF TBS UMITED StaTXS : 

The I>emoeratio House of Bepresentatives has this 
day (May 11) by a party vote, adopted a vtisolntion 
which, under the pretense of an investigation, is to 
lay the foundation" for a revolutionair expulsion of 
tlie President from his of&ce. This is the culmination 
of a plot which has been on foot from the day that 
Hayes and Wheelei; were constitutionally declared 
elected. It made its first public appearance in the 
i-^Bolution of the last Democratic House, adopted at 
the close of the session, declaring that Tilden and 
Hendricks were elected. Tilden and Hendricks sub- 
Kequently made similar public declarations them- 

selves* 

"A few timid members have long held back.and some 
of them after being coerced to the final vote, still pre- 
tend that they will halt as soon as their partial and 
one-sided i investigation shall be ended. In other 
words they intend after hearing suborned evidence, 
to bring in a verdict that Hayes is an usurper, and 
that heshall not remain in office I These men have no 
contrcA in the Democxatic party ; they dared not 
even follow Alexander H. Stephens in a revolt against 
caucus dictation to the' extent of showing some sem- 
blance of ikir play. They will be iii^tent in the 
future as they have been in the past. Moreover, it is 
difficult to believe In their sincerity, in view of the 
public avowal of their party that its purpose is posi- 
tively to disphwe the President. 

" It is a matter of history that the resolution Just 
adopted was framed to express this object. The 
Speaker of the House was consulted in advance as to 
whether he would rule that it was a privileged ques- 
tion The party managers were anxious to conceal 
their purpose, if possible. In this they were defeated 
bv the Speakeri who would not rule it a question of 
privUegeuSess it cleariy assailed the title of the Pre- 
sident. The resolution being offered, he read a care- 
fully-prepared opinion, deciding it to be a question of 
highwt ^vilege, becanue U involved tiu quettion qf the 
voSidUy of Hayet* tiOe. These are his very words : 

•' A higherprivUege than the one here involved, and 
broadly and directly presented as to the rightful oc- 
cupancy of the Chief Executive chair of the Govern- 
ment, and the connection of high Government officials 
with the frauds alleged, the Chair is unable to con- 
ceive. The Chair finds enumerated among the ques- 
tions of privilege set down in the Manual the follow- 
ing : 'Ilectlon of President.' The Chair therefore 
rules that the preamble and resolution embrace 
questions of privilege of tL3 highest character, and 



recognises the right of the gentleman fh>m New Tork 
to offer the same.- 

" Upon this the Republicans commenced a straggle 
against the revolutionary scheme, which, after ^ir 
davs' duration, terminated in the success of the oom- 
spiratorB. 

" The Bepublioaas offered to f»vor the fullest investi- 
gation into all alleged frauds, bv whichever party 
charged to have been committed ; but the Democracy 
pursued its course shamelessly and relentlessly, and 
stifled an inquiry into attempts at bribery in Oregon, 
South Carolina and IJbuisiana, and murder and vio- 
lence in several of the Statdia. Neither amendment 
nor debate was allowed. The inexorable prtvions 
question was applied and enforced. 

** This scheme, if pursued— and it is now ftally inau- 
gurated—can only have the effsct of further paralyzing 
business of all kinds, preventing the restoration of 
confidence which seemed promising, casting a gloom 
over every household, and Dringing our nation intd 
reproach before the civilized worid. 

*' The peace of the country is the first oonsidemtioD of 
patriots. This new efflbrt of the Demoeracy to In- 
augurate anarchy and Mexicanise the Government by 
throwing doubts upon the legitimacy of the title of 
the President is in keeping with the reoorl of 
that party, one wing of whi3i rebelled against the 
Government, while the other wing gave them aid and 
comfort 

'* We can, therMbre. upon all who opposed the rebel- 
lion of 186i, without distinction of party, to rally aoain 
to the support of law uid stable government, and to 
overwhelm wiUi defeat the reckless agitators who. to 
gain political power, would add to the present dls- 
nesses of the country by shading the foundations of 
the Govemn^ent they fltiled in a four years* war to de- 
stroy. 

«< By nnanlmoas order of the committee. 

" EUGENE HALE, Chairman, 

'*• GsoBox C. GoBHAM, Secretary." 



PAET X. 

Alexander H. Stephens' lietter 
to Potter— His pathetic Appeal 
—The Tilden niilians hoot him 
doiYn in the House— Intervie^v 
with Stepliens — ** Snu^, the 
Joiner ^ — «^ Tiie people want 
peace and quiet.^ 

The following letter was sent to potter from 
Alexander H. Stephens' sick room the day be- 
fore he was howled down in the House by the 
Democrats : 

Potter's course diyldes llemocnits and 
nnites Kepablicans. 

"National Hotel, Washikgtok, D. C.,) 
May 15, 1878. J 

"The. Hon. Clabksok N. Potter, i7<m<« </ Jtepre i en- 
tatives. 

** Mt Dkab Sib : I am still confined to my room in 
this city. 1 greatly regret that I cannot go and see 
you in person. Let me, then, say to yon in this way 
that I think it will be a great mistake if oiyr frienda in 
the House shall pass your resolution under the pre> 
yious question, thus cutting off Mr. Hale's or other 
amendments looking to enlarged investigation. Do 
not insist on the previous question, I could not Tote 
for it if I were present, and were not paired as I am ; 
nor could I vote for the resolution under the preyioas 
question without allowing amendments. It would 
only divide the Democracy and unite the Bepuhlioana. 
My opinion is that mischief instead of good will come 
of the investif^tion by the passage of your resolutfon 
as it is under the previous question. Please excuse 
thianote. I feel it my duty, feeble as I am, to send it. 

to you* 

** Very respectfully and truly yours, &c., 

" At.ttT- H. BZKFHKin.** 



BBVOLimOZrABT AOnS AND PDBFOBSB OF THK DXMOOBATIO LBADEBS. 



2T 



0f Cleoivla, maMM to be heard only 
■ulnntes—Bot they *'order" htm into 



Hay 16, Mr. Stepbeng, in spite of eyery at- 
tempt of Bepnblicans to insure him a respectr 
fdl hearing, iras veiled down by the I>emo- 
crats with cries of "order," etc., although he 
only asked the poor privilege of ibree minutes. 
Following is how it is mudly stated in the 
OongressUmal Beoord : ' 

" Mr Stephens, of Georgia. I wish to say a word on 
tlilB cmestioB. ^ea of * Order 1'] 

" lit. Wait, will not gentlemen on the other side 
listen to the gentleman from Georgia ? 

''Mr, Stephens, of GeorHaa,I«sk to be heard for three 
minutes. [Criesof 'BegoiarOrder I'] 

" The Speaker. The gentleman from Georgia aAs to 
be heard for three minutes. Is there objection? 
[Cries of * Begolar Order r] 

*'l(br. Humphrey. Th&t^ is no objection on this side 
at all to the gentleman flrom Oeozi^ being hMrd. 

"Ifr. Potter. If I oould yield to uiybody it would 
aflbsd me great pleasure to yield to the gentle- 
man ttom Georgia. But I am not pennitted to jie^d to 
anybody; I am instructed to stand where I am. I 
theretae move that the House do now adjourn." 

An iBtenrleir with Mr, Stephensy of GeorsUu 

On the evening of the 15th, a representative 
of the W^sbin^n Republican called on Mr. 
Stephens at the jSfational JSotel, when the fol- 
lowing colloquy ensued : 

He believes In Hale's or any other ameml- 
ment enlarirlnv the Investigation. 

"Bepublican. I wish, now, to ask you, Mr. Stephens, 
if yon think there will soon be a sentiment of the dead- 
lock in the House ? 

"Mr. Stephens. Well, in the first place, I will vote fbr 
no investigation that is not IMr and honest. I 'think 
the Bepnblicans should have every latitude to investi- 
gate in the same committee that the Democrats do. 

"B. What are you in favor of ? 

"Mr. S. I am in favor of voting down the previous 
question; in fsvor of Mr. Hale's amendment, and allow- 
ing the Republicans to offer anything they may see fit, 
if they think there has been any firaud. 

"B. That is fUr." 

Nothing ''onesided" for him— What he 
proposed to sonrest to the House— Peace 
waated—No OMre sectional strife. 

" Mr. S. Yes, I want no one-sided investigation; and 
if I can get the floor to-morrow I will move that the 
House take a vote upon ordering the previous question, 
and that the House do not order it. Then, if that is 
voted down, the Potter resolution will be open to 
amendment. I believe there are« great many Demo- 
crats who will unite with the Republicans in a full iur 
vestigatlon for the prurpose of defeating this one-sided 
business. Let both sides be heard. Honesty in poli- 
tics, as well as in morals, is the best policy. Mr. 
Hi^res' title to the Presidency I regard as fixed beyond 
,all question. The people of this country want peace 
and quiet. . They want no more sectinnal strife. Mr. 
Hi^es has done more, I believe, to produce quiet in the 
South than Mr. Tilden could have done, and more than 
anybody expected at the time of his inauguration. I 
think he has fkithfully t>erformed bis constitutional 
duty. Nothing would d!o more to unsettle businesli 
than to attack his title." 



^ If they relect the Hale amendment," they 

will he deceived." 

"No, no," continued Mr. Stephens, "if they must 
have investigation, why let us have it ; but let it be 
free, taU, and Ihir. If tney carry it on in a one-sided 
way, they will do as the Democracy did in 1860, when 
they thought they would throw the contesting Presi- 
deutial aspirants into the House, where they had a. 
maj<nrity of the votes, and thereby elect Breekenridge. 
But they only looked to the one side, and they were 
deceived, as Uiis Tilden-Potter combination will be if 
they reject the Hsle amendment." 



«< 



Snoff, the Joiner.' 



" B. But don't you think that Mr. Potter contem- 
plates attacking it t 

"Mr. S. I don't know. I think Mr. Potter in this 
matter is something like Snug, the Joiner, in 'Mid- 
sununer Night's Dream,' who clothes himself in lion's 
skin and roars, but confidentially informs his fellow 
actors that he is not the lion he seems to be— simply 
Snug, the joiner." 



PART XI. 

Carter Harrteon's *^ ^uestton of 
Privilege''— To extend tiie In- 
vestigation to . €H^gon and 
(Soutli Carolina only— Declaring 
against (lie |»ower of this Ccm- 
gress to Annul the Presidentfal 
Finding. 

*May 22» 1878— Garter Harrison rDemoorat), 
who stole his seat in the Hoose whon his op- 
ponent, as it now appears, was entitled to it 
by a large majority* of yotes, submitted the 
fbllowing as a question of privilege : 

"Whereas, A select committee of this House has been 
appointed to inquire into certain frauds alleged to^ 
have been committed in Florida and Louisiana in 
November, 1876, in connection with returns of votea 
for electors for President and Viqe President; and 

"Whereas, It is charged that frauds of alike character 
were committed at the same time in the States of 
Oregon and South Carolina; therefore. 
. "Be it Resolved, That said committee be. and hereby 
is, empowered to inquire into the same, if in its 
opinion testimony thereon of a substantial character 
shall be presented to the committee; and 

"Be it furilier reiolved. That the Senate and House of 
Representatives of the Forty-fourth Congress having 
counted the electoral votes for President and Vice 
President, and it having been thereupon declared that 
Butherford B. Hayes had received the highest number 
of said votes for President of the United States, and 
William A. Wheeler had received the highest number 
of said votes for Vice President of the United States* it 
is not now in the power of Congress, nor is it the pur- 
pose of this House through said investigation to annul 
or to attempt to annul the action of the Forty>fourth 
Congress in the premises." 

The Yote— Forty-eislit ntmoemtM franlk. 
enoosh to ** declare " that the power and 
INirpose Is to set Hayes oat. 

On the question whether the House will en- 
tertain it. as a question of privilege, the yea» 
were 71, nays 50 : 

Tbas— Messrs. Atkitu, Banning, H. P. BeU, Bland^ 
Bliss, Boone, Bouck, Brentano, Cabell^ W. P. CaldweU, 
Cannon, Chalmers, A. A. Clarke R. Clark, Cobb, J.D. Coz> 
S. S. Cox, Culberson, Cutler, J. J. Davis, Durham, Eden, 
Elam, Fettmt, E. B. Finley, Fort. Franklin, Garth, Gidr 
dings. Glover, Goode, Hardenburgk, J. T. Harris, Har- 
rison, HartzeU, Hatcher, Henkle, Henry, Hunton, Kelley,. 
Lynde, McMahon, Mitchell, Morrison, G. W. Psitterson, 
T. M. PaUerson, C. N. Potter, Pound, Bea, J. B. Beilly, 
Riddle, W. M. Bobbins, Scales, Steele, Stenger, Swann, 
Throckmorton, R. W. Toionshend,' Tumey, m. B. Vance, 
WaddeU, Walsh, M. D White, WfUtthome, Wigginton, 
A. S. WiUiams, B. A. WiUU, B. Wilson, F. Wood, 
Wright, Yeates—U.. 

Nays— Messrs. Bicknell, Bladcbum, Blount, Bragg 
Bridges, Bright, Buckner, J. JV. Caldu>ell, Candler, Car- 
lisle, Clymer, Cook, Cravem, Crittenden, Davidson, Dib- 
rell, D^key, J. H. Evins, Forney, FuUer, Cause, Gunier,. 



28 



BBTOLimOKABT AOTB AND PDBPOBSB OF TBB DmOOBATIO LBADKBS. 



HanUt. J. T. Jmti, Ktm 



l^^Z^JfS!*'JifM-"'^L9 ontliBBametUy on which his rwolntion w«b 

Z,»^>ai-M^. SSia-^JS^IiSr^l.^' "doptod. Ilepr««.tatevBWil«>n.«ftM«rid,<rf 
Oliver, i^tei, Prtdmion, fiuun. fioitrtm.' £AeUe> Wt>»t V iTginiA, in repljr to the followu^ qnes- 
Kn^^Mi, tP. «. Sua*, s™M«r5, Hif»er, H. White, J. tiiini pat to him byocpof the TUdeQ-PiMfA 
N. wmua„-K. euiiwarieB, made the aocceeding answer, via: 

A quoramnothaTing voted, Hairiaon yield- ■-Tildni^nitEminuT. 'Wiutiriii be thsnmitoc 
ed to the preasore of his pttrtr frieudB and """?'T''''"IS?,' *m »'°d in nrHwtiT ui Htm f ■ 
...i.Li \.: !_.:__ '^"'V — ™ . .. ijenjiimln WU™. T«at dtrmii iifm ftt iiat^T ^ 



withdrew hia resolntioB. 



The InTeaUB«Uan ext«iCed, proTlAcd ttar 
■emocratlc Committee bellere fr>Bdh 
exlirted eUcwberc. 




o refer the reaolntion 
to the Fotl«r InTMtioBting Oonunittee I And 
^ DemooraU voted to M refer, while chiIt Sit 
Bemotoata voted «gainst soc^ raferenoe. CJtti'a 
motion was defeated, however, b; S9 yeas — 
116 najs — as follows; 

'Tup-Maan. Aanu. H. P. BeO, BIdaitU. BUut- 
Ann, SKb. BkmiU, 0MH, Btmk. Bneg. BrUba. 
BntM, J. W. CaUmll, W. P. OatdtrM, Oandler, Ctal- 
mm, Cijimtr, Ctak. a. a. Cum. <7n>MW, CHUeHdm. 
CuOierttH, DavUmm, J. J. Danit, IMrtU, Didea, Dun- 
luut. tdat. BkUiejr. Elam, J. H. Kvau. Xwina. B. B. 
PMrg, rbrne^, fuUrr. OorM. OmK. Oibum, Bid- 
Oingt, Otmlrr, A. H. «aai<an, ffordnitera*, B. B. 
Harrit. UatrUim. BartriOgs. Hariiea. Htnn. 
Hertert, O. W. Uturitt, F. Jima, J. T. Jma, Kama, 
KimuMl, Liom. Miomiiig. Hai^tam, McKatie. MairiKm, 
JfiMm, Suiler, T. M. PaOiTtim. — ■----- 
Beagati, J, B. AsiUir. Riddie, " " 
Smta, a-^--—- —-'- 

nmicr, Tunttr.R. 

OcnK. inteifiitoit, A. a. WilHam; J. rr. 

B. A. WilBt, p. Wood. reata-t». 

Nin—HeHn. Aldilch O A Baglsr, J. 
B4llun Bakt, BmiHW. Blaui. Brad 
Brewer, BrUin T M.Bamt.Bvdiner U O 
BntlFf, Cabiu. Cunp. J K Ouapbdl, CknUQi 
Ouvell, Uimin, J. B. Clark, Jt , B Ci«rk. ( 
CODgfr, J. 11. Ooi. CWCer. DennlKiD, Dniinal 
EUawarth, BrrttL Feltm. Fort, FoM«r, _ _.. . 
FTTBDUD, Cirdner, Oirfleld, Olner. Goodt, tlile, 
Haimsr /. T. HarrU, Hi<kall Roldtcr. Hradse, Had- 
ereoD, HdMkU. Uangsittinl. Hnntcr. HiBOm, Ittan. 

SelRfaUer. KelW, • 



" Mm M. the MnUoiial Democratli^Ooiiuaitleenwt at 
IS AiuaotoB Hotd— pnaael. BtpreeuiiUHTe WnoBw, 
■/,\t.;S.lt.Ylafbf^ia<ManAo; SeutoiBmiua, 
ODSn.i aeoi«eT.BHB«,()[Oa.; WUUua O. Qtodv, 
lU.i Aiutln H. Stowd. of iBd.; M. If. Home, of 
m ; Iiuo B. btao, of Km.; H. D. HcUeniT, of 

-J.; B. F. loaaa, of la.; Fdnand WUkb, of Me.; 

OalsitcldM Honor, of Md.i Fredeiick O. PrlDes,Df 
JluB.1 Bdwanl Kuiter. ot Ulch.; WllUun Iiochi^ie. 

-•I Miao-: KtbU BaAadal*. of If'- --■^ -" —— 



SMIn. Si 



r. M. Be&im', B 



Hrctlnr of the NktloMd DMNScrMle Csm- 
mlttcc— A \trj fBll Bttcndaace— The Cmm- 
■iilttee approves the Potter InTe*tlc«tla«, 
and decIbHo to MImitoi 



tmHOD. of Ohio ; 
B. B«1b, of TOU ; 
Allll. of Vl; tinii 



The following ia bom the New Torh THbme : 

" WummnoH, H*r n.—AoMen hH been taken bv the 

Hutloiwl DeDHxsnlla Committee on the sal^ecl of the 

Potter iBTaatlntlini. whleh la mort algniaauit. At a 

meaUDi held &liaveBli».alnoat the mlrnUHt of 

diun^OB vac whether the oommlttea ahoold deolaie 

" lit t* Dot the pnrpow ot the SemociBla to ettaoh 

Ude ot President U»e(. fM nnn i O m HmHm M 

OTE (ikaC w oUoct UMewM. These wae no divWon 

iplBloD. hovevor, on ■ naolnttoa appmvlnK the 

sEtlgation In lliHlf, Thich ma adoptnl. H Mknea : 

AODfisd, ThattlwHtlaiiatUieHoaBeof Bepraaan. 

vta In ftppolDllng a committee full^ empowamd to 

Bligate and report npon the frandi alleged to have 

..^_. ._ .... ^^ -^ — .. -itlcB,to 

I to the 




Biloe 



iolph; Bus, Bed, .< 



. . ., 0. BhBlieoberBSf. Blnalckioo, Bma 

SaiiOuiTd. SprUigtr, Stawer Blewarl. I. W. Sto 
Tlioraburgh TlplaD, k Toniesd, Van Vnrtaea. W 

WaiA, U WbUe, H D White, A Wimuu, 
VilUami.S. wann, Wn^U— lie. 
The reaolntton waa then adopted vithont a dlvlal 

What the mever of that rcaohitlon declai 



of Ike rre«t«e«t." 

■■Oiieofth _- 

Tutic VatiooaJ Onamlti — ,^ — ^ — .., — - 

omniittee canld not afford lo declare. In alliance of 
hi' imeattgatlon Itself vhat coune the party ahonld 
I11M118. Nubodj Imowi what the committee maj dla- 
ov.ir, and it maf it, thla genUaman >ald, Unl f/x Dm^ 

□ugbt thla piobabie. I 



f dain la 
Praidrai. He weald QOt tay that be 

„ , t It CBHaJaly waa poaalble. 

"Tlie DemocntticKatlaiMl Committee, therelore. like 
nCongreai, has bean v«rT«rerul to have 



lemben of the pi 



svolutlonarr praoeadinga ahi^ be Inxtitnled 



BarVOLOTIONABT A0T8 AND POKPOSES OF THE DKMOOKATIO LSAPEKB. 29 
p A KT £11 I "^^ power* of CansTt»» «nd of Ike Umue. 



Dpeii liCtter to the Bev. ' ^ 

Hto fiUal Admtosloiis 2^^«S£»^" 



Died— Tlie Bev«lutlon«ry latemt 
tald bare by hii own handl— The 
motlvea at the Bottom «tfUa ln< 



pablished in Sbw 




'■ Ion lak ma whr m would not M tiM Hils aniaiid- 
moit bo ittaobad to out leaolatlonl Bnwue It i>«a 
BOt smiiuia. An inqnlrr Into tmods •coampUfli.ed 
■ad wUotk ebaiued Uu aleoton) Tola la proper to pn- 
TOnt tbsir repautioii. tmt aa Inqoln mta Dwra at 
temptaat fnod wtUcb nmltad In nottalu la not— fine, , 
baoMUO wo nndeiatood It oontafnod recltabi to which 
m •DaU aot anwiit. Mid wUoh 

reoAUed^: 



aiuUji 



ind, becanBc 
to ha*a Ii>9 
itlon. that it 
iDt desliwl ; 

Itliw any VHurC 

_, „ , minnwUlbkvn 

prohablTbnt one opportDnJtr to roport In thiaCon- 
gnaa, md thli UDMiiUMat mold. If added to the neo- 
IntlOD, baniadetoiiramitawTeiKntatthattlnu.aiid 
tima Is deorlTO na of an opportonltr to nporl at ul. 
Joat as vaiot nadv to Rppoit wa ahinid be liable to be 
■topped tdtake Autber ' ' ' .... 

added Slate* bIon«fatfiirw 
prtTCOUnga mport." 

WtaBt the TlUoUtei mrt Mitring mt—tt 
nwiMl.Tfcnn elrwwl miniiir>T vo trirraii 
M, U mA MBiedr exlata — If na lesnl 



rd tor the vai7 pnipoaa at 




•• BbI yoQ anfOMt Ihi _ 

Iba laat AnldtD^ alwUon will brlnt va dutnrbabct 
or molBtlok. MotatalL Aboot that ■pa«Ha* Tonr- 
■alfln pease.' Hun la not Iha allgbleit eliance uf 
rarolDton or OMnrbanee, Wuan the whole oonner; 
wuat fame heat oiLtheaobtiotof tbe alftctlan awa; 
waa JOdad to ealabll-k a (ribiuu:! lo pua opon the 
nlnrHnn. and evarj ana aabmlttai to Ihat deunnlm- 
tlan. Tba PredOaat'a Utl* KMa npoa tint. It ni>w 
it abonld wpear tikat Ibeie waa band which valpably 
■botad Uh alcctoral tdIB. and nick Oi* UonniltBliin 
dlA not aotiiii, and If a laoal mnadr axIM* lOr ocjr- 
Mtflna thB»Ror, Toa casnol ballan tbtl aneta apri.. 
nitiilin run lilt lb* law eanl-l leedlodlatnrbanM. Jf 
tlMra iMaaaiwh legal nmadr eilatlnE. and OaDgrcsa 
■bo>ddbaraatWr,bjtba*vproT>tof thaPretfdeit, as 
I9 Iwii-Sllrda orb<^ Hooaea wItfaoBi tbat aDctouL 
pioTldaon* *U;abcnildU>alaMldi' 
attar had any mors prodaca diatort 



To be Bectued ot " Mexicwiizins " tbe eow 
ITT iprlere* bis pure and loftr >P>iit> 

■■It U etucf-j^ beoanaa Uili la not Meilco.andl 

le^ melhodii, aud irtba I^a1 mettooJii hare not b<~ 
pmTldeil, t) iDTmt legal methoda ot drWrmlul: 
Uwau and labmlL to the detemlnatloa tbuatitlT 
at— ttial tblaoaant[y«DDotb«U«ioaolIed." 



■a a Daoeinlt} t*declde be- 



olalmlng to be Ita Tote, It waa an . 

tweoB Iheaa ntoma belbra tllher retnn ooold be 
eonulad. Thia detenrdaatlan ooold onlr be made b; 
tbe Vi« Ficaldent who opamd lbs ntoFBi^ or bj the 
OongRM in wbcao preeenoe ther were opened. I 
thouglit it dear fiota tba natnie of ot " 
tiom tbs Dnc«dentB. and bom tha opl 
■latiimi nil lull eiprcaaed, that tbia goi 



1AM1 the iMt MeotlOD did. and npon wbleb an; elec- 

mlgbt depend, oonld onlibenMad in Oongreia. 

Iftblapowar iMMd In Oongten 110110, tban tbeaotion 

-' "— •—• — - -hoisa ooold "- 

„ tacmoDtheu 

— gna bonae BntMrlng onaaDdlhe 

oboloe ooold b« had, and the role 

oraatetateVoDldbBkHt.not becaiue one Honae had 
asj greater Hgbta or power* tban tha oUmv, not tw^ 
oanaaeltbei or boibBonasa together, had thaijgbtto 
rafeel arbltraillT, or to retoeo to I'eotun any Certain 
(toolcnl vote, bntonlTlMCHiaelneaaas(tau,M<<»n- 
dlotlnc latnina fiom a SMa, eaob *'*'"'"g to icpre.^ 

otlheBtatan 

•atMMilKktd 

the udj aatiwrity it' 

Beln IOTA tbat tU* «u io olear, 
■Bd that tba leadnc Bapabllcaa Heuaiora had aa Ken-I 
ai>llr BOBiTiiJttad IbaaiielTaa to tiila*i«wlnpreidaoa 
illliiiiaaliiiia tba* we nuht to atasil npon that groDnd ; 
todMiatotbatwewoDldaUdo lb* acnon of Cou^reia, 
would ROooptwhovTer tha Oongrea* toond to beeloc- 
l«d,aadlbatif Ibetwollooae* ebonid fail lo larea aa 
to wtUob ot Um Mtum* Ircm any Stale from which 
Uma waio bona JUt. dopUoat* ratum* ihonld 
be xeaiTad, wbaroby tbe nt* ol tha ttal* waa 
lo*i and DO alactloa by lb* rlactoca abooid 
tbos teaott. wo wooid tban abide by.and —*'— ^n 
tha duriae ot tba Hooaa ot BapraaMttativoi, tlw body 
tothe OouaiUDtton to alect tta Proatdant 
■ 1* uoaleetuti by tiu Uaatorat OoUpse.' 
dilttrd along Biitil at l«t Sie 
!■■ all fiia wlula to tba Una, bad ROt 
I nady to **c*|rt Ibe UeebxM Ocnn- 
( aociBpted it. at ooorae wo were 
l*RiMia>but wo oaght at liaatbel 
-tf aaeb wa* th* tact— that iha is. 



. „ Petenbius. 

wtU not go ll«blly Into aootber bItU almggla. Wa 
moat got yean twtber on befcaa that will happen. I 
remembtraRartbaaleotioaremarkinata OonanlKc- 
Dowell that a gnat mliw might b* axlloded b] 

tde, but till* tlmo tlie powder Ij wet.' Be 
TWe never wa* dangui of a civil war." 

enrda " IXrmma m atocbed pacb), 1 

"niairtiole thing wi 



rUob we beld the a 



tbe HepuUloaDa bluffed 

na. leara nenoe, when It U nmembriBd that ws 
needed only one rleotonl vole, and that yonr aide 
oonid nM get on wttbont aveiy on* ot tba lemainlng 
aeventven; Uiat wa had KOfiOU popular ma^orlty^ thu 
our nudorlttee were around the oapttal.yonnlnKew 
Kogland. tba Kontawaat and the FadPocoaHi that the 

alnjlcd BOd youra not; tbat yon had nothing on your 
■Ida but the contiol of an army, at wblcb lOjUM men 



30 BEVOLUTIONAKT AOTS AND PUBF08ES OF^THE DEMOCBATIC LEADERS. 



could not be got together, the privatea moetly in 
sympath J with as and commanded dj oflloen ednoated 
to understand the pupremacy of the civil over the mil- 
itaxy authority— oiiic«)ni wiio. excepting the leaders. 
Grant, Sherman, and Sheridan, could, I believe, never 
have been geuexally uued to resist the declaration of 
the House of Bepreseutatives— (I am told this will ap- 
pear certainly whenever the secret ooirespondence of 
the War Departineut is revealed)— and that yoii were 
laden down with the care of the national credit, the 
first shock to which would have arrayed against you 
all the moneyed institutiousiu the country; that dnder 
such conditions, I say, your leaders contrived and were 
able to carry through the capture of all these seventeen 
votes, will be regarded as one of the greatest 
political performances of history. I admit the succesa 
of the Republican leaders. Having laid down when 
the law waa' on our side and when we ought to have 
stood up. it is not for us now to stand up ma umg as the 
iaw remains against us." 

What a DeoMcnUte **C!iMisreM wamj do" 
as the result of the Potter liiTestlntlon 
^^would he airiected «iiletly, eertalnly and 
without Tlolenee or disturhaiice'*— Hence 
we do not contemplate rcTolntlon, etc I 

*' Bnl yon will aak whether. If there be no daogar to 
public order from legal ptooeedings, there may not be 
ttom. action by Cungreas. No; no more than from the 
action of the courts. Congress represents the people 
of the country, but does^nofc march beiore them. It 
expresses, but < oes not anticipate their wilL Should 
fraud connected with the electoral count appear so 
gross and palpable that you and all honorable men 
should unite in denouncing it. Congress might then 
take action. But if ao, what Cungress might do, being 
the result of the action of men of all parties rf the 
great bedy ot the people, not of a party, would be ef- 
fected quietly, oertaiuly, and without violence or dib- 
turbance. In saylug this I do not mean that 1 expect 
the investigation to be followed by either legal of 
Congressional action. Wliat, if anything, should be 
done because of the Inquiry, must depend vpon the 
results of the inquiry. But I do not mean that what- 
ever action. if any, should fblow the investigation, 
such action can neither disturb the order nor the pros- 
perity of the country. This cry of wolf, when thei e is 
no wolf, this effort to make it ai^>ear ttiat tiiere is 
danger to peace or order from this Investigation, is a 
bepnbUcan pretence, like the ' bloody ahirt ' Justifi- 
cation of carpet-bag goremmflDt; like the ** public 
danger" excuse, sdvanoed Ibr the enforoement oi 
Durell's infkmous order and (he protection of the Be- 
tuming Board by bayonets; like ttie cry set up sfter 
the eleotioa to prevent any agitation and to secure 
submission. We must have a very sorry sort of pop- 
ular Government if Congress cannot-even inquire into 
Arauds in the choice of the Executive without endanger- 
ing the peace and prosperity of tixe country." 

More Jesuitical clap-trap and word- 

mouthiny.. 

" What, then, you ask, is the purpose of the investiga> 
tion? I answer, to ascertain the fkcis. so that if frauds 
beestsblished a repetition of such firsuds may be pre- 
vented; and, if not, to dear up the general belief 
throughout (he -country that there were such frauds 
It is true that not every allegation of wrong is to be 
inquired into by Congress, but when a large por- 
tion, if not a large majority, ot the people beljeve that 
the last Presidential election was secured by organized 
fraud, sutely an inquiry to ascertain tiie HMts ought to 
be had.' 

He* doesn't beUeve the Deaioerats were 
'' bluffed " after all-rHe '' toelleTes we were 
cheated." 

*' The feeling among many Bepublicans after the elec- 
tion was that while we had been cheated in the returns. ' 
we had bull-di zed the negroes so badiy that the ac^ ! 
counts of wrong were about equal. This belief in the : 
bull-duzin;j| oi^ the negroes was based mainly upon the i 
£ict t.:atiu certain distri-jts of the iSouth which usually ; 
gave Republican majorities (here was not returned i 
that year a single Hepublican vote. Kow the people of 



the North have never nnderatood that this condi- 
tion of things was fraudulently prepared by the Be- 
publioans. They ought to understand that, and, be- 
yond that, they ought to understand tbiat there never 
was anything ao dangerous to a free govemmsot as a 
ri turning board. A delegatkm of perscms vested with 
discretionary power to revise the votes cast becomes 
thus th% body that elects. Bo l<mg as they exercise 
their functions under the protection of the State alone, ' 
the influence and indlgnution of the people will pre- 
vent them from any flagrant and enormous ontraae. 
The public pressure will ne essicate some excuse for 
subverting the choii e of the people, some Itanitation 
upon the outragt s they do to the popular wish. But 
separate them fr.m tiie peoplto by a cordon of Federal 
troops, under the pretence of preserving order, sur- 
round them with Federal bayonets, and they oease to 
he responsible to any one but the National Administra- 
tion which protects them. There need. tnen. be no 
limit to, as there ia no longer any check uiK>n their 
abuses. To throw out the votes of one side sad keep 
in tbe votes of the ether without cause, to invent pre- 
texts for such wrongs, to accept after continued pro- 
tests and manuflM^tured objections as color for taeir 
action, to permit figures to be altered, returns to be 
forged, l^uds to be perfected, and generally every 
means by which^the will of tbe people may be firus- 
trated and the popular voice stifled, then becomes pos- 
sible, and there may be thus a condition of things ab- 
Bolutely destructive of tree government We beUeve 
that it was by such proceedings we were cheated out of 
the election." 

More repetitious sabhle to ^* eoTcr np hli 

tracks," 

«' Unless the proceedings be exposed the outrage will 
be repeated. If an administration can definaud its op- 
ponents out of the results of an election, at whldi 
they had seventeen elootoral and three hundred 
thousand i>opular majority, and no efl^ort is made 
even to inquire into the wrong, there is nothing the 
next time to prevent the same administration cheating 
their opponents, even though the latter have forty 
electoral votes and a million popular minority. And 
this will go on time-after time, until the outrage be- 
comes intolerable. Let us rather, as Mr! Jefforson said, 
'have a Jealous care of the right of election by the 
people, and seek a safe and mild corrective for the 
abuses which, where no peaceable remedy is prov^^ed, ^ 
are lopped by the aword of revolution.' " 



The cowardice of capital flroui Potter's 

stand-point. 

" It has been said that there was nothings more cow- 
ardly than a million dollars, except two millions. 
This is nature. But it is the mistjtke of capital to 
magnify the dangers on the surface and overiook 
those that lie below. Just now your capitalists are 
troubling themselves about the Commune, and op- 
pose the reduction of the army, which they would 
have kept up as a national police. And yet, in no 
great country .of the world is there so little danger of 
Communism as in this, for nowhere is property so 
generally distributed. But capitalists stood by 
supinely when the army was used to protect return- 
ing boards in stifling the votes of States and Iktistrat- 
ing the will of their people, and under the pretence of 
maintaining order to subvert the verr principles of 
free government. Believe me. in this there was real 
danger. Oovemments are based upon principle. 
The theory of this government is that the people of 
the States shall choose electors for themselves, and 
that by the aggregate voice of such electors that the 
National Executive shall be selected. To let the party 
in power interfere bv force of arms to protect a local 
board in fidsifying the will of the localities is to sub- 
vert the theory of this Government, and lead surely to 
its destruction." 

*' Whatever the result from the proposed In- 
yestiffation/' it will be done peacefully. 

"Whatever may result trom the proposed investigar 
tion, you may be siiro that nothing can result that ipml 
disturb either your flocks or your balances, 'pa 
trouble to capital, property and freedom will come, not, 
perhaps, in your time or mine, but come at last, Xhna 



BBYOLUTIDNABT A.0T8 AND FUSF06SS OF THE DEMOCSATIO LBADBB8. 31 



Teftuing to inquire into ftftuds. To oonflront the erll, 
if you nukj not right it, Ib to prevent its repetition. To 
shat your eyea to it MipiiWly it to Jeopard, and not to 
preaenre the tv^ivae peace, safety, and prosperity of the 

. OLABKaoHN.PornEB." 



"ndthflmy yonre, 
"To the Rep.- " 



PART ^XIU. 

■ ■ 

]flr. Stephena* second lietter to 
Potter— He Believes In Investi- 
gation, but not **a one-sided" 
€Mie— And he is Opposed to In- 
vestis^tion tliat lias a Revolu* 
tionary Intent. 

In a letter dated " National Hotel, May 28." 
Mr. Stephens replies in full to Mr. Potter^s 
statement that Stephens was not working 
with his party. He gives his note of Hay 15 
to Mr. Fbtter — mentions that he had sent 
similar ones to Messrs^ Candler and Harris, of 
Georgia, and continues : 



t0i 



• * 



From these notes it will clearly appear 
with whom I first conferred and the opinion I enter- 
tained of the effect of proceedings then coming on in 
the House upon the Democratic party aa well aa the 
country. I looked upon them as unwise and untimely 
and fraught with mischief. It clearly appears i^m 
theae notes that I was not in fsvor of a motion to de- 
feat the investigation of fraud of any kind, it was only 
against a one-sided investiffation. 

" I was also, as I have been since the Presidential 
contest was constitutidnallv decided, against any in- 
vestigation with a view to impeach or assail the title 
of the present inoumbent of the Executive chair. The 
Democracy of the school in which I was raised was 
planted upon the pri«clplea of law and order, and 
upon standing by them as oonstitutioiully pro- 
pounded." 



He wrorcB iMmt iuae*a iwpoiu i amend- 
ment was germane to tiM Potter retfoln- 

tlOB. 

" Mr. Potter's reasons for refrisingMr. Hale's amend 
nient appear to me to be singular and most untenable' 
He says it was not germane. Why it was not germane 
I cannot see. AH fr«uds it would seem to me are of 
a kindred character. They are all the same dass of 
crimes ; belone to the same fiunily, and differ only in 
character and degree. If a fraudulent electoral count 
In Florida ^as germane to 4 like firaudulent count in 
Ixmlaiaoa, why was not a like ftaodulent bount in Ore- 

g A or any other State equaUy gennsae to the provis- 
n to investigate frauds V" 

He knocks aaotlier iplank from under Potr- 
ter^ ponderous feet. 

"Ifr. Potter J ustifles his course in refusing an investi- 
gation into the frauds alleoed in Mr. i^us's amend- 
ment because he said he understood it contained reci- 
tala to whioh he could not assent, and which would 
have farced ua to vote against our own resolution. 
Thisseems to. me again to be an untenable lesson. In 
the flmt pla^,in allowing air. Hale to offer his amend- 
ment, woatever recitals it might have had by no 
means committed the Ho48e to uie truth of the aUega- 
tions. It would only have allowed him to make thorn 
good if he could." 

Potter's duplleity made plain. 

"Mr. Potter insists that the object was not and is not 
to attack the title of Mr. Hayes. If so, then why did 
he not, or the managers whone instructions he was 
carrying out, allow Mr. Casey Young's smendmeuts to 



go in. which distinctly stated, with a purpose of in- 
forming the country, that the object was not to dis- 
turb the title of the ttresent Executive whi(A had been 
constitutionally settled by the last Ciongre«." 

Tke entire pro c e ed ing ** most unwise, most 
unfortunate, and nuMt mIschleTous "—It 
will ** disturb the peace, harmony, and 
quiet of the c^ountry." 

" But I have no time to say more at present, except 
to add that I look upon the whole of this proceeding, 
concocted as it was, (Mmducted as it has been, as most 
unwise, most unfortunate, and most mischievous. 
Its effect will be to disturb the peace, harmony, and 
quiet of the country. Neither Mr. Potter, nor any- 
body else, can prevent it ; and I say to him, most re- 
spectfully, that nothing short of an immediate, general, 
and firm concert of action of the law and order-abiding 
people of all >partlos, Bepublicant and Democrats, 
throughout the union in reprobation of this investi- 
gation proceeding any further with a view to disturb 
the Pr^idential title, such as announced by the Penn- 
sylvania Democracy in their convention a few days 
ago, can arrest the most fearful oonaequenoea. Those 
who have, though, innocently, sowed the wind will 
reap the whixlwiud." 

** A contemptlhle Carre or a horrllilo trag- 
edy"— Potter's Jesuitical whtspcrlngs 
and vuUeftal" as those of 



*«deluslte 



" My own opinion is, as I have rei>eatedly said, this 
aflkir will prove in the end either a contemptible fiurce 
or a horrible tragedy. Whether it will lead to the 
Mexicanization of our Federal Bepublio the result 
must show. But I say, as I said on another recent 
occasion, that all soft words instilling in the mind of 
the i>eople of this country the idea Uiat Mr. Haves can 
be peaceably unseated by Congress are as delusive and 
as guileful as the whisperings of the great arch fiend 
in the shape of a toad in the ear of Eve, firom which 
sprung all our woes. 

• •• Very respectfally, 

" AlJEXAia>XB H. Stsphbhb." 



PART XIV, 

Hie Bnrfdiard Resolutioii aBomb 
Shell— Panic and Rout— Graphic 
Ilescripdon of fhe Scene— The 
^DenaoeraiB Ibrced to **eat€*ro'i¥'' 
—Condemned out of their o^^n 
mouths. 

June 14, 1878. Mr. R C. Bnrchard, Repub- 
lican, threw a bombshell into the TUden 
HotLse, which exploded with such force as to 
disintegrate, ibr the moment, the combined 
forces of the enemy, bringing humiliation and 
disgrace for the time being on the Potter- 
Tilden revolutionary, morement. The re- 
fusal of the Democrats to accept the Gasey 
Toung resoltltion offered in caucus, the refusal 
of the National Democratio Committee to 
make any declaration on the subject to quiet 
the growing apprehensions, the prophetic 
utterances of Alexander H. Stephens and a few 
other conservative Democrats, the admissions 
of Potter's open letter, the boastings of the 
Democratic press, alarmed the country to such 
an extent that, us the New York Tmwve re- 
marked, **the Democrats in the House of 
j Representatives have been forced against their 
' win to make the declaration they aid to-day " 



32 



RE^'OLUnOSABY ACTS AJfD PURPOSES OF THE DEMOCRATIC LEADERS. 



in voting far the Bnrchard and the Jndidary 
CoBumttee'tf rwanJiitiang. Tbej had uniiiDiiniy 
refused to pot themaelTes on reoord until 
Borduird's resolution forced them to ** toe the 
We take from the Tr9mne: 



^•n 





«fTldeBtl7 took the i^ o rity at BepaUksiM •■ mieh 
bj MirfrtM M it did tb« DemocEMtiL Tkcfe ^ beaa 
»gn«tdMlof BaiMaiideoDftaiioii,aBd the Hooacbad 
—till > kali hov in drriding vpon » time for the 
•OBrrideiatiflaofKiine of the impovtaDt BMMorM which 
have not yet raeeivad iaal aelian. The Speakct^o nO- 
I npid and arhitnry. witheat being 



** By the ralem of the Hoiue no debate vaa in ofdo* 
and nnchifig reaaained to be duob except toMttbe 
quwticxn to the Honae. The hearty ' aye ' which came 
up when t2tu wa* done waa br no imiaTia ronftned to 
the Bepnhliean nde» while the negatiTe TOie wm 
feefaie. and betzayed the indecicion and demonliu- 
tion which had aeazed the Democimia. It was cndcnt 
that nKMPe than two-thirda of the menibcxa p m a m t 
Toced in faror of the aeaolntion : bnt the oUeet of tbr 
moTcr being to get memben on rttrafd. d&cr Itar or 

aflaiaat tha pemacta of the laiiiaiiHa, MbBar- 

chaid. without waiting for the deriainn off the Chair, 
ralad iar tha yeaa and naya, aad the Ctak hapnio 
cantheniiL" 



or ui)aat,and byeoauaoa 
i which 



at any 

withaaeovaar 
ingwithOBeaidndiuralnala4{ooraaient oo Monday, 
while oaA membrr waa endeaTotiag to get hia own 
pat mutumn into a poaMJoo to mawnand a few of tha 
fteating BBomenta which yet ivaMined. 

Mr. Bwchaid's face wore an e x p m rion aa innocent 




aa that ol Mary's httie laatb. Ba «nioTed to suspend 
" Mr. Tucker, of Virginia* alao ' mored to aaipend the 



" Mr. Fernando Wood roae to a partiamentaiy Inquiiy, 
and took a mi.d exception to aome of the mlingp. which 

eve to certain meaannw precedence over othen, which 
t aaauited were equally unportant, 

" Mr. Burdiaid claimed thsdoor by virtue of the poai- 
tlon hia name occupied upon the liat of thoae who had 
glTea notice that they would mora a auapenaUm of the 
rulee fSor various purpoaee. 

"IheSpeaker mid that lie would reoogniae the gentle- 
man irom Illinois as soun aa he could dl«pose uf the 
parlianifentary inquiriea. Mr. Burchard ■*»<'*^ Oen- 
exal Oarlleld, who »t beside him. alao smiled Teiy con- 
tentedly. Five minutes laier the ' gentleman from 
Blinoia ' was recognised. Ha ' moved to suspend tha 
rulee and pass the fallowing reaotutjon/ whieh he sent 
to the Gkafc'a deak to be read:" 



I 



*'Whereafi, At the joint meeting of the two Houaea of 
ttie XU Vth CoogresB, convened putanant to law and 
the C uuatltuti oo. for the_purpoaB of aaositaisittg and 
awmtlag the votca for neaUhmt and "Vlea Anaident 
lor the term commencing March 4, 1877, on counting 
the v«i«ea BnthertorA iTHayea was decteed elected 
Ffeaaideniand Wilitem A Whealse waa dedaiad elected 
▼loePrealdeut lor such term. Therefore. 

"RissfBid^Thaft no aahaeqnaaifcOoiignas^ and n^^ t h w 
Bfouae, baa juriadiction to reviae the action at such 
joint meeting, and an}' attempt by either Houae to an- 
nul or diangard such action or the title to offloe aria- 
ing these&om would be levolutionaiy and is disap- 
proved by this Houae." 



** Silence moat profound fan upon tha Hbuae. Moat 
ef tha Peaaociatio leaders were absent. Mtasis. Atkins 
and Durtiam had just been sent, off on a conference 
committee. Meaara. Potter, Bhckbuzn. Springer, and 
the other inveatigaton were busy in their oommittee 
room. Some Democrat recovered himself suflUrfently 
to aak that the reaolution be read aoain, and mean- 
while tho absenteea were aent for. mr, Townshend. 
of Illinois, waa the first to get entire possession of 
himself. Be asked if it would be in order to atrike 
out the last seotion; then if the reeolution could be 
referred to the Judiciary Committee. He was told by 
the Speaker in reply that on a motion to suspend the 
rules neither proposition was in order; and some Be- 
puUican added: * You can vote it down.' which waa 
a privilege which Mr. Townshend and his Democratic 
aaaociatea were at the moment neither prepared to re- 
ject nor ac<'4-pt." 



"AtthiapointMr. 
breath, and aeked that the 
Althongh the raO-call waa in _ 
rected the Cterfc to read the lesolui 
moat of the Demoomtic 
Withered in. An earnest and excited 
gning on on their side of the Bsll. 
during the reading of tha reaolatioa a 
the tM which foUuwed. A half-doaen 
ing the eoniage of their eanriotiuBS. 
their names with a hearty 'aye.' and i 
voted 'no.' The great majority of 
no response during the first can 



oat of 



a third time. 

1V this time 

ueoalna wa* 

k oonunued 

Bdthftaallii«of 

Demoerats. MT- 

to 



ofthaioiL' 




t and aaiay. T wo or i 

%mt rmmj to give I 

dedda «ta» to do. 



three tmea the eail waa delayed 
aibiy oa aaeoaat af tbm diaordar, 
tha Dfeewia tnae to rally and dedda «!■* to do. 
Two or thne motlona were made in a fpUlofderi- 
sioo by Republicans, thst the House take m |»*eaaa to 
allow tha DaaMMtaU lima to iniah tha aaacML Xkis 
douhUhl whether a quorum had voted dnrtac Ihaflnt 
can. but whm U waa dnlahed semeftfleeBortwwiiif 
Damocrata aroae, and aa they ware leisgrtarti, oat 
by one recorded tbemselvca in tbe aftmaUva. Ihi 
movement gadiersd force, and befBie tha Tsto wm 
nnoed, nearly every member oa the floor hid 
d. Thereaohdioawaa cart1rdbyfha< 
of SIS in tha aflrmattve toSiaihai 



M 



Me 



«» 



lata. 

reslMlis Ihi meat «r««hed laM ildiial fa Hm bil 
Mr. Flaky, of OhiOb who. te oonneetlmi with lift 
Springer, of lilinoia. waa perhana the mo^t aetive of 
the original revolutioalatB. Ih eeauaon with Ike 
mt^otfty of hia party, he dodeed on tta flnt ealloT 
the r^. When hia party asaoeiat e a began to giw 
way. and reeerd themaelvea in Ikwer af the 
tlon. Mr. fInlMr walked down i 
reoognized. Sled an emphat 

Then wlfliaahrugof oontempl, 

and walkedup the aiale again, the bald apet on tfei i 
backofhiBhead,abcfUttheaiaeofatr»iedoUw,i ~ 
ing to giiaten with the mge t bat Sled him. 1 
however, tiie movement became a root, Mr. VliiiV 
mfun aroae. and amid tbe checra andieera of tha Beplh 
l!c«na. made a reqoeat to ctaange Us vote, and pipi>| 
out a feeble 'aye,^ he retired to probable oluivloaj 
Mr. Springer stood his grotmd, and Tofed 
phatio and ortentatlons *no,' slmoat tiie last one 
corded. He waa heart ilvann nnanimoosly 
lated by Mr. Cook, of Georgia." 



Md iplti 
tolamed 



BXTOLUnONABT AOTB AND P0EPO8E8 OF THE DBMOOBATIO T.v* nrntn * 



33 



Tbi Tota upon ths Barchmrd reMliitl 
TSU, 11 ani-^t not loting. The 31 □ 
r«d hot Tlldsu rsTolutlonlits, ind unon 
Totbifi, vhethu prvftapt or rjot. vera 40 ] 



BiglsT,J. H. BiLksr, W. II. htkei, Buiki, Bannii 
B^Fua. Bt^K, H. P. BtU, BicknelL, Bubee, Uliiir, Blowit. 
Bmcfc, Bofd. BrenUso. BrewsF, Bridget, BiIohb, 
Brv*t Brogden, T.M.Btotd- ■ — "- ■■ " - - 
»rd, Bncdlcl, Caiull, J. W. C 
Cilkliu, J. H. Cimptwll, r 



(.CWicr, Da 
m. Dwlgbt. 



Diclcey, Douglat. 



I, Edea, miKWOTtb, S 



Oufleld. OorU, SoHK, ffiAon 









HmdBe, Htnderwn, //«*«■(. a. ir. Hneiff, Hli. 
tocl, Bauie, ) rbbell, H. L. HumplirBj, Hnngerford. 

a.Junm,Jiii -ijen, E^hr.K^btlcT. k«iln, JTn^' 
J. B. Ketchom, EUUsger, 0. Jr. Laiticri. I^pha 
lathrop, £u(K, Llndeey. Ltdrwood, Maektr, ilai 
Unh.^IoGOok, UcOomu, MeKauit, HoKlnln, L. 
UetcmUe. JtOli, UltcbeU, Uonroe, Monm, Jforriti 
lire. ;e, JTuUer, H. B. N«tl. Nonron, oiivm, 0'N«U. 
OrstoB, pBge, O. W. Pattcnon, !■. J(. nttermt, fsddle, 
W. ^ Pblllip*. FcAlsrd, Ponnd, Mac. Paab, BbIubt, 
BandidDli, Ao, XwiH Bead, j: S. ScflkyTW. W. KlG«. 
r. Jf. A«Whm, JIgbtrto, O. D. BobimMD. Bjan, 



^MGh, ainnldlaDn, Ibullh A H. Smltli, Sparit, Btwln, 
«enk'S'aun-.,»qi*«M, Wamt, J. V. Stone, J. 0. atone. 
Sbatt, J. M. ThompiOD, mrMtwarton, A Towmwnii 
H. L TownieDd. fi. W. Tamuemt. Tueher. ninuir, 

, roMe, ranbr. WtuHaU. Wait. " ""-■ " ■" 

H. White," ■— '- 




, that all their oarefnlljr laid plans for fDtnre 
I action, to Biicc««d. oiiut be coTeied np f that 
mere BJlencB onthe anbject wonld not longer 
I do ; that they nmst make an explicit declaia- 
I Hon even thongh trith the fnll intention of 
Tiolating hereafter anypresent pledge. Under 
the Jesnitical lead of Potter they had learned 
I the Jeeuitical rale that "the end JoBtifies 
I the meana." Accordingly it had already been 
dclennined at the Jadiciary Committee 
Ehonld be allowe ." to report againal the Kim- 
mel bill, which rn the lEth of April Lad been 
introdnced and referred to it ; and in the sad 
straits to which they had jnsl been brought 
by llie Stirohard resolution, it was determined 
by the Democratic leaders that the report 
must be made and act^d on at once. TbMo 
the^ might yet auoceed in making the people 
believe— ontil after the Pall elections— fliat 
their purpose waa not to tarn Hayes ont and 
put Tilden in. The report waa, therefore, at 
once tJane 14} made by Mr, Hartridge. Demo- 

The Tote \tj whlcli this mere ezprmslan 
«f tbls Hoose'a ■■opinion" waa recorded. 

Upon the adoption of the resolntion ac- 
companying the report the vote was 235 yeas 
to 14 "red Sot" rarolatioiiary Tilden nays— 
not voting 42, of whom 98 were Tilden Demo- 



B, £utHc£, Knapp. KnoU, Loriog. JAUinU. Lynde, 
I, A. f! Bice. 
TiptbOi IWiMt Via Vor 



TIm nest DemontkUc Move— 
l^rowlni; Bawdiut In (be Byes 
(^tlie People. 

The House Democrats having been oom- 
plet«ly foiled, how to place themselves in a 
better attitnde before the people waa now the 
qaeetion. The great mass of them wonld be 
revolntioniats if they dared. Already- they 
hod discovered, by the great wave of publio 
opinion which had recently set in upon tiiem, 
that the times were not yet ripe for revolation, 



PART XVI. 

The lV<wfc vr the Patter Com- 
mittee— In^eafdunent or Hajed 
and Wheeler Talked of— Hotv 
the thing Won to foe dune— 
Hayea Out, KIther TUden or 
Thunnan to go in— DemocFatle 
AuthiM4ties fUr tt. 
While the great mass of the people of this 
country, who followed the testimony raven 
before the Potter , ' ' Investigating Com- 
mittee, andonbtedly oonsidered Uiat it ahao- 
lataly failed of its main purposes, and that 
its proceedings were almost fbrcioal, there 
are unquestionably a large number of dyed- 
in-the-wool Democrats who to this day 
think otherwise, believe that they proved 
their case, and would still exclaim with their 
Democratic organ, the Washington Post of 
Angnst 10, 1878, that : 

" The Potter i»miiiitt«e haa aryatalllanl allsgatloaa 
Into accepted hlatorr-" 

The Democratic leaders all intended to be- 
lieve — despite the absurdity of the pretense — 
that the choices were proven. So believing, 
or pretending to believe, they intended to 
demand action of some sort against President 
Hayes and Vice President Wheeler. Their 
programme was to impeach both ; to declare 
by concurrent resolntion of both Democratio 
Houses that the mere act of presenting atti- 
clee of impeaohment in this case, at any rat& 
suaptnda On wipfoduid persona from offloiM 



34 REVOLUTIONARY ACTS AND PURPOSES OF THE DEMOCRATIC LEADERS. 



duty, and makes a vacancy ; to elect Thurman 
President of the Senate : if Tilden took the 
oath at the right time— as many believe he 
did, and the statement to that effect has never 
been denied by him — to induct him into the 
Presidency ; and if he did not, then the •' va- 
cancy " to be filled by Thurman. That some 
such movements were in contemplation is 
evident from what leaked out every now and 
then from persons supposed to know the hid- 
den purposes of the revolutionists. 

Some of the active measares iiroposed for 
pattlnff Hayes out and TUden In— The 
Impeachment plan. 

Thus we gather something of this sort from 
the following dispatch in the New York Tribune^ 
June 15: 

"Washinotoiv, June 14.— A Cftct which ma j throw 
some light upon the xeal pnrpoaes actuating those 
who engineered the Potter reaolution through the 
House has Just come out here. It seems, accoraing to 
excellent Democntic authority, that several months 
before the Potter resolution was passed, Mr. Manton 
Marble and General Barlow approached leading Demo- 
cratic members of the House of Representatives and 
men prominent in the party, and urged them to begin 
active measures for ousting ^wsident Hayes as soon 
as the Democrats should eecuie control of .both 
Houses of Congress. One reason which they urged 
was, that it would be a good piece of party strat^. 
because if Governor Tilden was given twQ years of the 
present Presidential term his ambition would be 
satisfied, and he could easily be put out of the way for 
1880. The consultations of these gentlemen, who were 
known to be working in the interest of Governor Til- 
den, all indicate that the main purpose of the present 
movement, in the minds of those who were respoif- 
sible for it, has been to remove President Hayes nrom 
the office he now holds. Now tnat public opinion has 
driven the Democrats to declare that the President's 
title cannot be attacked, those who formerly talked of 
puttbig him out through suits in the Supreme Oburt, 
or by Joint resolution recognizing Governor Tilden, 
ave almost all talking of impeachment instead." 



Another plan for pnttlnff Hayes out and 

Thurman In. 

The "Washington Capital, Aug. 11, 1878, a 
paper supposed at that time to have special 
sources of information as to the designs of 
the Democratic revolutionary leaders, said, 
that ** after the 4th of March Allan G. Thur- 
man will be President of the Senate, and pre- 
pared to fill one of the two vacancies," which 
certain persons — 

" Are busy demonstrating to the people to exist in 
the President's and Vice President's offices. This will 
not elect Mr. Tilden— he not being eligible through a 
strange defect in the law which makes it necessary for 
the nesident-elect to be sworn in at a certain date after 
being elected. This is in part the scheme for a strong 
Government, conceived and organiaed by that form of 
capital which net-works our land in the shape of rail- 
roads, and. has for its managers the boldest, most un- 
scrupulous and efficient knaves of all that class of 
ihmncial schemers that grow rich on other men's earn- 
ings. It was their intent to seat one of their number- 
Mr. Tilden himself— in the Presidency, but they will 
accept Allan G. Thurman. To them the smoke that 
^dicates the lire upon the plains is not distant. The 
duQger is at hand, and they seek to tight fire with Are. 
* « * This is neither impeachable nor revolutionary, 
and is fea* stronger and efficient than any military Wail 
street thieving organization, with Grant as its figure 
head, that will come in Just t|iirty days too late to be 
of use." 



Further firoof of their Revolutionary jpoT' 
poee»— feiprlnyer's declarations. 

Tlfai the Democratic leaders were bent upon 
declaring the Potter investigation allegations 
proven; that they intended to take action; 
that the * action which they proposed to take 
was in the line of impeachment; and that 
they intended by the mere action of a Demo- 
cratic majority of both Houses — should they 
then control l)oth Houses — to declare the offi- 
ces of both the President and Vice President 
vacant upon the presentations of the articles 
of impeachment to the Senate, is rendered 
dear as daylight by the statement of Springer, 
Democratic member of the Potter committee, 
in an interview (July 1878) with the reporter 
of a Western paper, wherein he is represented 
as saying that enough had already been brought 
out by the committee to ''warrant the im- 
peachment of President Hityes, an^ there will 
be no trouble on that score, as the Democrats 
will have a majority of the Senate after the 
4th of March next." 

And the following telegram in a New York 

paper of Augpist 6^ 1878, is confirmatory not 

only of Springer's conclusions, but as to those 

of others of his Democratic friends on the 

Potter committee : 

*'WASHnioTOH, August 4.— Mr. Springer, of the Pottw 
committee, talks vexj freely of 'the case,' as he calls 
it, which to his mind has already been established by 
the Potter committee. He regards it as one which 
will not only Justify impeachment, but which de- 
mands it. He thinks the wormley Hotel confermce, 
in connection with the subsequent action of the Loui- 
siana commission, quite suffcient to sustain articles 
of impeachment, and he folly expects the House to 
present them at an early day. Such talk doubtless re- 
flects the views of several members of the Potter com- 
mittee." 



PAiiT xvn. 

li¥hy the Impeachment Plan iiras 
Abandoned— Rehuke fVom the 
IVorth— STew Taetiiss — Forcfaig 
the Extra {Session — Piriitical 
Riders— The IVew Revolution— 
''IStarvIng; Out,'' Instead of 
*^ Shooting Do'ivn " the Crovem- 
ment— Elxtra iSession Threats. 

• 

Had the Congressional elections of 1878 re- 
salted in Democratic gains instead of heavy 
Democratic losses, the revolutionary pro- 
gramme above indicated would undoubtedly 
have been carried out to the letter. In the 
South, by bulldozing and other scandalotifb 
methods, the Democratic representation in the 
House was so largely increased that it was al- 
most " solidly " Democratic, but in the North 
Democratic representation fell off to such an 
extent that despite the increase in South'ern 
membership, there was a bare Democratic 
majority in the whole House! It was this 
stem rebuke from the North that made the 
revolutionists waver and finally halt in their, 
treasonable course. But while they 4&red 
not take the extreme course they had first 
marked out for themselves, they developed 
other plans and purposes hardly less culpable. 



BKVOHJTIONABT ACTS AND PUBPOBES OF THE DKMQCBATIO JLEADEKS. 



35 



Id Uie oloBing Hesslon of 1878-9, tha Demo- 
oratia House, looking Ahead to the Preaiden- 
tiat election of 1360, and determined, if possi- 
ble, to afford eveiy possible opportunity for a, ' 
disboneet and frendalent ootmt by their , 
friend* both South and North, determined, 
in canons, to pat upon two of the great ap- i 
propriation bills, certain "rideis." to wit: i 
opon the Arm; Appropriation Bill a rider 
declaring that troops shall not be used at the | 
polls; and npon the LegislstiTe, Executive. 
and Judicial Appiopriatioa Bill, two provis- j 
ions, oua tepeatii^ the jnrors test-oath; the I 
othei lepeatii^ tlie essential provisions of ' 
the Congressional Election Law, nnder which 
.the pniitj of the ballot box is preserved. The 
Demooratio House tacked these riders on, 
bats Bepnblican Senate refused fo permit 
them to remain on. The matter of disagree- 
ment went to a oommittee of conference, and, 
under the iustmctionB of the Democratic 
oanons, the Democrata on that Committee re- 
fused to report them &vorably anieas the 
riden remained on, and the bills failing, an 
extn session was neoessitated. Failing Co 
ooeroe the Bepablican Senate their next 
move was to coerce a Bepnblican President, 
and that the whole thiiu was deliberately 
planned, is shown bj ue ntterancas, not 
alon* of Democratic memben of tha Houe, 
but also by those of two diatLOfnished Dem- 
ocratto Senators ; said Senator Beck: 

H OD Um part at the Bonis 

'--B ilghtawan ■•■ 

to the SeiMte ther 
Ml right ■-- 

domSaDTmiiaritT'ui'thA'BMile'linWAd , . 
MaliiteTiMO* oftbewtawaaadi'^uiil (a omHW to (h*tr 
- ' ' -> i( howsTcr, Uw PrsBidant of the 



Htoaswpt DMenarr sm^iniatloiu n 

•Dow th* tepmuitetlTM of Uia peopla b 
odlou hwi which tha7 nfud ■■ nibm«I>B 
rt^taudpilTtlegeL > > • Whetberthali 
Tlaht or wroDS it will be wlDptad, uid I t»Te i 
■dhattd to, no mattoi whU happaiu vitb tb 

Said Senator Thnrman : 

"Veetalm ChB right, • • • to w *■ <^1 ■>>* 
ITantlbaiiioii<7o( tba p«ple 



Demoorats npon the power of the Exeoative — 
upon that very veto power which their own 
National conventions of 18M and 1660 de- 
iilared sacred in these vords : 

That we sre decldedlT opposed to ti 
PreaidBnl the qiuiUflBd ve'- -- 



y wHoh 



i'™* ?o?S' 



lud tl 



simpll 



enUtivea until the Judgment of the people ci 



Btetci the wbole n 



The case was snccinctly stated by General 
Oarfield, when, in his speech of the 29th March, 
1879, he said to the revotutionary Democratic 

■The lul wt orSeniocnUr: domitutlou In thli Ca- 
pitol, alabteen rein igo. wu itrlklOK and dnunatlc, 
peilmpi heroic. Theiithe Deioecntlc partr uld lo 

uPceeideDt oll'he United etatei we wlU ihool jour 
OOTeramflDt to death ; ' and the peophi ot thie coud- 
trr, refnniag to be coerced by thiwta or TloLenoe. vo- 
ted M they pluaed, mid UwflUly elected Abrshua 
Uncohi PrealdeDt of the Dnltod State*. 

"Then yonr leaden, though holding ama)orilr Inth* 
oth«r braoeh of Oonejeas, ware heroic enough to wlth- 
diaw from their eeauuid fling down the gage of mortal 
baUle. WeoanMHtrebeUlon: batweresognliMlltaa 



ngeona and manlv to avow tout pnrpoaB. take all 
rliks. an^ fight it out on the open field. Notwlth- 
idiug Tonr ntniDat aOWta to de*tn>7 It, the Ooveni- 

thoaa who restated too have came to believe that foa 
have tlnall7 ranounoed jourpnrpne to daetroT, and an 
willing to maintain the Oovemmeut. In that belief 
Tpn have been permitted to return to power In tbe two 

" I»daT. ^lei Blghtesu yean ot defoat. tbe book of 
jonr domination is again opened, and roiu Oirt act 
awatsns ovsn unhappy msmorr and tbisatena to de- 
stroy the ooaBdano* whloh your proCevtoDa □( patriot- 
ism Inspired. Sou turned down a leaf of the history 
thatnootded your last act of power In 1861. and you 
havs now signalised yonr return to power by begin- 
ning a second chapter at the Mmepage; notthlalbne 
by a buolo aot that dedans war on the bsttlfr-Beld. bat 
— say If all ths legislative powen of the Government 
._. 1 to lot you tear certain laws out of the 

riedtodo in the fint chapter; but you 






.Is onless thsre Is a red»SB 



ThsMnseqaence of this gpirifwas the me- I 
morable extra session of 1879. which waa 
coosomed in rain revolutionary efforts on the 

Krt of the two Houses of Oot^ress— the Senate 
ving in the meantime become Democratic — 
to starve the Government info a smrender of 
th« hi^ oonatitntional powerofthe veto- In I 
anoQier chapter the vetoes of the extra session ■ 
will ba fonnd to give the history of each of 
tba niBsy abortive attacks thos made by ths I 



and death by starvation, 
an people will see any 
f snacenfully reached, 
woold he death In either esse. <}entlemen. you have 
It In your power to kill this Ooverament: you have It 
In your power, by withholding these two bills, to smUs 
ths neRe^KntresofourConsUtDtlon with tbe psnly- 
hIs of death; and yon hive-deolaied you piupose lod« 
this, if you cannot bresk down that tundamental els^ 
meut of fn« consent which up to this hour has always 
ruled Is tbe legislation of this OovemmsBt." 

Extra sMslon threataof iSlSby BeiireMn- 
latlves Hnnl, MuMraw. Sinvletaa, Tmer, 
Kllchin, O'Connor, (Aalmers, ncHahoa, 

SpATba, Tucker, knd BlAckbum, 

The following extracts from epeeches made 
during the extra BSRSion will be serviceable, 
as showing the bitter, nn com promising spirit 
of the revolutionary party — which, though it 
came to grief at tbe timethroueh the flrmnesi 
of President Hayes, will be found ready to 



36 SEYOLUnONABT ACTS AND PURPOSES OF THE DBMOOBATIO LEADEBS. 



spring up again at another time, and in 
another and eyen more serious shape, unless 
the people at this election rebuke it by an 
electoral majority for General Grarfield that 
shall overwhelm them and their treasonable 
schemes. 

RepresentatlTe Hard, of Ohio, April S, 

1879, said : 

* "It is objected to these measures of legislation 
which we propose that there is a possibility by our 
passing these laws of restraining thu veto power of the 
President. * * * i deny that the President of the 
United States has any right to participate in the legis- 
lation of this country." 

RepretientatlTe Huldrow, of MlssUslpfil, 
AprU 3, 1879. said: 

** If the gentleman firom Ohio is correct in his as- 
Kumption that the Preaidei t will veto these repeals, 
then, I rci>Cwt. let the responsibility be upon him and 
the Eepublican party. If there is vovolution in that, 
they are the revolutionists : they are the party and he 
is the office whose veto will thwart the wiU of the 
people as expressed by their lepreaenta; ves in Con- 
gress, and he will, for partizan purposes, exercise a con- 
stitutional prerogative in the interest of tyranny and 
in violation of every principle of liberty and free- 
dom." 

KepretsentatlTe Slnsleton, of MlssliMlpjpl, 
April 4, 1879, i»ald : 

" For myself. President or no President, veto or no 
yuto, I am prepu^ to fight upon this line until the 
work proposed is done, effectually done, whatever of 
time, uibor, or expense it may involve." 

RepresentatlTe Turner, of. Kentucky, 
April ,1879, sal 

" Weil, sir, if Mr. Hayes vetoes this (Army) bill on 
a:-count of the sixth section guarding th-> right of 
KUtnrage, then the responsibility wi 1 re ^ on his 
tsLouldera, and not on ours, for star-.ng thf» Army. 
I do not believe Hr. Hayes will veto the bill on ac- 
count of the sixth section. But if he does, and per- 
sists in that veto, and thereby starves the Army of 
the United States, then let the responsibility rest 
where it belongs, on the head of the President, for 
vetoing a biU, right, proper, and constitutional, passed 
by a majority of the representatives of the people in 
the exercise of their constitutional rights." 



Representatlye Kltchln, of THortli C)arollna, 

April 3, said : 

"The honorable gentleman need not remind this 
House of the evil results that nighl flow firom the an- 
ticipated act of the President; it v/ill neither drive nor 
lead ftom an honest and faithftd Cischarcre of duty; we 
will perform our duty to the couniry , anr let them as- 
sume the responsibility of defeating J will of the 
majority and, if you please, as they say, destroying 
the Government. I plant myself on this rock and say, 
in the language of the valiant Fitz-James. 

Come one, oome all; this rock shall fly 

From its firm base as soon as I." 



RepresentaitlTe O'Connor, of SontJi Carol- 
ina, said: 

'* We have been thus fiarly convoked here by the 
P: esident to furnish supplies to run the Government, 
just as we were prepared to do in the last Congress un- 
til imi>eded and opposed Ly the Bauate. The repre- 
st^ntati ves of the people, who aru the sovereigns of this 
country and hold thu purse, do not intend to be co- 
erced. It is our province and our prerogative, it iti 
our duty, to see before we give the taxes of the people 
that all grievances are redressed." 



Representative caialmers, of Mlssisolpply 
April 2, 1879, said: 

" Sir, it is said that the Army shall eat nothing be- 
cause the Republican party in its arrogance refuse to 
eat humble pie. You threaten to starve the Govern- 
ment to death because you have grown so great that 
you cannot even do what is right if it happens to be 
demanded by the mi^onty of an opposite purty. 

" Now I do not believe that the Government is goinp 
to die; but if it should die lh>m the issue now pi« 
sented, upon whose shoulders will the re8ponsibmt> 
rest ? « « « Andrew Johnson on that trying occasioik 
set an example to his Republican fHends which they 
would do well to remember now. Rather than see the 
wheels of this Government stopped he signed that 
bill ; but he signed it under protest, and thus made 
his appeal to the country. 

" It is deemed necesiaary to make another appeal to 
the people on the question now at issue, the Republi- 
can President can make his choice — he can either fol- 
low the example of Andrew Johnson, or he can, as the 
gentleman from Ohio said, destroy this GK>venunent 
without firing arsingle hostile gun. It is for him, not 
for us, to say which course he will choose. * * * If 
firee Qovemment must die, and die at the hands of such 
a President as this, then the Democratic party can 
look in the £Ace of the expiring goddess of liberty and 
say: 

" ' Shake not thy gory locks at me; 
Thou canst not say I did it.' " 

RepresentatlTe NeXalion, of OUa* 
March 29, 1879, said : 

"I believe that we have made vp our wvimda JMf to 

take aU the anuiquences before the people ai an aUMr- 

. ence to our views. If the President of the United 

States prefers to "starve the Government" • • ♦ 

with him will rest the responsibility." 

Representattre Sparks, of nUnoto, oattl t 

"I deny, therefore, that the President has any legis- 
lative power. He luw the power to arrest ; only us 
power to arrest. Now let us take the case before us. 
It is insisted that the President is attempted to bs 
coerced by the proposed legislation and tlat this 
action is revolutionary. Now, sir, we pass a. law. AU 
appropriations of - money from the TreasHzr nmstbe 
inade by law. We pass this law appropriating nearily 
#27,000.000. In that law we make provision tnat tfas 
Army, for which the appropriation is made, ahaU not 
be used 'to keep the peace at the polls' in the vari* 
ous precincts and polling places throughout the Uni- 
ted States, The President chooses, if yon plwase, to 
arrest it. He says: *I arrest this law and letam it to 
Gongress with my objection.' What do we do f I do 
not know what gentlemen generally will do ; hat my 
idea in this particular case would be to aay to the 
President, 'Very well, sir; if you do not need this 
law, why should we want it ? We certainly have the 
constitutional power to let it alone; and, Mr. Plesi- 
dent, as you have chosen to arrest it by your poeitivs 
act of objection or veto, all right ; now Just let the 
subject drop.' But then he will say, 'But, gentle- 
men, that will not do ; this law must be passed ; 1 
must have this law.' 'Well, then,' we answer, 'why 
did you not take it, sir, and' make it efBactiye after we 
had passed it and presented it to you V ^Because,' 
he says, 'it had some provision in it that was ohdee- 
tionable to me.' 'Well, sir, what do yon propoae to 
do'?' 'Why, I propose that you shall pass a »w nn- 
objectionable to me ; in other words, you shall pass 
the kind of law that I want you to pass.' " 

RepresentatlTe Tueker, of ¥a., Avrfl 8* 

1879, said: 

" I tell you, gentlemen of the House of Dspgsesa- 
I tatives, the Army dies on the dOth day ^f Jume^ ttnlss* we 
' restucUate it by legitlation. And what is the queatioa 
here on this bill? Will you resuscitate the Army 
I after the 30th of June, with the power to nae St si 
i keepers of the polls ? That is the question. It is not a 

?[ue8tion of repeaL It is a question of re-enactment. 
f you do not appropriate this money, there will be no 
' Army after the 30th of June to be used at the pqUb. 
. The only way to secure an Army at the poUa is to s^ 



BBVOLUnOKABT ACTS AKD PURPOSES OF THB DBHOOBATIO LBADBB8. 87 



vropriAte tlie monfiy. Will you appropriaie the mon«y 
^ the Army in order that they maybe tued at thepoUef 
We say no, a thautand times no. * * * The gentte- 
man on the other side say there must be no coercion. 
Of whom T Of the President? Bnt what right has the 
President to coerce us ? Thwe may be coercion one 
way or the other. He dflmanda an unconditional sup- 
ply. We say we wilt give him no supply but upon con- 
ditions. * * * When, therefore, vicious laws have 
fiMtened themselves upon the statute-book which 
imperil the liberty of the people, this House is bound 
io say it will appropriate no money to give effect to 
jmch laws until and except upon condition that they 
Are repealed. [Applause on the Democratic side.] * * 
We wul give him the Army on a single condition that 
it shall never be used or be present at the polls when 
an election is held for members of this House, or in 
any presidential election, or in any State or muni- 
cipal election. * * * Qothed thus with un- 
auestion^ power, bound by clear duty, to expunge 
txese vicious laws from the statute-book, following a 
constitutional method sanctioned by venerable pre- 
cedents in English history, we feel that we have the 
undoubted right, and are beyond cavil in the right, in 
declaring that with our grant of supply there must be 
ja cessation of these grievances, and we make these ap- 
propriations conditioned on eecuring a firee ballot and 
lur Juries for our citizens." 

KepresentrntlTe Blackburn, of Kentucky, 
. * AprU 4, 1880, said: 

*' May I not assure that gentleman and his associates 
that the dominant purty of this Congress, the ruling 
Element of this body, is also equally determined that 
vntil their Just demands are satisfied, * * * this side 
of the Ohamber.' which has demonstrated its power. 
mever meems to yield or surrender until this Congress shall 
hmm died by virtue efiU UmilaHon. [Applause on the 
I>Mnooratic side.) we will not yield. A principle can- 
mot be Gomproxnised. It may be surrendered : but 
that can only be done by its advocates giving proof to 
^le woild that they .are cravens and cowards, lacking 
the courage of their own conviction. We cawnot yieldt 
^ancl wiU not swrrender. 

• 4> * 4> • 4> * 

"Kow. sir. the Issue is laid down, the gage of battle is 
4diy«red. lift it when you please ; we are willing to 
appeal to that sovereign arbiter that the gentleman so 
liandflomdy lauded, the American people, to decide be- 
tween us. • 

« 4> • 4> « 4> * 

" I do not mean to issue a threat. * * * But I do 
tbosesk. to say. that it is my deliberate conviction, that 
the«« is not to be found in this msjority a single man 
who wUl ever consent to abandon one Jot or tittle of 
tt&e flftith that is in him. He cannot surrender if he 
would. I beg you to believe he will not be coerced by 
threats nor intimidated by parade of power. He must 
utand QiKm his conviction and here we will all stand. 
He wko daUiesis a dastard.andhe who dottbts it dasnned I 
lOUroat applause on the Democratic side.] 



PAET XVIII. 

Memtcn Bit aD pointo, the nemo- 
^^l-atlc Eieaders fell Imm^ upcMi 
tbe ** Fraud" iMue— The game 
^< played out"— The hitter end 
toi^ard ivhieh they seek to drive 
OB— Rule or Ruin— Suprenu»ey 
o# the South, or Civil "War. 

Haying failed in the Extra Session to ao- 
•eomplish their revolationary porposes, the 
X^mooratio Congress tried to make some show 
during the following Session of gaining some 



snbstantial point that wonld save them the 
mortifloation of an absolute baok-down from 
their former imperious revolutionary stand. 
But in this again they failed. Beaten at all 
points, they determined to raise the " fraud " 
issue, and under cover of that in the Presi- 
dential campaip^ raise such a dust that thok 
own recent dis^praceful history, as well as 
their still existing revolutionary purpose, 
sliould be lost sight of. The Nationtd Demo- 
cratic Ck>nvention of 1880 responded with 
alacrity, and brought it to the front as the 
paramount issue before the people. It is 
upon this then that they hope to ride into 
power and place and plunder, by the aid of 
Indiana and New York, added to that "solid 
South," which Wade Hampton swears by. 

Tlie *'flraad" Issue played oat— The real 
olUect discerned— Rule or ruin— The an- 
swer of the North to the «' Solid South "— 
Oregon, Termont, Maine— No mistake this 
time. 

But no such false issue can "go down** 
with the North. The intellect of the North 
sees clearly the meaning of all the long list of 
revolutionary manoBuverings which have been 
conceived in the scheminff brains of unre- 
pentant Confederate bri^^aoiers, and worked 
out, as far as was practicable, by the aid of 
their few Northern allies. 

The North perceives where, unless promptly 
stopped, all ^hiswill end— that the election of 
Hancock means a reconstruction of the United 
States Supreme Oourt, with the ensuing over- 
turn of the Constitutional amendments, or! 
judicial constructions thereof, equivalent te 
their overthrow — that it means the buU-doz- 
ing of the North as well as the South — that it 
means 80,000 Federal offices suddenly filled 
by raw Democrats, without regard to fitness 
for the discharge of a multiplicity of delicate 
and Arduous duties — that it means utter dis- 
arrangement in the smooth working of the 
Governmental machinery — ^that it means 
doubtful policy as to all essential matters, 
save two ; that it means a fixed policy as 
to Southern domination which will bring ruin 
to Republican institutions, and a fixed policy 
as to free trade which will bring ruin upon 
our manufacturers and laboring men — that it 
means, in short, both political and financial 
wreck and disaster. The North sees this 
already. Oregon saw it first, and Vermont 
and Maine have followed with increased Re- 
publican majorities, which mean that this is 
a life-and-death struggle between the foroes of 
Freedom and of Slavery under a new name, 
and that there must this time be no close elec- 
toral majoritv for the Republican candidate 
for the I^residency— that it must be so lar^f 
as to awe the revengeful and rapacious "soli» 
South," and deter its leaders in Congress froiA 
attempting to count him out, and from thuf 
precipitating upon this now happy and pros- 
perous and free people all the incarnate hor- 
rors of a bloody, heart-rending, desolating, 
civil war. 



38 



6F2GIAL fiJE86ION OF 1879 — TBB VETO MESSAaBB, VKL 



OHAPTEE IV. 

Special Session of 1S79— The Yeto Messages, etc« 



PART L 

The Presldenrs can fbr the 8pe- 
. dal {SesskHi— Why It was neoes- 
sary to Issue It. 

Following is the President's oaU for the extra 
or special session: ' 

•* FelUno-CfUiMeni of Ike SenaU ami H<nu€ of EqprtteiUa- 

Hvet: 

** The fUlvre of the iMt OongreM to make the reqni- 
aiie approprUtton for legialatlTeMid Jndtoial pnrpoees, 
lior the eiq^enaee of the eerenl ezecatlTe depertmente 
of the aoTemxneiit, and for the support of the Army, 
hM made it neoeiwMy to call a ipeoial aeaaion of the 
ForiT'eixtfa Congreaa. 

•* The eatimatea of the appropriationa needed, which 
were aent to Oongreaa by the Secretary of the Xreati. 
nryats he opening of the laat aeaaion, are renewed, 
and are herewittk tranamitted to both the Senate and 
the Hooae of BepreaentatiTea. 

" Begretting the eziatfence of the emergency which 
r«dnirea a apeeial aeaaion of Congreaa at a time when 
it la tha general Judgment of tiie country that the 
wablic wdibrewillbe beat promoted bypermaaen<7 
m our legialation and by peace and reat, I commend 
tfaeae few naoeaaary meaaurea to your conaiderate at- 
tention. •' BUTKXByOBD B. HaZU. 

*• WASBXiroTOV, M<ur%k 19, 1879." 



PART n. 

Veto of tbe Army Approprlaiioii 
Sm-Totes on the BOL 

"Meuage from (ha. President of the UnOed Siatet to the 
Hoiue of JtepresenUUiva, upon retumifui the biU tfthe 
House (B. R. 1) entiOed * An act making appropria- 
tions for the support qfthe Army for thefecai jfear end- 
ing June 30, 1880, and for other purposes/ vfUh his ob- 
jections to its opprovdL 

** To TSB House of "BaavESBsnAimB : 

"I have maturely considered the important quea- 
tiona preaented by the bill entitled ' An act mtudng 
appropriationa for the support of the Army for the 
flacal year ending June 80, 1880, and for oUier pur> 
poses,' and I now return it to the House of B^re- 
eentatiTes, in which it originated, with my objections 
to its approval. 

" The bin provides, in the usual form, for the appxo- 
priations required for the support of the Army during 
the next fiscal year. If it contained no other provis- 
ions, it would receive my prompt approval. . It in- 
dndea, however, further legislation, which, attached 
aa it is to appropriations which are requisite for the 
efficient pmormance of some of the most necessary 
duties of the Qovemment, involves questions of the 
gravest character. The sixth section of the biU Is 
amendatory of the statute now in force in regard to 
the authority of persons in the civil, mllita^ And 
naval service of the United States ' at the place where 
any general or special election is held in any State.' 
This statute was adopted February 26, 1866, after a 
protracted debate in the Senate, and almost without 
oppoaition in the House of Bepresentatives, by the 
concurrent votes of both of the leading political par- 
ties of the country, and became a law by the approval 
of President Lincoln. It was re-enacted in 1874 in tlie 
Bevised Statutes of the United States, sections 2002 
and 6628, which are as follows : 



" ' SccnoH 2002. Ho military or naval officer, or oth«r 
person engaged in the civil, military, or naval se^ 
vice of the United States, shall order, bring, keep, tx 
have under his authority or control, any- troops or 
armed men at the place where any general or apedal 
election is held in any State, unless U be neceaaary to 
repel the armed enemies of the United Statea, or to 
keep the peace at the poUs.' 

" ' Section 5628. Every officer of the army or navy, or 
other person in the civil, military or naval aervioe of 
the United States, who ovders, brings, keepA or haa un- 
der his authority or control, any troops or anned men 
at any place where a general or special election ia held 
in any State, unless such force tbe neceaaary to repel 
armed enemies of the United States, or to keM» ue 
peace at the polls, shall be fined not more tluui $5,0M, 
and suffer imprisonment at hard labor not leas than 
three months nor more than five years.' 

*'The amendnfent proposed to this statnte in the liBI 
before me. omits from both of the foregoing sectimia the 
words ' or to keep the peace at the poUa. The effect 
ot the adoption of thia amendment may be oonaid- 
ered — , 

"First. Upon thf right of the United States Oovan- 
ment to use military force to keep the peace at the 
eleotiona for membera of Congr e a a ; and, 

"Second. Upon the right of the Oorenuttonty ty 
civil authority, to protect theae elactiona ftona TkAnee 
and fraud. 

"In addition to tbe aectiona of the statata abofe 
quoted, the flcdlowing provisions of law relating to the 
use of the military power at the eleotiona asa now in 
force: 

" ' Sboixoh 2003. No officer of the anny or vmsTtt 
the United States shall prescribe or fix, or attampt te 
prescribe or fix, by prodamation, oidar, ocotbarwlie, 
the qualifioatlons of voters in any State, or inanj nam- 
ner inteifere with the fireedom ofanyeleetton Inaay 
State, or with the exercise of the free right of anlftiiie 
in any State. 

" ' Section 6629. Every officer or other penoB ii^tiie 
military or naval service who, by force, threap intimi- 
dation, order, advice, or otherwise, prevents or at- 
tempta to prevent any qualified voter of any State tnm 
freely exercising the right of auifrage at any feaaal 
or special election in such State, ahallbe teed net 
more than $6,000and be impriaoned at hard labor not 
more than five yeara. 

" ' Section 6680. Every officer of the army or navy wh» 
prescribes or fixes, or attemps to preaoibe or toL, 
whether by proclamation, order, or othmrlaa, the 
qualifications of voters at any election in any State, 
shall be punished as provided in the preceding aee- 
tion. 

** * Section 6631. Every officer or other person In the 
military or naval service who, by f<Mrce, threat, ia- 
timidation, order, or otherwiae, compela or attempla . 
to compel any officer holding an election in any Snte 
to receive a vote ttom a peraon not legally q^oalulod to 
vote, or who imposes or attempta to impose any itgti- 
lations for conducting any general or apeoial eMetus 
in a State, diiferent from those preacribed by tew, or 
interfleres in any manner with any officer of an ileo- 
tion in thediaoharge of his duty, shall be pnadshadai 
provided in action fifty-five hundred and twwty 
nine- 

** ' Section 6632. Every person convicted of any of the 
ofltasea specified in the five preceding sedtoos ihaQ, 
in addition to the punishmenta therein BSTsgeaUar pfe- 
scribed, be disqualified from holding any office of 
honor, profit, or trust under the United Btatea; brt 
nothing in those sections ahaQ be oonstmed. to ]^ 
vent any officer, soldier, sailor, or ma r ine fbooa ssa^ 
oiaing the right of suffrage in any election diabrlct to 
whlda he may belong, if otherwiae qualified aeeotd- 
ing to the laws of the State in which he olferstb vote.' 

"The foregoing enactments would seem to be anft- 
cient to prevent military interference wltti thQ elee- 



SPECIAL SESSION OF 1879— THE VETO MESSAGES, ETC. 



39 



tions. But the last Gongrets, to remoTO all appre- 
hension of snch interference, added to this body of 
law Boction 15 of an act entitled. *An act makinff ap- 
propriations for the support of the Army for the flsoal 
year ending June 80, 1879, and for other purposes/ 
•pproTed June 18, 1878. which is as follows : 

•• * Skctioh 15 From and after the passage of this act 
It shall not be lawftil to employ any part of the Army of 
the United States, as ^poste comitatus or otherwise, for 
the purpose of ezeonting the laws, except in such 
cases and under such circumstances as snch employ- 
ment of Bsid force may be expressly authorized by the 
Constitution or by act of Oonaress ; and no money 
appropriated by this act shall be used to pay any of 
the expenses incurred in the employment of auy 
troops in -violation of this section, and any person 
willfully Tiolating the provisions of this section nhall 
be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction 
thereof shul be punished by fine not exceeding ten 
thousand dollars, or imprisonment not exceeding two 
yean, or by both such fine and imprisonment.' 

** This act passed ^e Senate, after full oonaidera- 
tion, -vdthout a single vote recorded against it on its 
final passage, and, by a majority of more than two- 
thirds, it was concurred in by the House of Bepresen- 
tiUlTes. 

<*The purpose of the section quoted was stated 
in the Senate by one of its supporters as follows: 

*' * Therefore I hope, without getting into any con- 
tzovesy about the past, but acting wisely for the fu- 
ture, uiat we shall tske away the idea that the. Army 
can be used bv a general or special deputy marshal, 
or any marshal, merely for election purposes as tkpotse, 
ordexins them about ue polls or crdering them any- 
where &Me, when there is no election goin^ on, to pre- 
rent disorders or to suppress disturbances that should 
ibe suppressed by the "peace officer^ of i£S State, or, if 
they must bring others to their aid. they* should sum- 
mon the unoxgimised citizens, and not summon the of- 
ficers and men of the Army as a pone eomitaUu to 
goell disorders, and thus get up a feeling which will be 
claastrous to i>eace among the people of the oountxy.' 

" In the House of BeiHresentatiyes the ot)iect of the 
act of 1878 was stated by the gentleman who had it in 
diarge'in similar terms. He said : 

" 'But these are all minor points and insignificant 
qoestions compared with the great principle which 
was incorporated by the House in the bill in reference 
to the use of the Army in time of peace. The Senate 
had already conceded what they called, and what 
we mi^t accept, as the principle, but they had 
stricken out the penalty, and had stricken out the 
word " erprcMZy," so that the. Army might be. used in 
all oases where implied authority might be inferred. 
The House committee planted fhemsehres firmly upon 
the doctrine that rather than yield this fimdamental 
princitfe, for which for three years this House had 
stnucraed, they would allow the biH to ikil, notwith- 
atandmg the morms which we had secured, regarding 
theae reforms as of but little consequence slongside of 
the great principle that the Anny of the United States^ 
in time of peace, should be under the control of Con- 
gress and obedient to its laws. After a long and pro- 
mcted negotiation, the Senate committee have con- 
ceded that principle in all its length and breadth, in- 
dudizig the penalty, which the Senate had stricken 
out. we bring you back, therefore, a report, with the 
a)traation of a single word, which the lawyers assure 
me is proper to be made, restoring to this bill the 
principle for which we have contended so long,'and 
which is so vital to secure tiie rights and liberties of 
the people. 

« * * « « * * 

«« « Thus have we, this day, secured to the people of 
this country the same great protection againBt a stand- 
ing army which cost a struggle of two hundred years 
for the Commons of England to secure for tiie British 
people.', 

** From this'brief review of the subject it sufficiently 
jappears that, under existing laws, there can be no 
military interference with the elections. No case of 
such interflrarence has, in fact, occurred since the 
iMSsage of the act last referred to. No soldier of the 
United States has appeared under orders at any place 
of election in any State. No complaint even of the 
presence of ihe United States troops has been made in 
any quarter. It may, therefore, be confidently stated 
that there is no necessity for the enactment of section 
six of the bill before me to prevent military interfer- 



ence with the elections. The laws already in force are 
all that is required for that end.' 

" But that part of section six of this bill which is 
significant and vitally important, is the clause which, 
if adopted, will deprive the civil authorities of the 
United States of all power to keep the peace at the 
Congressional elections. The Congressional elections 
in every district, in a very important sense, are Justly 
a matter of political interest and concern throughout 
the whole country. Each State, evenr political party, 
is entitled to the share of power which is conferrod by 
the legal and Constitutional sufErage. It is the right 
of every citizen possessing the qualifications pre- 
scribed by law, to cast one unintimidated ballot, and 
to have his ballot honestly counted. So long as the 
exercise of this power and the ei^Joyment of this right 
are common and equal, practically as well as formiuly, 
submission to the results of the suffirage will be ac- 
corded' loyally and cheerfully, lind all the departments 
of government will feel the true vigor of the popular 
will thus expressed. 

" Two provisions of the Constitution authorize legis- 
lation by Congress for the regulation of the Congres- 
sional elections. 

" Section 4 of Article 1 of the Constitution declares — 

" 'The times, places and manner of holding elections 
for Senators and Bepresenti^ves, shall be prescribed 
in each State by the legislature ihereof ; but the Con- 
gress may at any time, by law, make or alter such reg- 
ulations except as to the places of choosing Senators.' 

"The fifteefith amendment of the Constitution is as 
follows : 

'"SxcTXONl. The right of citizens of the United 
States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the 
United States, or by any State, on account of race, color 
or previous condition of servitude. 

'* ' Sbctxom 3. The Congress shsll have power to. en- 
force this article by appropriate legislation. 

"The Supreme Court has held that this amendment 
invests the citizens of the United States with a new 
Constitutional right which is within the protecting * 
power of Congress. That right the court declares to 
be exemption ttom. discrimmation in the exercise of 
the elective fhmchise'on account of race, pdlor. or 
previous condition of servitude. The power of "Con- 
gress to protect this right by appropriate legislation 
is expressly affirmed by the court. 

"National legislation to provide safeguards for free 
and honest elections is necessary, as experience has 
shown, not only to secure the right to vote to the en- 
fhmohised race at the South, but also to prevent 
fteudulent voting in the large cities of the North. 
Conoress has, therafbre, exercised the power confterred 
by the Constitution, and has enacted certain laws to 
prevcAkt discriminations on account of race, color, or 
previous condition of servitude, and to punish fhtud, 
violence, and intimidation at Federal elections. At- 
tention is called to the following sections of the Be- 
vised Statutes of the United States, viz.: 

" Section 2004, which guarantees to all citizens the 
right to vote without distinction on account of race, 
color, or previous condition of servitude. 

"Section 2006 and 2006, which guarantee to all 
citizens equal opportunity, without discriminaticm, to 
perform all the acts required by law as a prerequisite or 
qualification for voting. 

" Section 202S, which authorizes the United States 
marshall and his- deputies to keep the peace and pre- 
serve coder at the Federal elections. 

" Section 2024, which expressly authorizes the United 
States marshal and his deputies to summon a poMe com- 
tfoftw. whenever they or any of them are forcibly re- 
sisted in the execution of their duties under the law, or 
are prevented from executing such duties by violence. 

" Section 5522, which provides tor the punishment of 
the crime of interfering with the supervisors of elec- 
tions and deputy marRhals in the discharge of their 
duties at the elections of Bepresentatives in Congress. 

" These sre some of the laws on this subject which 
it is the duty of the Executive Department of the 
Government to enforce. The intent and effect of the 
sixth section of this biU is to prohibit all the civil 
officers of the United States, under penalty of fine and 
imprisonment, from employmg any adequate civil 
force for this purpose at the place where their enforce- 
ment is most necessary, namely, at the places where 
the Congressional Elections are heli. Amons the 
most valuable enactments to which I have referred 
are tbose which protect the supervisors of Federal 



40 



SPECIAL SESSION OF 1879 ^THB VETO MESSAGES, ETO. 



etoctloiui in the disohtrgeof fheirdniies at the polls. 
If the propoeed legiiUttion should become the law 
there will be no power vested in any oiBoer of the 
GtoTenunent to protect fjrom yiolence the of&cersof the 
United States engaged in the discharge of their daties. 
Their rights and duties under the law will remain, 
but the National Oovemment win be powerless to 
enforce its own statutes. The States may employ 
both military and civil power to keep the peace, and 
to enforce the laws at State elections. It is now pro- 
posed to deny to the United States even the necessary 
civil authori^ to pr: tect the national elections. No 
sofiicient reason has been given for this discrimination 
in favor of the State and against the national author- 
ity. If well-founded objections exist against the 
present national election laws, all good citizens should 
unite in their amendment. The laws providing tbe 
safeguards of the elections should be impartial. Ju^t. 
and efSicient. They should, if possible, be so non-par- 
tisan and fEdr in their operation that the minority— the 
party out of power — wiU have no Just grounds to com • 
plain. The present laV^s have, in practioe, unquestion- 
ably conduced to the prevention of fraud and violence 
at the elections. In several of the States members of 
different political parties have applied for the safe- 
guards which they famish. It is the right and duty 
of the Ni^onal Government to enact and enforce laws 
which wUJ secure free and Ikir congressional elections 
The laws now in force should not oe repealed, except 
in oonnection with the enactment of measures which 
will better accomplish that important end. Believing 
that section six of the bill t>efore me will weaken, if it 
does not liltogether take away, the power of the Ka* 
tional Government to protect the Federal elections by 
the civil authorities, I am forced to the conclusion 
tiliat it ought not receive my approval 

" This section- is, however^ not presented to me as a 
separate and indei>endent measure, but is, as has been 
stated, attached to the bill making the usual annual 
appropriations for the support of uie Army . It makes 
a vital change in the election laws of the country, 
which is in no way connected with the use of the Army. 
It prohibits, under heavy penalties, any person en- 
gaged in the civil service of the United States from 
having any force at the place ot any election prepared 
to preserve order, to make arrests, to keep the peace, 
or in any manner to enforce the laws. This is alto- 

g ether foreign to the purpose of an army appropriation 
ill. The practice of tacking to appropriation bills 
measures not pertinent to such bilLs did not prevail 
until more than forty' years after the adoption of the 
Ck>nstitution. It has become a common practice. All 
parties when in power have adopted it. Many abuses 
and great waste of public money have in this way 
crept into appropriation bills. The public opinion of 
the country is against it. The States which have 
recently adopted constitutions have generally provided 
a remedy for the evil by enacting that no law shall 
contain more than one subj^^t, which shall be plainly 
ejnpressed in its title. The constitutions of more than 
half of the States contain substantially this provision. 
The public welfare will be promoted in many ways by 
a return to the early practice of the Government, and 
to the true principle of legislation, which requires that 
every measure shall stand or £aU according to its own 
merits. If it were understood that to attach to an 
appropriation bill a measure irrelevant to the general 
object of the bill would imperil and probably prevent 
its fbud passage and approval, a valuable reform in 
the parliamentary practice of Ckjugiess would be ac- 
complished. The best Justification that has been 
oftexed for attaching irrelevant riders to appropriation 
bills is that it is done for convenience sake, to facili- 
tate the passage of measures which are deemed expe- 
dient by all the branches of Government which par- 
ticiiNkte in legislation. It cannot be claimed that there 
is anv such reason for attaching this amendment of 
the election laws to the Army Appropriation BiU. The 
history of the measure contradicts this assumption. 
A majority of the House of Representatives in the last 
Congress was in favor of Section 6 of this bill. It was 
known that a minority of the Senate was opposed to 
it, and that as a separate measure it could not bo 
adopted. It was attached to the Army appropriation 
BiU to compel the Senate to assent to it. It was plainly 
announced to the Senate that the Army appropriation 
Bill would not bo allowod to pass unless the proposed 
amendments of the election laws were adopted with it. 
The Senate refused to assent to the bill on account of 
thifllrrpl^vrint seotion. Congress thereupon adjourned 



without passing an appropriation bill for the Army, 
and the present extra session of the Forty-sixth Con- 
gress became necessary to furnish the means to carry 
on the Government. 

** The ground upon which the action of the House of 
Bepresantatives is defended has been diatinotly stated 
by many of its advocates A week before the oloae of 
the last session of Congress the doctrine in qusatioii 
was stated by one of its ablest defenders, as f oflows : 

*' * It is our duty to repeal these laws. It is not worth 
while to attempt the repeal except upon an appropria- 
tion bilL The BepnbUcan Senate would not agree to, 
nor the Bepublioan President sign, a bill for sooh re- 
peal. Whatever objection to legisuition uponappropria> 
tion bills may be made in ordinary cases does not 9^- 
ply where firee elections and the liberty of the oitiaena 
are concerned. * * * We have the power to vote 
money; let ua annex conditions to it« and insist upon 
the redress of grievances.' 

*' By another distinguished member of the House it 
was said: 

'* ' The right of the representatives of the people to 
withhold supplies is as old as £ugli.>>h Liberty. Histoiv 
reords numerous instances where the Commons, fiBU* 
ing that the people were oi>pressed by laws that the 
Lords would not consent to repeal by tbe ordlnazy 
methods of legislation, obtained redress at last by re- 
fusing appropriations unless accompanied by relief 
measure^.^ 

"That a question of the gravest magnitude, and new 
in this country, was raised by this course of proceed- 
ing, was ftHly recogdized also by its defenders in tits 
Senate. It was said by a disttnguiahed Senator: 

*• ' Perhaps no sreater queslJon. in the form we are 
brought to consider it, was ever considered 1^ tbe 
American Congress in time of peace; for it Involves 
not merely the merits or dementa of the laws which 
the Uouse bill proposes to repeal, but involves the 
rights, the privileges, the powers, the duties of ttis 
two branches of Congress, and of the PresidBnt of the 
United States. It is a vast question; it is a question 
whose importance can scarcely be estimated; itla • 
question that never yet has been brought so sharply 
before the American Congress and the AmsrIcsiL peopk 
as it may be now. It is a question which, sooner « 
later, must be decided, an<k the dedsion must detw* 
mine what are the powers of the House of Bepnsenta- 
tives under the Constitution, and what is the ofrof 
that House in the view of the flramera of that OoniSta* 
tion according to its letter and its spirit 

" ' Mr. President, I should approach this qneatlon. if 
I were in the best possible condition to speak and a^ 
sue it, with very great diflidence, and certainly with 
the utmost anxiety, -for^o one can think of it as fq ng 
and as carefully as I have thought of it, without see- 
ing that we are at the banning, perhaps, of a sfcrafl^ 
that may last as long In this count^ as asl^Su 
struggle lasted in what we are accustomed to call ttis 
mother land. There the struggle lasted for two oen- 
tiiries before it was ultimately decided. It is not nwiy 
^to last BO long here, but it may last until every *wmi in 
this chamber is in his grave. It is the question whether 
or no the House of Representatives has a right to say. 
*' We will grant supplies only upon conSiion that 
grievances are redressed. We are the representatives 
of the tax-payers of the l^public ; we, the House of 
Representatives, alone have the right to originate 
money bills ; we, the House ef Representatives, have 
alope the right to originate bills which giant the 
money of the people; the Senate represents States ; we 
represent the tax-payers of the Republic ; we. theieAjn, 
by the very terms of the Constitution, are charged wlili 
the duty of originating the bills which grant the 
money of the people. We claim the right, which fbe 
House of Commons in England estabUMied after twe 
centuries of contest, to say that we will not grant the 
money of the people unless there is a redress of grier* 
anees.' " 

" Upon the assembling of this Congress, in puxm- 
ance of a call for an extra session, which was made 
necessary by the failure of the Forty-fifth Congress to 
make the needful appropriations for the sux»port of the 
Government, the question was presented whether the 
attempt made in the last Congress to engraft, by con- 
struction, a new principle upon the Constitution 
should be persisted in or not. This Congress has am- 
ple opportunity and time to pass the appxtypriatioB 
bills, and also to enact any political measures whiok 
may be determined upon in separate bills by the usual 
' and orderly methods of proceeding. But the ma^orltj 



BFSOIAL SItSSIOM OF 1879 — ^THE YXTO UXSSAOES, BTTO. 



41 



of both HooiMliaTe deemed it wise to adhere to the 
principleB asserted and maintained in the last Gon- 
gtees \>j the majority of the House of Bepresentatives. 
Tliat principle is that the Honse of BepreeentatiTes 
has the sole right to originate bills for raising revenue, 
and therefore has the right to withhold appropriations 
upon which the existence of the Government may de- 
pend, unless the Senate and the i President shall give 
their assent to any legislation which the House may 
see lit to attach to appropriation bills. To establish 
this pzlncipal is to make a radical, dangerous, and un- 
eonstitutional chimge in the character of our institu- 
tions. The various Departments of the Government, 
and the Army and Navy, are established by the Consti- 
tution, or by laws passed in pursuance thereof. Their 
duties are clearly defined, and their support is care- 
fuUf provided for by law. The money required for 
this purpose has been collected tronx the people, and 
is now in the Treasury, ready to be paid out as soon 
as the appropriation bills are passed. Whether appro- 
priations are made or not, the collection of the taxes 
wiU go on. The public money will accumulate in the 
Treasury. It was not the intention of the firamers of 
the CJonstitution that any single branch of the Govern- 
ment should have the power to dictate conditions 
upon which this treasure ^ould be applied to the pur- 
pose for which it was collected. Any such intention, 
u it had been entertained, would have been plainly 
expressed in the Constitution. 

" That a m^ority of the Senate now concurs in the 
claim or the Honse adds to the gravity of the sitnaiion. 
but does not alter the qneirtion at- issue. The new 
doctrine, if maintained, will result in a consolidation 
ef unchecked and despotic power In the House of Bep- 
resentatives. A bare majority of the house will be- 
come the GoTemment. Th^ £xecutiTe will no longer 
bewhattbefiramersof the £)onstitation intended, an 
equal and independent branch of the Qe?ernmeni. It 
is dearly the conrtitational duty of the President to 
ezerdae his disoreiion and Judgment upon all bills pre- 
sented to him without constraint or duress firam anjc. 
other branch of the Government. To say that a ma- 
jority of either or both of the Houses of Congress may 
insist upon the approval of a bill undbr the penalty at 
stopping all of the opetatiocs of the Q<nreniment for 
wtnt of the necessary snpf lies, is to deny to the Ezeo- 
Qtlve thai share of the legialatiTe power which is 
plainly coufaned by the second section of the feeventh 
article of the Ooosfcitntlon. It strikes ttom the Oon- 
Btitntion the qualilked negative of the President. It is 
said that this ahould be done because it is the 
peculiar f^jnction of the Honse of Bepresentatives 
to represent the will of the people. But no 
single branch or department of the Govem- 
ment has osdnsiTe anthonty to speak for the American 
people. The most antbentio and solemn expression 
of their will ia contained in the Constimtion of the 
Qaited Statea. By that Oonstitntion they have or- 
dained and eata^Mshed a Government, whose powers 
tts distrilniCed among co-ordinate hraachee, which, as 
fttf aa possible, consistently with a harmonious co- 
•Aperation, are absolutely independent of each other. 
The people of thia coontry are unwilling to see the 
enpremacgr of the Constitution replsced by the omni- 
potence of any one department of the Government. 

"The enactaient of this bill into a law will establish a 
pieoedent which will tend to destroy the equal inde- 
pendence of the sevoal 'branches of the Government. 
Xtl principle places, not merely the Senate and the Ex- 
ecutive, but tlie Judiciary also, under the coercive dic- 
lilionof the House. The House alone wiU be the 
Judge of what constitutes a grievance, and also of the 
meana and measures of redress. An Act ^f Congress to 

K»tect elections is now the grievance complained of. 
t the House may, on the samei principle, determine 
that any other Act of Congreee, a treaty made by the 
Pkesident with the advice of the Senate, a nomination 
er appointment to office, or that a decision or opinion 
«f the Supreaae Court is a grievance, and that the 
measure of redress is to withhold the appropriations 
required for the support of the offending branch of the 
Government. 

«* Believing that this bill is a dangerous violation of 
tte spirit and meaning of the constitution, I am com- 
pelled to return it to tiie House in which it originated 
without my approval. The qualified negative with 
•which the Constitution invests the President is a trust 
that involves a duty which he cannot decline to per- 
form. With a firm and oonscientious purpose to do 



what I can to preserve, unimpaired, the constitutional 
powers and equal independence, not merely of the Bk- 
ecutive, but of every branch of the Government, which 
will be imperiled by the adoption of the principle of 
this bin, I desire earnestly to urge upon the House of 
Bepresentatives a return to the wise and wholesome 
usaae of the earlier days of the BepubUc, which ex- 
cluded from appropriation bills all irrelevant legisla- 
tion. By this course vou will inaugurate .an impor- 
tant reform in the metnod of Congressional liwiiiilatiffii ; 
your action will be in harmony with the fundamental 
prihciples of the Constitution 'and the patriotic senti- 
ment of nationality which is their firm support ; and 
you will restore to the country that feeling of confi- 
dence and security and the repose which are so essen- 
tial to the prosperity of all of our fellow-citizens. 

"-BuTHxnroBD B. Hatbb. 
" ExEocnvB Mansxoh, AprU 29, 1879." 

Totes In House and Senate on passage of 
the BUI, and In House on passtnir It, not* 
fHthstandlnff the Teto. 

First Honse Vote. 

The vote in the House, April 5, 1879, on tks 
passage of the Army Bill was: 

YEAa— Messrs. Aiken, Arn^field, Atherton, Attim, 
Bachman, Beltthoover, Bieknell^ Btackbum, Bliu BUnrnt, 
Bouck, Bragg^ Bright. Buckner, Cabdl, J. W, CqUmOI, 
Carlisle, Chalmers, Clardy, J, B. Clark, Jr., Clymer, Cobk, 
Coffroth, CoUrick, Converse^ Cook, Covert, Cravens, C%U- 
berson, Davidson, J. J. Ikons, L. H. Davis, Dx La. Matve. 
Dexuter, DibreU, Dickey, Dunn, Etam, EUis, J. H. 
Evins, Evring, FeUon, E. B. Finley, Fonn, Forney, Fraet, 
Qeddes, CHbson, Gillettx, Goode, Gftmter, N. J. Ham- 
mond, J, T. Harris, Hatch, Hmkle, Henry, Hettert, 
Hemdon, HiU, Hooker, HosteOer, House, HtUl, Huatom, 
Hurd, Johnston, G. W. Jomca. Kenna, Kimmel, King, 
Kitchin, Klotx, Knott, Ladd, Le Fevre Lewis, Loundtery, 
Lowe, Manning, B. F, Martin, E. L, Martin, McKame, 
McLane, McMahon, McMiUin, MiUs, Money, MorrisoOt 
Morse, Muldrow, MuUer, MuBCH. Myers, New, NiduMi,. 
O'Brien, O'Connor, O'Beilley, Persons, Phelps, Phister, 
Poelher, Beagan, Bichardson, Richmond, E. W. Bobertsou, 
Boss, BvthweU, J. W. Byon, San^ford, Sawyer, Soaies, 
Shelley, Simonion, J. W. Singleton, O. B. Singieims, 
Slemons, H. B. Smith, W. B. Smith, Sparks, Spa^, 
Springer, Steele, Stephens, STBTXVSOir, TalboU, XY^flor, 
P. B. Thompson, Jr., Tillman, B. W. TownOund, Tueker, 
0. Turner, T. Turner, Vanee, WaddiU, A. J. Warner, 
WsAVzn, WeObom, Whiteaker, Whitthome, T. WUUame, 
A. S. Willis, Wilton, Wise, F. fTood^WnzoHT. Yoovm, O. 
Young-^14». 

Kats— Messrs. N. W. Aldrich. W. Aldrich, Andmrsoo, 
Bailey, J. H. Baker, Baliou, Barber, BaBi<ow, Belftxed, 
Bingham. Blakn, Bowman, Boyd. Brewer. Briggs, Brig- 
ham, Browne, Burrows, Calkins, Camp, Gannon. Car- 
penter. CaswelL Chittenden, Claflin. B. Glaxk, Conoer, 
CowgiU, Crapo, Crowley. Banett. G. B. Davis, Deeriag. 
Dunnell. Dwlght. Einstein, Errett, Farr, Ferdon, Field, 
Fisher, Fobsvthx. Fort, Frye, Garfield, Godafaalk, BUI. 
J. Hammond, B. W. Harris. Haskell. Hawk, Hawley. 
Hayes, Hazelton, Heilman, Henderson. Hiscock, Hair, 
Houk. Humphrey, James, Joxgensen. Joyce, EeiJbr, 
Keujet. Ketcham, KiUinger, Lapham, Lmdsey, Lor^ 
ing. Marsh, Mason, McCoid, McCook. McGK>wan. Mio- 
Einley, Miles. Mitchell, Monroe, Morton. Neal, New- 
berry, KoroxMs, O'Meil!!, Orth, Osmer. Overton, Pieroe, 
Pound, Prescott. Price, Beed. W. W. Bice. Bichardson, 
Bobeson, G. B. Bobinson, W. A. Bussell, T. Byan, Sato. 
ShaUenbenger, Sherwln, A. H. Smith, Starin« .J. w. 
Stone, Thomas, A. Townsend, Tyler, .J. T. Upde- 
m!air, T. Updegraff, TTmer, Valentine, Van AemiMn. 
Yoorhis, J. Van Voorhia. Walt. Ward. Washburn. H. 
White, Wilber, 0. G. WOliams, WUlits, W. A. Wood— 
122. 

The fiienate vote. 

The bill p(»sed the Senate April 26, by the 
following Tote : 

Tkas— Messrs. Bailey, Bayard, Beck, Butter, O9A. 
Cockrell, Coke, Davis of Illinois, Eaton, Farley, Garland, 
Gordon, Groome, Orover, Hampton, Harris, Her^fwrdt 
Hill of Georgia, Houston, Johnston, Jonas, Jones ot Flo< 
rida, Keman, Lamar, McDonald, Maxey, Morgan, 



42 



SPECIAL SESSION OF 1879— THE VETO MESSAGES, ETC 



FMdkton, Randolph, Bamom, Scndibury, SldUr, Tkur- 
wum, Vance, Vest, Voorhees, Walker, WdUace, WkyU, 
Wimamt» Withert-41. 

NAT»-^HeMn. AlUaon, Anthocj* Bell, BlaiiM, Booth. 
Brace, Bumaide, Ouneron of PennsylTUiift, Oameron 
of WiabotiBln, Cftrpenter. Cbandler, Oonkling, Dawes, 
Edmonds, Feny, HuDlin, Hill of Colorado, Ingalli, 
JosiM of Nevada, Kellogg, ^^rkwood, Logan, Mc- 
Millan, Morrill, Paddock, Piatt, Plumb, BolUna, 
Baandcn, Teller— 80. 

■«iiue TOte on piwdnv the IHll. notwtth- 
sUmdlns tlie veto. 

May 1, in the House, on the question of 
passing the bill over the veto, the bill failed 
(two-thirds required) by the following vote: 

Y^AB^Meurt. Acklen, Aiken, Armfidd, AtherUm 
Atkins, R. L. T. BeaU, Belzhoover, BickneU, Blackburn 
BUMS, Bragg, Bright, Buckner, Cabell, J. W. Caldwell 
CarlitU, Chalmers, A. A, Clark, J. B. Clark, Jr., Cljfmer^ 
Oobb, Coffrotk, Colerick, Converse, Covert, S. S. Cox, Cra- 
vens, Culberson, Davidson, L. H. Davis, !>■ La Hatyb^ 
Deusier, Dibrell, Dickey, Dunn, Elam, EUis, J. H. Evins, 
Muring, FtUon, Forney, Frost, Geddes, Gibson, Gunter, 
N. J. Hammond, J. T. Harris, HenkU, Henry, Herbert 
Hemdon, Hill, Hooker, Hostetler, House, Hurd, Johnston 
JKimmel, King, Kiichin, KloU, Knott, Ladd. Le Fevre 
Lewi*, Manning, B. F. MarHn, MeKenzU, McLane, Mc 
Milan, Mills, Morrismt, Muldrow, Myers, New, O'Brien 
&Oonnor, O'ReHly, Persons, Phister, Foehler, Beapan, 
J. S. Richardson, Richmond, E. W. Robertson, Ross 
MetkwsU, Samfdrd, Sawyer, Scales, Shelley, Simonton, 
J. W. Singleton, O. R, SingUtcn, Siemens, H. B. Smith, 
W, E, Smith, Sparks, Speers, Smringer, Steele, Stephens, 
Ba!rBmoH,TaiboU, Tajfiw, P. B. Thompson, Jr., Tillman, 
R, W. ToumOund, O. Turner, T. Turner, Vance, Wad- 
dOl, A, J, Warner, Wellborn, Whiteaker, Whitthome, T, 
WUUamt, A, S, WiUU, Wise, Wbxgbt, C. Young 

Xaini-MeMrt. N. W. Aldricb, W. Aldricb. An- 
deMon, J. H. Baker, Bayne, Belford, Bingham 
Blake, Bowman, Boyd, Brewer, Brigga, Brig 
ham, Browne, Burrows, Batterworth, Cannon 
Ckopenter, Caswell, Chittenden, Glaflin, Conger 
Oowgm, Crapo, Csggett, O. B. Davis, Deering, 
Ihumell, Einstein. Enett, Tsar, Ferdon, Field, Fisher, 
9oB]>, Fossnsx, Fort, nrye, Garfleld, Gnxxm, Hall 
J. Hammon, Hanner, B. W. Harris, Haskell, Hawk 
Sawley, Hasleton, Heilman, Hiscock, Horr, Houk 
HnbbeD, Homphray. James, O. W. Joins, Jorgensen, 
Joyce, Keifer, Kkulet, lindsey. Lows, Marsh, Mason 
MoOoid, McGowanv McKinley. Miles, MitcbeU. Monroe 
Morton, Mubch, Newberry, Norcross, O'Neill. Overton 
Pleroe, Pound, Prescott. Beed. W. W. Rice, D. P 
Richardson, Robeson, O. D. Robinson. W. A. Russell 
T. ^an, Shallenberger, Sherwin. A. H. Smith, Thomas, 
A. Townaend, Tyler. J. T. Updegxaff. T. Updegnff, 
Vteer, Valentine, Van Aemam, Voorhis. J. Van Voor- 
hia. Wait, Ward, Washburn, Wxavsb, H. White. Wilbur, 
0. O. Williams, Willits, W. A. Wood, YoouM, T. L. 
Towig— 110. 



PART m. 

¥eto of the BiUto Prohibit lliU- 
tary Interf^renoe at Biections— 
Votes on the Biii-Tlie law MNight 
to be repealed— A Ileino€»<atic 
l4iw— Its nMjory. 

The following is the President's veto: 

*' Message from the President of the United States, assign- 
ing oMections to the approval of the bill of the House 
(H,R. 1382; entitled, 'An Act to Prohibit Military 
Interference at Elections.' 

** To THE House of Repbesentatives : 

"After a careful consideration of the biU entitled 
* An Act to Prohibit Military Interference at Elections,' 
I return it to the Houpe of RepresentativeH, in which 



it oriffinated, with the following objections to fte qp> 
proy^: 

" in the communication sent to the House of Bepie- 
sentatives on the 29th of last month, returning to the 
House without my approval the bill entitled ' An Act 
making Apprepriations for the' Support of the Army 
for the fiscal year ending June 80, 1880, and for other 
purposes,' I endeavored to show by quotations from 
the statutes of the United States now in 'force, aadl^ 
a brief statement of facts in regard to recent eleotions 
in the several States, that no additional leglslattcn 
was necessary to prevent interference with the elee> 
tions by the military or naval forces of the UnitBd 
States. The fact was presented in that conununioa- 
tion that at the time of the passage of the act of ^une 
18, 1878, in relation to the employment of the army as 
a posse comitalus or otherwise, it was maintained ^ its 
friends that it would establish a vital and fondamea- 
tal principle, which would secure to the people pro- 
tection against a standing army. The fact was alss 
referred to that, since the passage of this act. Con- 
gressional, State, and municix>al elections have been 
held throughout the Union, and that in no instaaeo 
has comphdnt been made of the presence of United 
States soldiers at the polls. 

" Holding, as I do, the opinion that any miUtaiy 
interference whatever at the polls is contrary to tht 
spirit of our institutions, and would tend to destroy 
the freedom of elections, and sincerely desiring to 
concur with Congress in all of its measures, it is wltk 
very grrat regret that I am forced to the conchurioa 
that the bill before me is not .only unnecessary t» 
prevent such interference, but is a cumserous depsii- 
nre firom long-settled and important OonatltntiOBsl 
principles. 

" The true rule as to the emplovment of mlUtHy 
force at the elections is not doubtful. Ko intimida- 
tion or coercion should be allowed to control or ll- 
fluence citixens in the exercise of their rlg^t to rtM, 
whethMT it appears in the shape of comblnatiOBi sf 
evil-disposed persons, or of armed bodies of the miliUa 
of a State, or of the military force of the United Blataa 
. ** The elections should be firee from all fonibis l»- 
terference, and, as far as practicable, teom. all iwrs* 
hensionsof such interference* No 861dlen,eitMrsf 
the Union or of the State militia, should be ptweat at 
the polls to take the place #r perform the dntiea of tht 
ordinary civil police force. There has been and wH 
be no violation of this rule under orders firom ms 
during this administration. But there ahonid be m 
denial of the right of the national GorernmsBt ts 
employ its militsry force on any day and at any pliss 
in case such employment is necessary to .enflom tki 
Constitution and laws of the United Statsa. 

« The bill before me is as follows : 

"'Be U enacted, etc.. That it shall not belawfUta 
bring to, or employ at, any .place where a geneial «r 
special election is being held in a State, any pait st 
the Army or Navy of the United States,- onleaB rack 
force be necessary to rei>el the armed enemtea of tfet 
United States, or to enfcnroe section 4^ article 4, of tfet 
Constitution of the United States, and the lawa mall 
in pursuance thereof, on application of the Leglalatqit 
or executive of the State where such foroe ia to bs 
used ; and so much of all laws as is inconstatent hu^ 
with is hereby repealed.' 

*' It will be observed that the bill exempts tram tfet 
general prohibition against the employment of bU^ 
tary force at the i>oles two specified cases. Theaa i»> 
ceptions recogniise and concede the soundness of tht 
pi^ciple that militaiy force may proi>eity and oopitl 
tutionally be used at the place of elections, when aoflfe 
use is necessary to enforce the Constitution and tht 
laws. But the excepted cases leave the prohibition m 
extensive ana ifu>reaching, that its adoption will snA' 
ously impair the efficiency of the executive depsifr- 
ment of the Government. 

" The first act expressly authorizing the use of ■ilB' 
tary power to execute the laws was passed mi-mnttt^ §§ 
early as the organisation of the Government under tfet 
Constitution and was spproved by PresidMit 
ton. May 2. 1792. It is as follows : 

" • Section 2. And be it further enacted. That ■ 
the laws of the United States shall be oppoeed, or tht 
execution thereof obstructed, in any Sta£s, by ootab^ 
nations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinBrf 
course of Judicial proceedings, or by the powers Testsa 
in the marshals by this act. the same being notified tt 
the President of the United States by an associate Jus- 
tice or the district Judge, it shall be lawftil for tht 






SPECIAL SESSION OF 1879 — TICR VETO MBSSAOBS, ETC. 



48 



Fiwddent of the United StAtea to oaU forth the militU 
of saoh State to Baporeea each combinations, and to 
oauae the laws to be dnly exeonted. And if the militia 
of aState where each combination may happen shall re- 
fnse, or be insaAcient to suppress the same, it shall be 
lawful for the President, if the Legislatnre of the Uni- 
ted States be not in session, to csU forth and employ 
such nombers of the militi* of any other State or 
States most conyenient thereto as may be necessary; 
and the ose of militia, so to be called forth, may be 
continaed, if necessary, until the expiration of thirty 
days after the commencement of the ensuing session.' 

** In 1796 this prorlsion was substantially re-enacted 
in a law which repealed the act of 1792. In 1»07 the 
foUowixifl act became the law by the approval of Presi- 
dent Jeflerson: 

" ' That in all cases of insurrection or obstruction to 
ttxe laws, either of the United Slates or of any individ- 
ual State dr Territory, where it is lawful for the Presi- 
dent of the United States to call forth the militia for 
the purpose of suppressing such insurrection, or of 
cawing the laws to be duly executed, it shall be lawful 
for him to employ, for the same purposes, such part of 
the land or naval force of the United 'States as shall be 
judged necessary, having first observed all the pre- 
requisites of the law in that respect.' 

*' By this act it will be seen that the scoi>e of the law 
of 1790 was extended so as to authorize the National 
Goremment to use not only the militia, but the 
Army and Kavy of the United States ' in causing the 
lawe to be duly executed.' 

" The important provisians of the acts of 1792, 1795, 
and 1807, modified in its terms ITom time to time to 
adapt it to the existing emergency, remained in force 
nnm by an act approved by President Lincoln, July 
29, 1861, it was re-enacted substantially in the same 
language in which it is now found in the Beviaed 
Statntee. via. : 

**Sbctioh 6298. linieneverby reafsonof unlawful ob- 
Btraotions, combinations or assemblages of persons, or 
xebeDioin against the authority of the Government of 
tba United States it shall become impracticable, in the 
judgment of the President, to enforce by the ordinarji 
eonrae of Judical proceedings, the laws of the United 
Btatoa within any State or TBrritory, it shall be lawful 
for the Frssident to call forth the militia of any or all 
the ttates, and to employvuch parts of the IsJnd and 
naTal forces of the united States, as he may deem 
neoeasary to enforce the faithful execution of uie laws 
of the United States, or to suppress such rebellion in 
whatever State or Territory thereof the laws of the 
United States mav be forcibly opposed, or the execu- 
tion thereof forcibly obstructed.' 

"This anelent and fnndamental law has been in 
foroe from the foundation of the Government. It is 
now proposed to abrogate' it on certain days and at 
eertaan places. In my judgment no fact has been 
produoed which tends to show that it ought to be re- 
pealed or suspended for a single hour at any place in 
any of the States or Territories of the Union. All the 
teachings of experience in the coarse of our historv 
are In mvor of sustaining its efficiency unimpaired. 
On every ocossion when the supremacy of the Con- 
stitution has been resisted, and the perpetuity of our 
institutions imperilled, the principle of this statute, 
enacted by the ssthers, has enabled the Government 
of the Union to zaaintain its authority and to preserve 
the integrity of the nation. 

" At the most critical periods of our history my pre- 
deceesors in the executive office have relied on this 
great principle. It was on this principle that Presi- 
dent Washington suppressed the whiskey rebellion in 
Pennsylvania in 1794. • 

** In 1806, on the same principle. President Jefferson 
broke up the Burr conspiracy by issuing ' orders for 
the emi^yment of such force, either of the regulars 
or of the militia, and by such proceedings of the civil 
authorities * * * as might enable them to sup- 
pzesa effectually the farther progress of the enter- 
prise.' And it was under the same authority that 
President Jackson crushed nullification in South Gar- 
cdina, and that President Lincoln issued his call for 
troops to save the Union in 1861. On numerous other 
occaaions of less significance, under probably every 
administration, and certainly under the present, this 
.power has been usefcUly exexted to enforce the laws, 
without objection by any party in the country, and 
almost without attracting public attention. 

"The great elementuy Oonstittitional principle 
which was the foundation of the original statute of 



1792, anf wfaioh has been its essence in thevarioua 
forms it has assumed since its first adoption, is that 
the Government of the United States possesses under 
the. Constitution, in full measure, the power of self- 
protection by its own agencies, altogether independent 
of State authority, and, if need be, against the hostil- 
ity of Sti^ governments. It should remain embodied 
in our statutes unimi>aired, as it has been from the 
very origin of the Govemm^t. It should be regarded 
as hardly less valuable or less sacred than a provision 
of the Constitution itself. 

"There are many other important statutes 
containing provisions that are liable to be 
suspended or annulled at the times and places 
of holding elections, if the bill before me diould 
become a law. I do not undertake to fur- 
nish a list of them. Many of them — perhaps the most 
of them — have been set forth' in the debates on this 
measure. They relate to extradition, to crimes against 
the election laws, to quarantine regulations, to neu- 
trality, to Indian reservations, to the civil rights of 
citizens, and to other sul^ects. In regard to them all, 
it may be safely said that the meaning and effect of 
this bill is to take from the General Ck>vemment an 
important part of its power to enforce the laws. 

" Another grave objection to the bill is its diserimln* 
ation in favor of the State and against the National au- 
thority. The presence or employment of the Army 
or Navy of the United States is lawful under the terms 
of this bill at the place where an election is being 
held In a State to uphold the authority of a State govern- 
ment then and there in need of such mllitazy inter- 
vention, but unlawful to uphold the authority of the 
Government ci the United States, then and there in 
need of such military intervention. • Under this bin 
the presence or employment of the Army or Navy of 
the United States would be lawful, and might be ne- 
cessary to maintain the conduct of a State election 
against the domeetio violence that would overthrow it, 
but would be unlawful to maintain the oonduotofa 
naticmal election against the same local violence that 
would overthrow it. This discrlmiziation has never 
been attempted in any previous legislatlcm by Oon- 
gress,andis no more compatible with sound prind- 
plee of the Gonatitution or the necessary maxims and 
methods of our system of government on occasions of 
elections than at other times. In the early legislation 
of 1792 and of 1796. by which the miUtia of th? States 
was the only mllitazy power resorted to for the execu- 
tion of the Constituticmal powers in supp<»t of State 
or national authority, both functions of the Govern- 
ment were put upon the same footing. By the act of 
1807 the employment of the Army and Navy was au- 
thorized 'for the performance of both Oonstitutional 
duties In the same terms. 

" In all later statutes on the same subject-matter th^ 
same measure of authority to the government has 
been accorded for the performance of both these 
duties. No precedent has been found in any previous 
legislation, and no sufficient reason has been given for 
the discrimination in favor of the State and «fl^*"«t 
the national authority which this bill contains. 

" Under the'sweeping terms of the bill the national 
government is effectuaUy shut out fW>m the exercise 
of the right and fTom the discharge of the imperative 
duty to use its whole executive power whenever and 
wherever required for the enforcement of its laws at 
the places and times when and where its selections are 
held. The employment of its organized armed forces 
for any such purpose would be an offense against the 
law unless called for by, and, therefore, upon permis- 
sion of, the authorities of the State in which the oc> 
casion arises. What is this but the substitution of the 
discretion of the State governments for the discretion 
of the Government of the United States as to the per- 
formance of its own duties ? In my judgment this ia 
an abandonment of its obligations by the national 
government; a subordination of national authority 
and an intrusion of State supervision over national 
duties which amounts, in spirit and tendency, to State 
supremacy. 

"Though I believe that the existing statutes are 
abundantly adequate to completely prevent military 
interf^jrence with the elections in the sense in which 
the phrase is used in the title of this bill and is 
empl^ed by the people of this countxy, I shall find 
no difficulty in concurring in any additional legisla- 
tion limited to that object which does not interfere 
with the indispensable exercise of the powers of the 
Government under the Constitution and laws. 

"RuTHz&FOBD B. Hates." . 



44 



8PE0IAL BEBSIOK OF 1879 — THE VETO ME88AOB8, ETO. 



Wbpwt yotm In the Hsnse sn paislnv the 



May 6, 1679. The bill aboye referred to, 
passed the Honse by the following vote : 

YxA»— Meflsm. Acklen, Aiken, Anu^Md, Balttkoover, 
BickmU, BtackXmmy mitt, filcunt, Bouek, BriffiU, Buck- 
ner, Cabelt; J. W. CaUtweU, CarlitU, Chdtmert, J. B. 
dark, Clymer, Oobb, Ooffroth, Coleriek, Converse, Oovert, 
S. 3. Cox, Crctvent, CuUberton, Davidton, L. H. Davis, 
J>B La Matyb, Deutter, DibreU, Dickey, Dunn, Elam, 
EUit, J. H. Evint, Ewing, Felton, TaxD, Forney, Fob- 
CTTHK, Frott, Geddet, Oibton, Qujxm, Ooode, Chmier, 
K. J. Hammond, J. T. Harris, HenkU, Henry, Herbert, 
Hemdtm, Hill, Hooker, HotUUer, House, Hurd, Johnston, 
O. W. JOMXS, Kimmel, King, Kitt^in, Klott, Knott, Ladd, 
Ze Fnre, Lewit, Lows, Manning, B, F. Martin, E. L. 
Martin, J. J. Martin. McKenzie, McLane, McMilHn, 
MiUt, Morriton, Muldrow, Mubch. Myers, New, CReiOy, 
Fiertont, Fhister, PoehUr, Reagan, J. 8. Bichardton, 
Bichmond, E. W, Bobertton, Boss, Boateell, J. W. Byan, 
Sam/brd, Sawyer, Scales, O. B. Singleton, Slemons, H. B. 
Smith, W. E. Smith, Sparks, Speer, Springer, Steele, 
Stephens, Stevenson, Taylor, F. B. Thomptcn, Jr.. Till- 
man, B. W. Tovm^iend, O. Turner, T. Turner, Vance, 
Waddill, A, J. Warner, Wxateb, WeUbom, WeUs, 
Whiteaker, WhitOunme, T. WUHams, A. S. WiUis, Wise. 
J'. Wood, Wvtawt, TocuM— 126. 

Kats— Meesn. N. W. Aldrich, W. Aldrich, Anderson, 
Bayne, Belfozd, Bingbam, Blake, Bowman, Boyd, 
Brewer, Briggs, Brigham, Browne, Burrows, Cannon, 
Carpenter,Caswell,Gnlttenden,Claflin, Gonger,<Gowgi]lB, 
Grapo, Da^ett, G. R. Dayis, Deering. Bunnell, Farr, 
Ferdon, Field. Fisher, Fort. Frye, Gfurfleld, GodJshaUi, 
farmer. B. W. Harris, Haskell, Hawk, Hawley, Hayes, 
Heilman, Horr, Houk, Hubbell, Humphrey. Joyce, 
JLeifer, KiUinger, Lindsey, Marsh, Mason, McCold, Mc- 
Cook, MeOowan. McKinley. Mitchell, Monroe, Morton, 
Ileal, Newbury. Norcross. O'Neill, Orerion, Pierce, 
JPound, Prescott, Bead, W. W. Bioe. D. P. Richardson. 
Bobeson. W. A. Bnsaell, T. Byan, Schallenberaer, Sher- 
win, A. H. Smith. J. W. Stone, Tyler. J. T. Updegraff, 
T. Updegraii; Valentine, Van Aemam. Voorhis. J. Van 
TooAia, Wait, Ward, Washburn, White, C. O. Wil- 
liams, W. A. Woed,.T. L. Tonng— 80. 

^ TiM Senate Tote. 

In the Senate the bill passed by the follow- 
ing vote: 

T«A&— MeMCt. Bttyttrd, Beek, BuUer, CdU, CockreU, 
4fokt, Damt of West Virginia. Eaton, Oarland, Oroome, 
Hampton, Harrit, Her^^rd, Houston, Johnston, Jonat, 
Jonet of Florida, JTsnton, Lamar, McDonald, Maxey, 
Morgan. Fendleton, Bandolpk, Bantom, Saultbury, Slater, 
Thwrman, Vance, Vett, Voorheet, Walker, TTiMer*— 88. 

Nats— Messrs. Allison, Anthony. Booth, Bmoe, 
Bomside, Oamtron of Pennsylvania, Cameron of Wis- 
•consin. Chandler, Ccmkling, Edmunds, Hill of Color- 
ado. Hoar, Ingalls, KeRogg, Logan, Mc^Uan, Morrill, 
Plait, Plumb, BoUins, Saunders, Teller, Windom— 23. 

Tote In flouae on iMiiMing the bin notwltb- 
jfanJtng the President's veto. 

In the Honse, May 13, the bill fedled (two- 
ihirds needed) to pass over the President's 
objections, by the following vote: 

YkAS— Messrs. Acklen, Aiken, Armfidd, Atherton, 
Sachman, B. L. T. Beale, Bicknell, Blackbum, BUss, 
Bouck, Bhright, Buckner, CabeU, J. W, CaldwU, Carlisle, 
Clardy, J. B. Clark, Clymer, CM>&, CoffnMi, Ckmverse, 
Cook, Covert, S. S. Cox, Cravens, Culberson, Davidson, 
J. J. Davis, L. H. Davis, Dx La Mattb, Deutter, DibreU, 
Dickey, Dunn, Elam, J, H. Evint, Evoing, Felton, Ford, 
Forney, Geddet, Oibton, Oillkttx, Ooode, OwUer, J. T. 
Harris, Hatch, HenkU, Herbert, Hemdon, Hooker, Hot- 
tetter. House, Hurd, Johnston, Q. W. Jones, Kenna, Kim- 
mel, King, Kitchin, Klotz, Knott, Ladd, Le Fevre, Lewis, 
Louina>ery, Lowx, Manning, B. F, Martin, E. L.'Martin, 
McKentie, McLane, McMahon, McMiUin, Mills, Morritm, 
Muldrow, MulUr, Murch, Myert, New, O'Connor, Persont, 
Phelpt, Fhitter, Poehler, Beagan, J. S. Bichardton, Rich- 
mond, Bobertton, Bost, BothweU, Samford, Sawyer, 
Scalet, Shelley, J. W, Singleton, 0. B. Singleton, Slemont, 



H. B, Smith, W. B. Smith, Sparks, Springer, Stede, 
Stq^hent, Stkvxnsok, Talboit, Taiykr, P. B. Thompten, 
Jr., IVttJium. B. W. Tawnthend, O. Turner, T. Turner, 
Vance, WaddiU, A. J. Warner, Wsatkb, WeUbom, 
Wellt, Whiteaker, Whitthome, T. WiUiamt, A. S. WiUit, 
WiUon, F. Wood, Wbxoht. Yocum , C. Toung—ITS. 

Mays— Messrs. N. W. Aldrich, W. Aldrich, Anderson, 
Bailey, Barber, Bavne, Belford, Blake, Bowman, Boyd. 
Brewer. Briggs, Brigham, Browne, Burrows, Oamp, 
Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, Claflin, Conger, CowgiU. 
Crapo, Crowley, Daggett, O. B. DaTls,.Deering, Bunnell, 
Einstein, Errett, Farr, Ferdon, Fi0ld, Fort, Frye, Oar- 
field, Hall, J. Hammond, Haskell, Hawk, Baw- 
ley. HayeSk Hazelton, Heilman. Henderson, Hoar, Houk, 
Humphrey, Joyce, Keifer, Kelley, Ketcham, KiUinger. 
Lindsey, Blarsh, Mason, McCoid, McCook, MoOowan. 
McKinley, Miles, Monroe, Morton, Neal, Newberry, 
Norcross, O'Neill. Orth. Osmer, Overton, Pound, Pres- 
cott, Price, Beed, W. W. Bice, Bobeson, O. D. Bobin- 
son, T. Byan, 8app, SchaUenberger, Sherwin, A. H. 
Smith, Starin. J. W. Stone, Thomas, A. Townsend, 
Tyler, J. T. Updegraff, T. Updejn&ff, Umer. Valentine, 
Wait, Ward, Washburn. C. G. Williams, WiUits, T. L. 
Young— 97. 

Peace at the Polls— Denii»cratlc orlsln, 
authorship, and purpose of the act which 
the Demoeraey proposed to repeaL 

' Lazaras W. Powell, in the 36th, 37th, and 
38th Congresses, was a senator of the United 
States from Eentnckj. So pronounced was 
his opposition in Kentucky to the National 
Qovemment, and so riolent and pnblic his 
acts against it, that his colleague, Garrett 
Davis, in the 36th Congress, moved his expul- 
sion from the Senate as a traitor. The motion 
failed. But his narrow escape did not cause 
him to modify his treasonable hostililnr to tide 
GoTemment, but rather excited in him in- 
creased bitterness toward every measure 
which had for its object the restoration oi the 
National authority in the insurrectionary 
States. 

Intended to cripple the CMiTenunent dnrtas 

the Behelllon. 

Thos, June 22, 1864, at a most critioal peciod 
of the war, Mr. Powell, as a means of crippling 
the power of the National Govemmelit and 
lendmg new power to the rebels in tiiio Bor- 
der Steves, introduced into the Senate '*a btU 
(S. B. 37) to prevent officers of the army and 
navy, and other persons engaged in the mili- 
tary and naval service of the United States, 
from interfering in elections." Its provisions 
are those quoted by the President, in the 
foregoing veto, as sections 2002 and 5528 of 
the Bevised Statutes. It was intended as a 
blow at the Union men of the Border States, 
to enable the rebels to return to those States 
on election day in the absence of the troops, 
take ppssession of the polls, and vote and 
control the elections. 

What was said of It hy Union Senators. 

In the language of Senator Howard, of Mich- 
igan, it was V an act to disarm the Govern- 
ment and lay it- prostrate at the feet of its 
foes " — to make ' ' the ballot-box the sanctuary*' 
of the rebel and traitor. No Bepublican sup- 
ported it with his voice. Many vehemently 
opposed its adoption. Said Senator Pomeroy, 
of Kansas: 

"Wben the party represented by the Senafter of 
Kentucky had this Oovemment in their oontsel, im 



SPBOIAIi 8BSBI0K OF 1879 — THB YBTO MBSeAOSS, BTO. 



46 



the territory which it sow m j Sttto, it wm yerj com* 
mon for the military authorities to take posaeeaioii of 
the poUa. The aheriffa In the cotutiea had a way of 
gettuig a jDocM on that day and mustering them into 
the service of the United Btates, and sorronnding the 
poila, for the ostenirible purpose of keeping the peace 
at the polls ; but I haye seen the time when I could 
noi go within gunshot of the polls, and you could not 
^t a ballot into the box unless you shot it in out of 
jome roTOlver . I do not want any military interference 
at the polls, andl neyer did want it. I would not have 
troope there unless in some sensible way to keep Hie 
peaoe and to prevent contests which might be likely 
to arise. Itkink the Senator ^unUd be the Icui man, and 
his party ^unild be the la»t party to undertake, <\fter what 
orcurred in my State, toprevent m«n being at the polls to 
keep the peace and prevent coUiHons." 

Bemoemtle elltorts and rotes enact It, 

The law, throngh the persistent adyocaoy of 
Mr. Powell, finally passed. the Senate at the 
Ist session of the 38th Ck^ngress. Every Demo- 
crat present voted for the bill. Seven Bepublicans,. 
although denying that there was any need for 
the passage of snch a law, denying that even 
in the existing state of war, there had ever 
been any authorized military interference at 
elections^ yet Toted for it. AU the voUs agamk 
it wtre BqiMicans, 

The measure whidi subsequently passed 
the House £tlso, and whieh the Bebel briga- 
dier^ have since so vehemently denounced, 
whi^ in their eflforts to repeal occasioned the 
defeat of the Army Appropriation Bill, caused 
an extra session and put the nation to a great 
expense, was a Democratie measure in Us origin, 
auihorsMp and purpose ; a rebel measure sup- 
ported and passed by Democratic votes in 
support of the Bebel Brigadiers in the field, for 
the purpose of making **the ballot-box the 
sanctuary '* of the traitor. 



It 



asalBAt tke antlMra— Henee 
iVht affalnst It. 



the 



Upon the restoration of the Union, during 
reconstruction, and subsequently, this law re- 
acted against its authors, and tneir new de- 
signs, wxough its dause "to ke^ the peace at 
the polls." Bifle dubs, the Ku Edux, the 
White League, and the host of banditti' which 
were organized for the subjugation of the 
Union masses of the rebel States, found this 
danse a formidable obstruction to their san- 
guinary plots. It enabled the National Qovem- 
ment to give some protection to the Unionists 
in their ri^ts as citizens at the polls. Hence, 
cried they, it must be struck from the statute^ 
book. l!ne, Ku Klux must be king. Bebel 
rifies dubs must reign I The President's veto 
arrested their plans. 



PART IV. 

Veto of the Eiegtolatii^e, Bxeoutlve 
and Judicial AMMHipriaiioii MU 
— Wbiela repealed iMr modified 
tiie law toiieliing SupervisiMni 
and naraiials at; €on(i;ressi€»ial 
Bieetians, and toucliing Jurors 
in U. S. Courts— Votes in House 



and Senate on tlie mi, and in 
House on passage of same over 
tbe Veto. 

Following is the President's veto: 

"Message from the Ftesident of the United States return- 
ing, toithout his approval, ihebiUo/the House (H. R. V 
entitled ' An act makitw appropriations for the legtsUt- 
tive, executive, and judicial expenses of the Oovemment 
for the fiscal year ending June^, 1880, and for other 
purposes,' 

"ffo XHS HonsK or Bbpbbbeittativbs : 

" Alter mature consideration of the bill, entitled 'An 
act making appropriations for the legtslative, execu- 
tive, and judicial expenses of the Oovemment for the 
fiscal year ending June thirtieth, eighteen hundred 
and eighty, and for other purposes,' I herewith return 
it to the House of Bepresentatives, in which it origi- 
nated, with the foIlo>pring objections to its approval : 

«* The main purpose of the bill is to appropriate the 
money required to support, during the next fiscal 
year, the sevpral civil departments of the Govern- 
ment. The amount appropriated exceeds in the aggre- 
gate eighteen millions of dollars. 

" This money is needed to keep in operatioB the es- 
sebtial functions of all the great depu-tments of the 
Oovemment— legislative, executive and judicial. If 
the bill contained no other provisions no objection to 
its approval would be made. It embraces, however, a 
numb«* of clauses relating to subjects of great general 
intexjest, which are wholly un<kmneoted with the ap- 
pxoprlatioMa wbioh it provides for. The olQ^lections to 
the practice of tacking general legislation to appropri- 
ation bills, especially wken the object is to depriye a 
co-oxdiiiate branch of the Government of its right to 
tbe firee exercise of its own discretion and Jod^^ent 
touching such general legislation, were set forth ia 
the Bpecukl message in relation to House bill number 
one, which was returned to the House of Bepresenta- 
tives on the 29th of. last month. I regret that the ob- 
jections which were then expressed to this method of 
legislation have not seemed to Ciongress of sufficient 
weight to dissuade ftom this renewed ineorpoxation of 
general enactments in an appropriation bill, and that 
my constitutional duty in respect of the general legis- 
lation thus placed befote me oanilot be discharged 
without seeming to delay, however briefly, the neces- 
sary appropriations by Oongress for the support of the 
Government. Without repeating these objections, I 
respectfully refer to that message for a statement of 
my views on the principle maintained in debate by 
the advocates of this bill, vis., that * to withhold ap- 
propriations is a constitntlonal means for the redress ' 
of what the msjority of the House of H^xesentativeB 
may regard as ' a arievanoe.' 

" The bill contsuis the following danses, viz. : 

***Andprovidedfkir(her, That the following seoUons 
of the Revised Statutes of the United States, namely, 
sections two thousand and Bi:^te^ti, two thoiuand and 
eighteen, and two thousand and twenty, and all of the 
succeeding sections of said ststutes down to and in. 
duding section two thousand and twenty-seven, and 
also section flfty-iive hundred and twenty-two, be, and 
the same are hereby, repealed; • • « and that all 
tbe other sections of the Revised Statutes, snd all 
laws and parts of laws authorising the aroointmeot of 
chief supervisors of elections, special d^mty xiar- 
shals of elections, or general deputy marshals having 
any duties to perform in respect to any election, and 
prescribing their duties and powers, snd allowing 
them onmpensi^on, be, sad the same are hereby re- 
pealed.' 

"It also oontalns dsnses amending sections 9017, 
2019, 2028, and 2091 of the Revised Statutes. 

"The sections of the Revised HStatntes which the 
bill, if approved, would repeal or amend. Are part of an 
act approved May 30,-1870, and amended February 28, 
1871, entitled ' An act to enforce the rights of citisens 
of the United States to vote in the several Btates of this 
Union, and for other purposes.' AU of theprovisimis of 
the ab^ve-named acts, which it is proposed in this bill 
to repeal or modify, relate to the congressional elec- 
tions. The remaining portion of the law, which will 
continue in force after the enactment of this measure, 
is that which x>rovldes for the appointment, by a Judge 
of the circuit cpurt of the United States, of two super* 



<^* 



46 



8PBCIAL SESSION OF 1879 — THE VETO MBSSAOES, ETO. 



Tisonaf election in each electUmdistriot, at any Con- 
mokmal election, on due application of citizens who 
deaire, in the language of the law ' to have sueh elec- 
tion ifmarded and McruHniud.' The duties of the supex^ 
Tison will be to attend at the polls at all Ooni^sional 
elections, and to remain after the poUs are open until 
every yote cast has been counted, but they wfll ' have 
no authoritv to make anests, or to perform other 
duties than to be in the immediate presence of the of- 
flcefs holding the electicm, and to witness all ttieir pro- 
ceedings, Indndlng the counting of the votes, and the 
T^'ft^^^^g of a return thereof.' llie part of the election 
law which will be repealed by the approval of this bill 
includes those sections which give authority to the 
supervisors of election to perM»ally scrutini^. 
count, and canvass each baUot, and all the sections 
which confer authority upon the United States mar- 
shals and deputy marshals, in connection with the 
Congressionaf elections. The enactment of this bill 
will also repeal section M23 of the criminal statutes of 
tjae United States, which was enacted ftnr the protection 
of United States officers engaged in the discharge of 
their diities at the Gongressional elections. This sec- 
tion protects supervisors and marshals in the perform- 
ance of their duties, by maUng the obstruction or the 
assaulting of these officers, or any interference with 
them, by oribery. or solicitation, or otherwise, crimes 
against the United States. 

" The true meaning and effect of the p r o p os e d legis- 
lation are plain. The supervisors, with the authority 
to observe and witness the proceedings at the Congres- 
sional elections, will be left; but there will be no pow- 
er to protect them, or to prevent interference with 
their duties, or to punish any violation 6f the law ttom. 
which their powers are derived. If this bill is ap- 
proved, only the shadow of the authority of the United 
States at the national elections will remain ;' the sub- 
stance will be ffone. The supervision of the eleotions 
win be reduced to a mere inq^eetion, without authori- 
ty on the part of the supervisors to do any act what- 
ever to make the electioaa fUr one. AH that will be 
left to the supervisors is the permission to have such 
oversight of the eleotions as political parties are in the 
habit of exercising without any authority of law, in 
order to prevent their om>onents firom obtaining un- 
fair advantages The object of the bill is to destroy 
any control whatever by the United States over the 
Oon^essional elections. 

" Tb» passage orthis bin has been urged upon the 
ground that the eleetion of members of Conoress is a 
matter which concerns the States aloof ; wat these 
eleotions should be oontroUed exclusively by the 
States: that there are and can be no sueh elections as 
national elections; and that the existing law of the 
United States regulating the Congressional elections is 
without warrant in the Constitution. 

" It is evident, however, that the flnuners of the 
Constitution regarded the election of members of Con- 
gress in every State and in every district as, in a very 
important sense. Justly a matter of political interest 
and concern to the whole country. The original pro- 
vision of the Constitution on this subject is as £oUows 
(section 4, article 1): 

" ' The times, places and manner of holding elections 
for Senators and Bepreeentatives shaU be prescribed in 
each State by the legislature thereof; but the Congress 
may at any time, hf law, make or alter such regula- 
tions, except as to the places of choosing Senators.' 

" ▲ further provision has been since added, which is 
embraced in the fifteenth' amendment. It is as fol- 
lows s 

" 'SxonoH 1. The xiAht of citisensof the United States 
to vote shaU not be aenied or abridged by the United 
States, or by any State, on account of race, color, or 
previous condition of servitude. 

" ' Skoxiom 2.. The Congress shaU have power to en- 
force this article by appropriate legishttion.' 

** Under the gen«iral provision of the Constitution 
(section 4, article 1), Congress, in 1866, passed a com- 
prehensive law, which prescribed ftiU*and detailed re- 
gulations for the election of Senators by the legislatures 
of the several States. This law has been in force almost 
thirteen years. In pursuance of it aU the members of 
the present Senate of the United States hold their 
seats. Its constitutionalitT is not caUed in question. 
It is confidently believed that no sound argument can 
be made in support of the constitutionality of national 
regulation of Senatoiial elections which wiU not show 
that the election of members of the House of Bepresen- 



tativM may alio be eonstitutionaUy regulated by the 
national authority. 

" The bin before me itself recognises the principU 
that the Congressional elections axe not State elections 
but national elections. It leaves in fnU force the ex- 
istinff statute, under which supervisors are still to be 
appointed by national authority, to * observe and wit- 
ness ' the Congressional electjons, whenever due ap- 
plication is made by citizens who desire said elections 
to be 'guarded and scrutinized.' If the power to super- 
vise, in any respect whatever, the Congressional elec- 
tion exists, under section 4, article 1, of theConatitu- 
tion,it is apower which, like every otherpower belong- 
ing to theOovemment of theUnited States is paxamount 
and supreme, and includes the right to employ- the 
necessary means to oarryit into eifeet. 

" The statutes of the United States which regtilate 
the election of members of the House of Bepreeenta- 
tives, an essential part of which it is proposed to re- 
peal by this bin, have been in force about eight years. 
Four Congressional elections have been held under 
them, two of which were at the Presidential elections 
of 1872 and 1876. Kumerous prosecutions, trials and 
convictions have been had in the courts of the United 
States in aU parts of the Union for violations of these 
laws. In no reported case has their constitutionality 
been caUed in question by any judge of Ute courts of 
the United States. The validity of these laws is sus- 
tained by the uniformal course of Judicial action and 
opinion. 

"If it is urged that the United States action laws 
are not necessary, an ample reply is fkin^ahed by the 
history of th&ir origin and of their results. They 
were ^speciaUy prompted by the investigatioa and 
exposure ot the firauds committed in the city and 
State of Kew Toric at the elections of 1868. Conuqittees 
representing both of the leading political i»artie« of the 
country have submitted reports to the House of Rep- 
resentatives on the extent of those fhiuds. A com- 
mittee of the Fortieth Congress, after a fuU investig»- 
tion, reached the conclusion that the number of fitmod- 
ulent votes cast in the city of New York alone in 1868 
was not less than twenty-five thousand. A committee 
of the Forty-fourth Congress, in their report, sub- 
mitted in 1877. adopted the opinion that for every one 
hundred actual voters of the city of New Toi^ in 1868 
one hundred and eight votes were cast, when, in fisct. 
the number of lawful votes cast could not hare ex- 
ceeded eighty-eight per cent of the actual voters of the 
dty. By this sbiteaient the number of fraudulent 
votes at that election, in the city of New York alone 
was between thirty and forty thousand. These firands 
completely rerersed the result of the election in the 
State of New York, both as to the choice of governor 
and State officers, and as to the choice of efectors of 
President and Vice President of the United States 
They attracted the attention of the whole country. It 
was plain that if they could be continued and re- 
peated with impunity firee government was impossible. 
A distinguished Senator, In opposing the passage of 
the election laws, declared that he had 'for a long 
time believed that our form of government was a 
comparative fiulure in the larger cities.' To nieet 
these evils and to prevent these crimes, the United 
States laws regulating Congressional elections were 
enacted. 

*« The fhuners of these lavrs have not been disap- 
pointed in their results. In the large cities, under 
their provisions, the elections have been comparativaly 
peaceable, orderly, and honeet. Even the opponents 
of these laws have borne testimony to their value, and 
efficiency and to the necessity for their enactment 
The committee of the Forty-fourth Congress, com^ 
poeed of members, a majority of whom were opposed 
to these laws, in their report on the New York elM^on 
of 1876, said: 

•• « The committee would commend to other portions 
of the country and to other cities this remarkable sya. 
tem, developed through the sgency of both loeal ud 
Federal authorities acting in harmony for an honest 
purpose. In no portion of the worid, end in no era of 
time, where there has been an expression of the popu- 
lar wUl through the forms of law, hss there been a 
more oomplete and thorough illustration of Bepubllcan 
institutions. Whatever may have been the previous 
habit or conduct of elections in those cities, or howso. 
ever they may conduct themselves in the future, this 
election of 1876 wlU stand as a monument of what 
goodislth, honest endeavor, legal forms, and just so- 



gPEOLAIi SBSBION OF 1879 — THB VKTO MXaSAOBS, STO. 



47 



thori^ maj do for the protection of the electoral 
ftanoUae.' 

•• ThiB bill recognizee the antbority and dnty of thie^ 
United States to appoint enperTieora to guard and 
•cmtiniae the Congressional elections, but it denies to 
the Oovemment of the United States all power to make 
its superrislon effectnaL The great body of the peo- 
ple of all parties want free and lair elections. They do 
Bot tbink that a free election means freedom from the 
wholesome restraints of law, or that the place of elec- 
tion should be a sanctuary for lawlessness and crime. 
On the day of an election peace and good order are 
more necessary than on any other day of the year. On 
that day the humblest and feeblest citiaens» the aged 
and the infirm, should be. and should haye reason to 
ttel that they are, safe in the exercise of their most 
responsible duty and their most sscred right as mem- 
hen of society— their duty and their right to vote. The 
Oonstitutional authority to regulate the Oongressional 
elections, which belongs to the Goremment of the 
United States, and which it is necessary to exert to 
iecote the right to vote to every citizen possessing the 
nqoiaite qualifications, ought to be enforced by ap- 
propriate legislation. ' So far from public opinion m 
any part of the country favoring any relaxation of 
the anthority of the Oovemment in the protection of 
elections from violence and corruption, I believe it de- 
mands greater vigor both in the enactment and in the 
exeontion of the laws framed for that purpose. Any 
oppression, any partisan partially, which e^erience 
aunr have riiown m the working of existing laws, may 
weu engage the careful attention both of Congress and 
of the Sxeeutive, in their respective spheres of duty, 
for the correction of these mlaoliie/iL AsnoOongres- 
riooal eleetirmi occur untii after the regular session of 
Ctoncress will have been held, there seems to be no 
pnmio exigenoy that would preclude a seasonable con- 
iideration at that seesion of any administrative details 
that mia^ht Improve the present methods designed for 
the protection of all oitisens in the oompAete and equal 
exercise of the right and* power of the suffrage at vadh 
elaetions. But with my views, both of the Oonstita- 
ttonality sad of the value of the existing laws, I cannot 
approve any measure for their repeal, except in oon- 
aeotion with the enactment of other legislation whioh 
m^ reasonably be expected to afford wiser and more 
flttoient safoguards for free and honest Oongressional 
eleetloas. 

*' BUTHmroBD B Hatis. 
"B xiuuTiv Maksiov, if ay ao, 1879." 

Ike lint House TOtesn p&MMKt %f tlM MIL 

Th« bill aboTe referred to paesed the House, 
April 26, 1879, by the follomig rote : 

,T>AS— Meesrs. AcMm, Aihm, Armfietd, At/kerton, 
iMu; Baekman, B. L. T. Beaie, BeUghoover, BidknOL, 
BaMmme, JRict, Brogg, BrigK Buckaer, Cabell, J. W. 
OUiieeB, OaHitle, Chabnen, Clardv A. A. Clarke, J. B. 
vjark, Jr., Clymer, Cobb, Cofrotk, CoUride, C&noerM, 
M. Oneri, Crapens, Culberson, Davidson, J. J. Dams, 
Ik 9. DanU, Da La ICam, Deuster, DibreU, Dickat, 
Dmm,mam, EttU, J. H. Ewins, Ewing, FetUm, E.B, 
iwy, Jbmqf, Frost, Oeddes, Gibson; OiLLBrrx. Goode, 
^mkr. If, J. Hammond, J. T, Harris, Hatch, Henkle, 
Bmrjf, HerbeH, Hemdon, HiU, HosteOer, House, HuU, 
Mon,Hurd, JoknsUme, O. W. J[onxs, Kenna, Kinmel, 
Kng, Kiithm, KUtU, Knott, Le Fevre, Levis, Lownsbery, 
lawm, MatmUna, B, F, Martin, E, L. Martin, McKende, 
ifetefl, Mcmmn, MiUs, Money, Morris<m, Muldrow, 
Wer.MuBOB, Muert, New, NichoUs, O'Connor, O'Reilly, 
"nons, Fhelps, l%i$tar^Fbehler, MUagam, J, S. Eichard- 
»H,BtekHond, E, W, Robertson, Boss, RothwtU, J, W. 
ym, Sam^fin-d, Sawyer, Scales, Shelley, SinumUm, J. W. 
Jwvfetow, O. B, Singleton, Siemens, B, Smith, W. E. 
^^Snarka, Speer, Springer, SteeU, Stephens, Stkvxn- 
fm,Talbott, />. A Thompson, Jr„ TiUman, R. W. Tovtm- 
•md, TwAer, O. Turner, T. Turner, Vanoe, WaddiU. A. 
iJ!?*"'^' WaAVEB, Wellborn, Whiteaker, Whitthome, T. 
Wmmns,A. A WiUis, Wise,F. IFoed, Wbioht, Yocdm, 



m5''^*'**'^ ^' ^- Aldiich. W. AUrloh, Anderson. 
JMigr. /. H. Baker, Barber, Babixtw, Bayne, Bellistd, 
^IpaiB, Blake, Bowman, B<^, Brewer, Briggs, 
IjngDam, Browne, Burrows, Butterworth, CUkSs, 
^m^, Oaanon, Carpenter, CasweU. Chittenden, Olaflin, 
&Obrk, Conger, Oowgill. Crapo, Daggett, <3t, B. Davis, 



Deering, Dunnell, Dwlght, Enett, Farr, Ferdon, Field* 
Fisher, Fobd. Fort. Frye. Qarfield, Oodshalk, Ball. J. 
Hammond, Harmer, B. W. Harris, Haskell, Hawk;, 
Hawley, Hayes, Heilman, Henderson, Hisoook, ;.Bub- 
bell, Humphrey, James* Jorsensen, Joyce, Keifbr, 
ExLLKT, Ketcham, Killinger, Lapham, Lindsay, Lor- 
ing, Maiih, J. J. Martin, Mason, MoCoid, MoCooh; 
McGowan. McEinley. Miles, MiUer, Mitchell, Monroe, 
Morton, Neal. Newberry, Korcross, O'Neill, Osmer, 
Overton, Pierce, Pound, Preecott, Price, Beed, W. W. 
Bice, D. P. Bichardson, G. D. Bobinson, W. A. Bussell, 
T. Byan, Sapp, Shallenberger, Sherwin, A. H. Smith, 
Starin, Thomas, A. Townsend, Tyler, J. T. UpdegraflL^ 
T. Updegraif, Umer, Valentine, Van Aemam, J. Van 
yporhis, Yoorhis, Wait, Ward. Washburn, H. White, 
WUber, C. O. Williams, WiUits, W. A. Wood. T. L. 
Young— 120. 



Tlie Senate Vote. 

Maj 13, the biU passed the Senate bf the 
foUowing Tote : 

TXAS— Messrs. Bailey, Bayard, Beck, CaU, Coekrett, 
Coke, Davis, of Weet Virginia, EaUm, Garland, Gordon, 
Groome, Grover, Hampton, Harris, Hereford, Hoution, 
Johnston. Jonas, Jones of Florida, Keman. Lamar, Me- 
Donaid, McPherson, Maasey, Morgan, Randolph, Ransom, 
Saulsbury, Slater, Thurman, Vance, Voorhees, Walker, 
WaOis, Whyte, Williams, WithersSI. 



Nats— Meesrs. Allison, Anthony, Bell, Blaine. Booth, 
Bruoe, Bumside, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Ckuneron 
of Wisconsin. Chandler, Conkling, Edmunds, Fenrj, 
Hill of Colorado, Hoar, Xngalls, Kellogg. Kirkwood. 
Logan, McMillan, Morrill. Paddock, PUtt, BolUnib 
Saunders, Teller. Windom— 37. 



Hm House Tote to paastlie bill 

Teto. 



OTsr the 



May 29, the bill failed, on a motion in the^ 
House to pass it, notwithstanding the Prefr^ 
idenVs objections, by the following (less than" 
two-thirds) vote: 

YxAS— Messrs. Acklen, Aiken, Atherton, Atkins, BaM 
man, JR. L, T, Beale, Bettshoover, BickneU. Blaekburm, 
Bliss, BUnmt, Bright, Cabell, J. W. CaldwsU, Carlisle, 
Chalmers, Clardy, J. B. Clark, Jr., Clymer, Cobb, Ooff> 
roth, CbUrick, Converse, Cook, Covert, S. 8: Cox, Cravens, 
Culberson, Davidson, J. J. Davis, L. H. Davis, DibrelL 
Dickey, Etam, EUis, J. H. Evins, Ewing, FOton, E:B: 
FifUey, Forney, FroMt, Oeddes, Gibson, Goode, Gunter, y. 
J. Hammond, J. T. Harris, Hatch, HenkU, Henry, Herb- 
ert, Hemdon, House, Hunton, Johnston, Kenna, Kimmel, 
King, Klots, Ladd, Le Fevre, Lewis, Manning,B.F.Martin^ 
E. L. Martin, McKentie, McLane, McMahon, McMiUin, 
MiUs, Morrison,New,Nieholls, O'Connor, Persons, Phelps, 
PMfter, Psehler, Reagan, J. S. ^hardson, Richmond, E. 
W. Robertson, Ross, J. W. Ryon, Samfard, Sawyer, 
Sotfles, Simonton, O. B. Singleton, SUmons, W. E. Smith, 
Speer Springer, Steele, Stephens, Srxfi^isoN, TaiboU, 
Taylor, P. B Thompson, Jr., TiUman, R. W. Townshend, 
O. Turner, T, Turner, Vance, .WaddiU, Wdlbom, White- 
aker, Whttthome, T. ^Williams, A. S. WiUis, Wilson, 
Wise, Wbiobt, C. Toung—lU. 

NAiB^-MesBrB. N. W. Aldrich, Anderson, J. H. Baker, 
Barber, Baxlow, Bayne, Belford. Bingham, Blake, 
Bowman, Boyd. Brewer, Briggs, Brigham. Browne, 
Burrows, Calkins. Cannon, Carpenter. &sweU, Conger, 
Orapo, Ditf gett. O. B. Davis, Deering. Dunnell. Brrett, 
Farr. Ferdon, Fisher, Fobd. Fort. FTye, Oodshalk, Hall, 
J. Hammond, Harmer, B. W. Hants, Haskell, Hawk, 
Hawley, Hayes, Hazelton, Heitanan. Henderson, His- 
cock, Horr, Houk, Hubbell, Humphrey, Joyce, icskfAhum^ 
Lindsey, Manh, McCoid, McOowan, Ifiller, MitoheU, 
Monroe, Neal, Newberry, Nonsroas, O'Neill, Orth, Oa- 
mer. Overton, Pound, Preecott. Price, W. W. Bioe,D. 
P. Bichardson, O. D. Bobinson, W. A. BusmU. T. Eyaa. 
aapp. ShaUenberger, Sherwin, A. H. Smith, Starin, J. 
W. Stone, Thomas, Tyler. T. Updegraff. Umer, Vale» 
tine. Van Aemam, Voorhis, J. Van Voorhis, Wait. Wild. 
Wilber, C. O. Williams, WilUta-93. 



48 



SPECIAL SESSION OF 1879 THE VETO MESSAGES. ETC, 



PART V. 

Yetoofthe Judicial CSxpenses Bill 
— U.IS. Marshals and Deputies at 
elections—Totes on passage of 
bill in House and Senate, and 
in House Ito OTcrride the Presi- 
dent's Veto* 

Following is the President's veto : 

'* TotheHouieo/Bq^regentaiives: 

** After a careful examinatioii of the biU, entitled 
' An act making appropriations for certain judicial ex. 
pensest I retorn it herewith to the House of Bepre- 
sentatives, in which it originated, with the following 
olijeotiona to its approral : 

"The general purpose of the bill is {o provide for 
oert»lii Judicial expenses of the Oovemment for the 
iUcal year ending June 80, 1880, for which the fum of 
$2,600,000 Is appropriated. These appropriations are 
reqi^ed to keep in operation the general functions of 
the judicial department of the Qovemment. and if 
this part of the bill stood alone there would be no ob- 
jection to its approval. It contains, however, other 
provisions, to which I desire respectfully to ask your 
attention. 

" At the present aession of Gongress a minority of 
both Houses favoring a repeal of the congriBssional 
election laws embraced in tiUe 96 of the Bevised 
Statues, passed a measure for that purpose, aa part of 
a bill, entitled " An aqt making appropriations for the 
legislative, executive, and Judicial expenses of the 
Government for t2ie.fl«cal year ending June 80, 1880, 
and for other purposes." Unable to c<mcur with 
Congress in that measure, on the 29th of May last, I 
returned the bUl to the House of Bepresentatives. in 
which it originated, without my approval, fotr that 
furiher consideration for which the Constitution pro. 
vides. On reconsideration the bill was approved by 
less than two-tldrda of the House, and failed to be- 
come a law. The election laws, therefore, remain 
valid enactments, and the siq»^me law of tiie land, 
binding not only upon all private oiticens, but also 
alike and equally binding upon all who are changed 
with the duties and responsibilities of the legislative, 
the executive, and the judicial departments of the 
Qovemment. 

" It is not sought by the bill before me to repeal the 
election laws. Its object is to defeat their enforce- 
ment. The last clause of the first section is as follows: 

" ' And no part of the money hereby appropriated is 
appropiated to pay any salaries, compensation, fees, 
or expenses under or in virtue of title 26 of the Bevised 
Statutes, or of any provision of said title. ' 

" Title 26 of the Bevised Statutes, refened to in Che 
foregoing clause, relates to the elective fiiuichlse, and 
contains the laws now in force regulating the congres- 
sional elections. 

" The second section of the bill reaches much further. 
It is as follows : 

" ' Sno. 2. That the sums appropriated in this act 
for the persons and public service embraced in lis pro- 
visicms are in full for such persons and public service 
for the fiscal year ending June 80, 1880, and no depart^ 
ment or officer of the Ckrvemment shall, durincf Mid 
fiscal year, make any contract or incur any llaDility 
for the future payment of money under any of the 
provisions of title 26 of the Bevised Statutes of the 
United States authorising the appointment or payment 
of general or special deputy marshals tot service in 
connection wiui elections or on election day, until 
an appropriation sufficient to meet such contract or 
pay such liability shall have first been made by law. 

«• This section of the bill is intended to make an ex- 
tensive and essential change in the existing laws. The 
following areths provisions of the statutes on the 
same subject which are now in force : 

*' <8xo. 9679. No department of the Qovemment 
riaaU expend, in any one fiscal year, any sum in excess 
of appropriatioins made by Oongress for that fisoal year, 
or involve the Qovemment in any contract for tiie 
fntnre payment of money in ezsess of such appropria- 
tions. 

** * Sxo. 8782. Ko contract or purchase on behalf of 
the United States shi^ be made unless the same is 



authorized by law or is under an appropriation ade» 

auste to its fnlfilhuent, except in the War and Navy 
epartments, for clothing, subsistence, forage, fnei. 
quarters, or transportation, wMch, however, shall not 
exceed the necessities of the current year.' 

<* The 6bject of these sections of the Bevised Statutes 
is plain. It is, first, to prevent any money from being 
expended unless appropriations have been made there- 
for; and, second, to prevent the GK>vemment from 
being bound by any contract not previously authorized 
by law, except for certain necessary purposes in the 
War and Navy departments 

«< Under the existing laws the fUlnre of Congress to 
make the appropriations required for the execution of 
the provisions of the election laws won d not prevent 
their enforcement. The right and duty to appoint the 
general and special deputy marshals which they pro- 
vide for would still remain, and the executive depart- 
ment of the Government would also be empowered to 
incur the requisite liability for their compensation. 
But the second section of this bill contains a prohibition 
not found in any previous legislation. Its design is to 
render the election laws inoperative and a dead letter 
during the next fiscal year. It is sought to accomplish 
this by omitting to appropriate money for their enforce- 
ment and by expressly prohibitLng any department or 
officer of the Government from incurring any liiU^ity 
Tmder any of the provisions of title 26 of the Bevised 
Statutes au.horiziQg the appointment or payment of 
general or special deputy marshals for Service on 
election days, until an appropriation sufficient to pay 
such liability shall have first been made. 

•' The President is called upon to give his affirmative 
approval to positive enactments which in effect de- 
prive him of the ordfinary and necessary means of exe- 
cuting laws still left in the statute book, and embraced 
within his constitutional duty to see that the laws axe 
executed. If he approves the bill and thus gives to 
such iKMaitive enactments the authority of law, he par- 
ticipates in the curtailment of his means of seeing that 
the law is faithfully executed, while the obligation of 
the law and of his constitutional duty remains unim- 
paired. 

" The appointment of special deputy tnnmiii^itt jg not 
made bv the statute a spontaneous act of authority on 
the part of any executive or judicial officer of the Gov- 
enmient, but is accorded as a popular right of the 
citizens to call into operation this agency for securing 
the purity and freedom of elections in any city or towja 
having twenty thousuid inhabitants or upward. Sec- 
tion 2021 of the Bevised Statutes puts it in the power 
of any two citizens of such city or town to require of 
the marshal of the dtetriot the appobitment ef these 
special deputy marshals. Thereui>on the duty of the 
marshal become^ imperatiTe, and its n<m-performanoe 
would expose him to Judicial mandate or puniidimexit, 
or to removal from office by the President, as the cir- 
cumstances of his conduct might require. The blH 
now before me neither revokes this -papxilaat right of 
the citizens nor relieves the maTshal of the duty ixn- 
I>oeed by law, nor the President of his duty to see that 
this law is faithfully executed. 

" I forbear to enter again upon any general disctw- 
sion of the wisdom and necessity of the election laws 
or of the dangerous and unconstitutional principle of 
this bill, that the power vested In Congress to ori^nate 
appropriations, invdvee the right to compel the ]£cecu- 
tive to approve any legislation which Congress may see 
fit to attach to such bills, under the penalty of refus- 
ing the means needed to carry on essential fundtlons 
of the Government. My views on these subjects hafve 
been sufflcientlv presented in the special messages 
sent by me to the House of Bepresentatives dtiring 
their present session. What was sai^ in those messages 
I reffud as conclusive as to my duty in respect to the 
bill before me. The arguments urged in those oom- 
munications against the repeal of the election Is'ws 
and against the right of Congress to deprive the Execu- 
tive of that which the Constitution confers and x«- 
quires toe equally cogent in opposition to this bilL 
This measure leaves the powers and duties of the su- 
pervisors of election untouched. The compensation 
of those officers is provided for under permanent laws, 
and no liabilitv for which an appropriation is now re- 
quired would therefore be Incurred by their appoint- 
ment. But the power of the National Government to 
protect them in the discharge of their duty at the p<dls 
would be taken away. The States may employ both 
civil and military powerit the elections, but by this bill 



SPECIAL SESSION OK IB79 — TUK VETO UBSSAOl 



eren the clTtl ■nlbaritr to pnitflct Cail«Fe«loiul el«- 
tkMisiiideDieatotlw UuiUd aulM. The obJwt Is to 
pra*s&t »iir kdequts (ontrol bj the Dnilod SU(w 
OTer ths lutioiul slsctiona. hj tortiiddlug the pajmcDt 
otdenutTiiiusluk.tha offitwn who ue clotliad with 
»nth«itr to mtawte the election Utn. 

"TkettettDsttbBMIKinueds-med objeotloiublc 
bj a mi^oiltr ot boib HosHe r r < ^oa^'reu le urced u 
K •nBdent wunnt tot tblt legliUliaa. 

■■ There «« two towfnlwiyeiooTBrtiini legtaleliiB 
Ha^iliiiimli One la their repee]; the othvr ^ ttte de- 
. — . ^t. 1 — ._— .tj.^ijitj. 



>f Oalondo. Kiikwood. 




June 33rd, a motion to paaa the bill not- 
^thataiidin^he President'BobjectionB, Inoked 
*>•- -ecjTUHite two-thirds, and the bill failed, by 

lUowing vote : 

fl,— Metm, ^d^, AUBm. Arw^ftid. Atkiiu. 



aAlcajfret 



T*te IB the H«n«e on pwu«e ml tke bllL 

The bill, which had <*iginally puBMd the 
House, Jane 10, 1879, by a strict p^ty vote of 
102 Teas to 84 n^s, was omeiided aad pasaad 
by Oie Senate June 16. The House dimkgreed 
June 18, and a committee of Conference on the 
disagteement between (ha two Honsea reported, 
and on Jane 19, the report was adopted in the 
Honse b; the following voti 

YKU—UMn*. ActUn, Armfeld, AOriiu. 




Si*fc., . . 

B. Iiampiim,Jr,. - ... 
Upmm. Viaa, VaOdilt, 
aker, WkilOorne. T. 1 
TFlM, Wuaar, a Yamtg—im. 

Nat*— Mbsb™. B. W. Aldricb, W. Aldrtch, AndorMn, 
J. H. Baker, Iliirbur, Buyno, Blnghim, Bluke. Bowmeu, 
Srevsr. BTinti>i. Bcnwne. Buttowi, Butterwortb, Cal- 
kinH, Gurp'Mitur, Cuwell, CIkAId. Conear, CowglU, 
Ctupo. IhiggBtt, O. ft- IXkVla, Deering, Donnell. Errett, 
Ymn, Fleld7Fl9bDr, Fort. Oufield. Uarmar. B. W. Her- 
tIb, BiflkflU, H»wk, H»ea, Huelton, HendereoQ, Horr, 
■D-.i«b nnhheU.HQ^^mT, JoTReneen, Joyce, RellBr, 
lenh. i^Xaiaa, lfiiw>ii,MoCoid, UcCwk, 
McKInWy. MlUeP. MltcheU, Honnw, Mor- 

. NhJ, "'"-"' '^'- " '-- 



Caldwil. Cbinly, J 



t, Cotert, OrnmKa. 



Ctfna.CaUrick.a>ir...^ _ 

mm. DaMum, J, J, Darii, £. B. Datit, niiilii 

OitnO. flfctoj. Slam. J. H. Spiiti, fwiiu, ~ "■ 

"■■"" " "■■ S»d», fiunfer, S. J. Mammat^, 

,. HirkX VowIm, //i», A^nhr, 

/fsKetW/fuiH, Hi^L'SiMtgii, JMaMem Ximmul,Ki<v. 
KbOi. MamUv. B. F. JTwHii. K. L. Martin. JTsf mi^ 

O'Cbnur, /VrwiH, PUpi, rtiiBr, Ahum. J. S. Kick. 
arOKm,^. W. BaAtrUm. Sou. JtoMnO, S. w. Rygit, 
SamfOrd, Samer, Seala. SUOtf. Simmlant. O. R. Singlt. 
<gn. SkmiHU, Sparla. Spriitgti; SUtl, JVisAtnt. Smcii- 
BOK. TalboU, faglor. P. B. Tlumtaim. Jr., TiUmim, K. 
ir. HiiDiiimd, O. Timur, Cjmm. TaiM. IfodiliU, WM- 



lfaian.1 

1J*T»— Messie. W. , „ _ 

Berber, Berue, BUte, Bownuo. Biewet, 



met Borrowe, Batterwcwth, nmihtYia, Cbuoi 



Bn™; 



Held. Fidm, P 



t. OiiTfleld. J. E 
.,Hiw;8y,Henu 

h.J.J.Uu^'n.KS 



Eimnger. Minh. J. 1. Haiiia. Mttoa. KoOold. HcOonk. 
McOoHao, HirKlaley, Mitchell. UoDroG, Meel. " 
crou. O'Selll, Orth, Osmer, Overtoa. D. F. Rlolu 
a. D. Robliuon. W. A. BuHell, T. Byim. Sepp. Bt 
bsrger, Sherwln. A. H. Smith. Tbomu, A. Towi 
Tjler, J. T. UpdegrUT, T. UBdegrett Via Ae 
Wklt, Wud. C a. WlUluni, Wmite— TH. 



PART VI. 

Veto of United Statefl ManhalR* 
Appropriation Bill — Votes In 
House and Senate on Passa)^ 
ol'BIll, and In the HfHiae to Posa 
It despite the OI(|ectlons of the 



*SiESi, 



(ihardeon, fl. D. Koblmon. 
T. BJiHi, B»p, sbnUenbergei 
TtKnnu. Tjfcr, J. T. npdeg; 
t ^ -r^^Tn ■Vaorbje. Wmit, 0. Q. ' 

Vole In the Senate, 

The Senate amended and passed the Bill, 
June 16, by 27 yeae to 15 nays— a strict party 
vote — and on Jane 21 adopted the report of 
the Committee on Conference by the follow- 
ing vote : 

rd. Utri. Call, OxkrOl, Coke, 
• or IVi^Bt Virginia, Eaton. Bar- 
, Harrii. HiU ot Georgi*. Hoia- 



Following is the President's i 

■ To Oic Haat of IUprat7itiiti\Kt ■ 

- 1 retom to the House of Bepreun 
t nrigintlcd, the bill entltlod ' An tt 



KC. 7ai, WaOar. Walb 



tOnipti, Saul. 



d their g«nenl dnputln. 






rlg^nellj entebllibed them 
" The prtBctpal proTlBlon* 



nved HrplriqlHir M. 
-linthBMtwhleh 
■nbeUutUllT (he 



a diMtict and drcnlt oo 



aUtrieHMUTMwtal pnoipw dlraMod 
oodar tlic wUhorltj of ttHS United Bt 



vlODud li 



OF 1879 THB VKTO MES8AQE8, ^TV. 



ID IbA r'^^ ^^ miipandAd -40 



either to alio* 



b.Te,lni 
■««■ oft 

"Bf KabHtqiienl eUtalea uddltioul dntlee Iuts 
been ^m time to time impoaftd upon the mmratukU 
laA their depntiei, Ihs dne and regulu parfomuuca 
of which ue raqnlred far the efflclencr of klmoet 
eTBrTbnnch of the imblle htt1«. Without theu 
Dfllcan then voDldbs no maun at eiMutlng the 
wsmat*. dsenca. or otb^r pro«« of ihs courts, wid 
the JudleUl vritenof the eoiuittr would be fitiSy 
debctlTe. The crlmliul Jnrtadlctlon of the coorte of 
the United State* I( Terj eiteulTe. The erlmee eom- 
mltted wilhin the nuritimejortedletlon of the United 
ct>.i^ ._ .1) eognlHibla onlr In the eonita of the 
CMmeaeeaiuii public Jwtlca; crime* 
permtloD* of tlie OoTemmeDt. ench ■■ 
ilerfeltinf the monejr or»enrltle* of the 

— ' agnlDBtthapoitelUwi: oSqun 

sachlae.egijDitths civil rlghU 



theOos- 

HouH of Bepiwnta- 

"-preeentatlTH 

IM then 



S^Sen^'igili 

crime* mgaliut the In tenul rer 

tiw*. the nentnlltr laws; crlm 

under Unlled Htateelawe—UWi 



tbe ' 



> bodTOl 






whi^b, taken tognther. , 



riaa tha right to witbhold appropriatlofu fbr tbe n> 
' ort Of the OoTejnmnnG nn l n ae the ExecatiTe « mae M 
io appma taj leglelatloii which mar be attadled tg 
Appropriation bill*. I reepectftallT Tfltar to tha cdi^ 
[oonicalion "-' '-'—' ->-■-■■ » ■- ' •- - 

npeat Ont. in mj Judgment, 
atllutlonal change In the char 
" EucuiiTX KtaooH. Jwu 80, 

Tote l> HoDMMHi pNSMse Of tbe tdn. 

Jnne M, 1879. — After debate of one lioiii, 
the bill pawed by the following Tote : 

Tua— Venn. Addtn. AOcen, Amy/itld. AOciat, B. L- 
r. Bcali. BitkneU. BCaeUBm, Stack, S^igU, J. W. O^i 

, wU. C^rdy. J. B. Clark. Cl^mir. COM). Onffivlk, fluiiaii 
OOok. Cmcrt. Cravau, CWfterw™. Aindna, /. J. Bnit, L- 
■■ "- - OtuUer. BUirtU. Diclut. Blam, xmt,J. B- 



a tbi* mtject which I haTO aent to Ooo- 
.. . . ■__ — -m«nt of tha 

ha prUMlfle 

inatltntku. 
B.HaTB. 



P"'^ Vimmri. King, Lt Fcrre, Loantbtni. Maiuting, B.F.JHr 
;* °' , tin. McKennt. ilcM'Dum. MtMiUin. MUH, Sarrltim. Mr 

" , I trt, Ano, Ptrmxu, Fhtlpt, PKiMlrr, Rtagar ' ■ ■ 

"' "j. Jna, SaOuMlt, J. W, Rifan, Bamfiird, 



Bidun* 



if large Import- 
la marahala and 
1 only police ol" 



WAUfuk'v. T. WUiiamt, A 



!. WiUU. Wilton, lri«— to. 



Barber, Bayne, 



'. Aldricta. Anderwia. J. I 



eunndlD 



irth. Cannon. oinpeiiiS 

Vowlaj. Daentt, a. B. ■ 

rrell. Farr, Hold. nabH. 



JofallanthorltTi 
B. The U-entm 
inds needed for t] 
n tbe people, and 



?,fc*»i.i;(™ th. „Jr ■ O'Neill. Orlb. Omier, Pound, W. A. RnaaeU, T. Bras, 
icn raqmreanio ui" s,pp, BhalLenbergor, Sharwin, Thomaa, Tyler, J. T, 
S™.^£t.,.. h-TI.' DpHi-imff, Valentine. Van Aamam, Vowhia, Walt, Wart. 
renow^tooT™^ hT While, Wmila—m. 

^a't^mowfor'th^ Tote 111 t*e Benal* on pMWtBe of tfce MIL 
Jane 28, tbe bill poased the Senate by Qi* 



certain Jud 

nt^m^l 

, , jiotu ratene 

"BiCTKiHl. That then 



, month, »»» (Btumed tr 

of HspcaaantatlTe* with my ohleotlona to i 
The prorliiotu ratened to 



u which ! following T. 



' , ifiinfan. PmiUBm, I 



b, Colt OKtrvQ, CU(. Mttam, Om- 
pirn, Harrii. Hertford, HtatUm, 
rida. iceman. JfciWarm, Miait, 
I, SmiMan, Slater, Vami, 



(OrtbeOanlyearendlnaJnueSe, IBM; andnodeparl- 
nunt or officer of tbe Qovamment ihall. dnrina a&ld 
flacal year, make any contract or Incnr any llablUtj- 

proviaiona of tltla M menti™*a In aeellon 1 of IM- , j„„8 30^ (i,g (,111, lacking a two third's vote, 
^°™ W 'STuSKJl™ '^Z^ Cbe'e"n 1^°" j f^led f PMsage over the veto by the follow- 



" Upon a reoonalderatlon In the HOQM of Repreaen 
tiTn of tbe bill whiah conlaiaed theae proviaionB. ; 
LOtad a canatltutlanal m^orlty, and therefore faile 

he aame measure la again presented for my approva 
copied in the biU before me with ipprnpriatirinB K 
he rapport ot mairiiala and their depntlei during tli 



i— UeMra. Acklm, 
, BickneU. Bladdmm, 
•21, Ckaimen, Ciardy, j. jf. ut 
A, Convent, Cook, Cooert, C 
km, J. J. Da^, L. If. Dam 
J. H. fiiiw. ftMoB. E, - - 



ikm, ArmfiOd. ASUrlm. 



■ Dibmi, Duki^. 
^SenUc&eritrl, 



U. 8. MABSHAL8 AND THEIE DEPUTIES VETOES AND VOTES. 



51 



Memdont Hill, Hooker, House, Hull, Hunton, Johnston, 
Kerma, King, Le Fevre, Manning, B. F. Martin, E. L. 
Marttn, McMiUin, Mills, Morrison, Myers, New, Persons, 
Thelps, Puister, Reagan, J. S. Richardson, Rothvoell, J. W. 
Ryon, Samford, Sawyer, Scales, Shelley, Simonton, Slemons, 
H. B. Smith, Springer, Stephens, Stbvknson, Talbott, Tay- 
lor, P. B. Thompson, Jr., Tillman, R. W. Totonsend,0. 
Turner, Upson, A. J. Warner, Wellborn, Whiteaker, T. 
WiUiams, Wise—S5. 

Nats -> Messrs. W. Aldrich. Anderson, Barber, Bayne, 
Blake. Bowman. Brewer. Briggs. Browne, Burrows, 
Batterworth, Gannon, Carpenter. Caswell, Conger, 
OowRill. Daggett, G. R. Davis, Deerlng. £rrett, Farr, 
Pleld« FOBD. Fottt Oarfield, Oodshalk, J. Hammond, 
Haskell, Hawk, Hawley, Henderson, Horr, Hubbe)!. 
Joyce, Keifer, Ketcham, Killinger, Lapham, Marsh, 
IICasoD, McOoid. McOowan, Mitchell. Monroe, Neill, 
O'Neill, Osmer, W. A. Buesell. T. Ryan, Stialleuberger. 
Sherwm, A. H. Smith, Thomss A. Townsend, Tyler, J. T. 
XJpdegraff. T. Uodegraff, Valentine. Van Aemam, 
Voorhis, J. Van Voorhis. Ward. WlUits— 63. 



PART vn. 

Messagie fVom the President to 
Oong;ress urginiB^ tbe nec^essity of 
Immediate Appropriations for 
U. S. lUarsliais and tlieir Depu- 
ties— Tlie Demoeratie €ong;ress 
contemptuously declines to do 
anytliing;. 

Following is the President's message of 
urgency: 

**ToO^ Senate and House of Representatives : 

'*The bill making provision for the payment of 
the fees of United States marshals and their 
general deputies, which I have this day returned to 
the House, in which it originated, with my objections, 
having upon its reconsideration by that body, failed 
to become a law, I respectfully call your attention to 
the immediate necessity of making some adequate 
provision for the due and efficient execution by the 
Tnarahals and deputy marshals of the United States of 
the constant and important duties enjoined upon 
them by the existing law. The appropriations to pro- 
vide for the performance of these indispensable duties 
expire to-day. Under the laws prohibiting public offi- 
cers f^m involving the Government in contract lia- 
'bilities beyond actual appropriations, it is apparent 
that the means at the disposal' of the executive 
department for executing the laws through the reg^u- 
. lar ministerial officers will, after to-day, be left inade- 
quate. The suspension of these necessary ftinctions in 
the orderly administration of the first duties of the 
Government for the shortest period is inconsistent 
-with the public interests, and at any moment may 
prove inconsistent with the public safety. 



" It is imi>06sible for me to look without grave con- 
cern ni>on a state of things which will leave the public 
service thus unprovided for, and the public interests 
thus unprotected. And I earnestly urge upon your at- 
tention the necessity of making immediate appropria- 
tions for the maintenance of the services of the mar- 
shals and deputy marshais for the fiscal year which 
commences t<>morrow. 

" BUTHKBFOBD B. HaTES. 

'* EzxGunvE Mansion, June 30, 1879." 

In the House 

nothing farther was ai^'empted or done at the 
Special session. Both House and Senate 
treated the message with marked contempt. 

Senate Proceedlnsrs. 

In the Senate, same day, Mr. Windom 
brought in a bill making appropriations to 
pay U . S. marshals and their general deputies, 
whereupon the Democratic majority — the vote 
being 27 yeas to 19 Nays — amended it by add- 
ing the following: 

" And no part of the money hereby appropriated is 
appropriated to pay any compensation, fees, or ex- 
penses under any of the provisions of title twenty-six 
of the Bevised Statutes of the United States authoriz- 
ing the api>ointment, employment, or payment of gen- 
eral or special deputy marshals for services in connec- 
tion with registration or elections on election day. 

" Sec. 2. That the sums appropriated in this act for 
the persons and public service embraced in its pro- 
visions are in full for such persons and public service 
for the fiscal year ending June thirtieth, eighteen hun- 
dred and eighty; and no department or officer of the 
Oovemment shall, during said fiscal year, make any 
contract or incur any liability for the future payment 
of money under any of the provisions of title twenty- 
six mentioned in section one of this act until an appro- 
priation sufficient to meet such contract or pay such 
liability shall have first been made by law ; and that 
any officer of the Government or any other person who 
shall violate any of the provisions of this section, or of 
sections 3678, 3679, 3680. 3681, 3682. 3683. and 3690 of the 
Bevised Statutes of the United States, shall, upon con- 
viction, be punished by a fine of not exceeding five 
thousand dollars, or by imprisonment for not exceed- 
ing five years, or by both such fine and imprisonment, 
in the discretion of the court." 

The bill was then indefinitely postponed by 
the following vote : 

Ybas— Messrs. Bailey, Bayard, Beck, CaU, CockreU, Coke, 

Eaton, C^arland, Grooms, Hampton, Harris, Her^fiyrd, 

Houston, Jonas, Keman, Mcfiierson, Maasey, Morgan, 

Pendleton, Saulsbury, Slater, Vance, Vest, Voorhees, Walker, 

WhyU, WUIiams—Tl. 

Nats — Messrs. Blair, Bumside, Cameron of Wiscon- 
sin. Carpenter, Chandler, Conkling, Ferry, HiH, of Col- 
orado. Kellogg, Kirkwood, Logan, McMillan, Morrill, 
Paddock, Flatt, Boiling, Saunders— 17. 



CHAPTER V. 

Begalar Session of 1879-80— U. S. Marshals and their 

Deputies— Vetoes and Votes. 



PART I. 

The First Deficiency BiU-Politi- 
eskJk Riders— Veto and Votes. 

Following is the President's veto : 

•* To the House of Representatives : 

" After mature consideration of the hill entitled ' An 
act making appropriations to supply certain deficien- 
cies in the appropriations for the service of the Oov- 
emment for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, and 



for other purposes,' I return it to the House of Bep- 
resentatiyes, in which it originated, with my objec- 
tions to its iMkssage. 

"The biU appropriates about $8,000,000. of which 
over $600,000 is for the payment of the fees of United 
States marshals, and of the general and special deputy 
marshals, earned during the current fiscal year, and 
their incidental expenses. The appropriations made 
in the bill are needed to carry on the operations of the 
Oovemment and to fulfill its obligations for the pay- 
ment of money long since due to its officers for ser- 
vice and expenses essential to the execution of their 
duties under the laws of the United States. The neces- 



52 



U. S. MARSHALS AND THEIR DEPUTIES VETOES AND VOTES. 



Bity for these appropriations is so urgent, and they 
have been already so long delayed, that if the bill be- 
fore me contained no permanent or general legislation 
unconnected with these appropriations, it would re- 
ceive my prompt approval. It contains, however, pro- 
visions which materially change, and by implication 
repeal, important parts of the laws for the regulation 
of the United States elections. These laws have for 
several years past been the subject of vehement politi- 
cal controversy, and have been denounced ad unneces- 
sary, oppressive, and unconstitutional. On the other 
hand, it has been maintained, with equal zeal and 
earnestness, that the election laws are indispensable to 
fair and lawful elections, and are clearly warranted by 
the Cioustitution. Under these circumstances, to at- 
tempt la an appropriation bill the modification or re- 
peal of these laws is to annex a condition to the pas- 
Bage of needed and proper appropriations, which tends 
to deprive the Executive of that equal and independent 
exercise of discretion andjudgment which the Consti- 
tution contemplates. 

" The objection to the bill, therefore, to which I re- 
spectfully ask your attention, is that it gives a marked 
and deliberate sanction, attended by no circumstances 
of pressing necessity, to the questionable and, as I am 
clearly of opinion, the dangerous practice of tacking 
upon appropriation bills general and permanent legis- 
lation. This practice opens a wide door to hasty, in- 
considerate, and sinister legislation. It invites attacks 
upon the independence and Constitutional powers of 
the Executive, by i>roviding an easy and eflTective way 
of constraining Executive diiscretion. Although of late 
this practice has been resorted to by all politick parties, 
when clothed with power, it did not prevail until forty 
years after the adoption of the Constitution, and it is 
confidently believed that it is condemned by the en- 
lightened jjidgment of the country. The States which 
have adopted new Constitutions during the last quar- 
ter of a century have generally provided remedies for 
the evil. Blany of them have enacted that no law shall 
contain more than one gabject, which shall be plainly 
expressed in its title. The Constitutions of more than 
hiilf of the states contain substantially this provision, 
or some other of like intent and meaning. The public 
welfare will be promoted in many ways by a return to 
the early practice of the Government, and to the true 
rule of legislation, which is that every measure should 
stand upon its own merits. 

«'I am firmly convinced that appropriation bilTs 
ought not to contain any legislation not relevant to 
the application or exp -nditure of the money thereby 
appropriated, and that by a strict adberonce to this 
principle an important and much needed reform will 
be accomplished. 

•• Placing my objection to the bill on this feature of 
its frame, I forbnar any coiumont upon the important 
general and permanent legislation which it contains, 
as matters lor specific and independent consideration. 

"BUTHBRFOaDB Hatkb. 

" ExBOXTTiyx Mansion, May 4, 1880." 

Test Tote on the 9Iarshal section, and 
▼ote on passasre of bUl In House. 

The Deficiency BiU, March 18 and 19, 1880, 
was amended in the House Committee of the 
Whole by adding the following provisions. 

•Tor the payment of fees and expenses of United 
States marshals and their general deputies, appointed 
during the fiscal year ending June 30, A. D. 1880, 
$600,000. 

" For special deputy marshals of elections, the sura 
of S7,6(K): Provided, That hereafter special deputy mar- 
ehalls of elections, for performing any duties in refe- 
rence to any election, shall receive the sum of $5 per 
day in full for their compensation, and that the ap- 
pointments of such special deputy marshals shall be 
made by the judge of the circuit court of the United 
Slates for the district in which such marshals are to 
perform their duties, or by the district judge in the ab 
sence of the circuit judge, said special deputies to be 
appointed in equal numbers from the different politi- 
cal parties; and the persons so appointed shall be per- 
sons of good moral character, and shall be well-known 
residents of the voting precinct in which their duties 
are to be performed." 

March 19, the Speaker refused a demand for 
division of the question, and the amendment 
was agreed to, by — 



Yi&AS^Mesgrs. Atherton, Atkins, Bachman, Belford, 
Beltthoover, Berry, Bicknell, Bland, Bliss, Blount, Bouck, 
Bright, Butterworth. C obeli, Carlisle, Clardy, J. B. Ciark, 
Jr., Cobb, Coffroth, Colerick, Cook, Cotert, Cravens, Cul- 
berson. J. J. Davis, L. U. Davis, Pb La Matyb, Deuster, 
Dibrell, Dickey, Ellis, J. H. Evins, E. B. Finley, Forney, 
Frost, Geddes, Gibson, Goode, Gunter, N. J. Hamnumd, 
J. T. Harris, Hatch, Henkle, Henry, Herbert, Hemdon, 
Hosteller, House, Hull, Hunton, Hutching, Johnston, 
Kenna, Kimniel, King, Kitchen, Klotz, Knott, Ladd,. 
Lewis, Manning, B. F. Martin, E. L. Martin, MeMakon, 
McMiUin, Mills, Morrison, Morse, Muldrow, Mubch,. 
Myers, New, NichoUs, O'Connor, O'BeUly, Persons, 
Pi'ielps, J. F. Phillips, Phisler, Poehler, Reagan, J, S. 
Richardson, E. W. Robertson, RothweU, Samfitrd, Saw- 
yer, Scales, Shelly, Sinumton, O. R. Singleton, Slemons, 
Speer, Springer, Steele, Stevenson, TaUmtt, Taylor, P. 
B. Thompson, Jr., Tillman, R. W. Toymshend, Tucker, 

Upson, Vance, WaddiU, A. J. Warner, Weaves. Well- 
bom, Wells, Whitthorne, T. Williams, A, S. Witlis, 

WiUon, F. Wood, Weight. C. Toung~-M5, 

Nays. — Messrs. N. W. Aldrich. W. Aldricb, Anderson, 
Armjield, J. H. Baker, Ballou, Barber, Bayne, Bingluun, 
Blackburn, Blake, Bowman, Brewer, Briggs, Brigham, 
Browne, Burrows, Calkins, Camp, Canuon, Carpenter, 
Claflin, Conger, Converse, Cowgill, Q. R. Davis, H. Davis, 
Deering. Dunnell, Dwight, Einstein. Errett, Farr, Fer- 
don, Field, Fisher. Fobd. Fort. Fi^e, Oarfiefd; Ood- 
shalk, J. Hammond, B. W. Uarris, Hawk, Hawley, 
Hayes. Hazelton, Henderson, Hiscock, Hooker, Honk, 
Humphrey. Hui^ James, O. W. Jones, Joyce, lindsey. 
Marsh. J. J. Martin, Mason, McCold, McKemtie, McKin- 
ley. Miles, Monroe, Morton, Neal, Newberry, Norerass, 
O'Neill. Orth, Osmer. Overton, Bacheco, irage. Pierce, 
Reed. W. W. Rice. D. P. Richardson. Robeson, O D. 
Robinson. D. L. Russell, W. A. Russell. T- Ryan. Shal- 
lenberger. Sherwin. A. H Smith, W. E. SmUk, 8tarin,. 
J W. Stone, Thomas. W. G. Thompson. A. Townaend. 
O. Turner, Tyler, J. T. Updegraff. T. UpdegmH; Valen- 
tine. Van Aemam. Voorhis, Wait. Washburn, C. G. 
Williams, Willits, W. A. Wood, Yocum, T. L. Yonng— 
107. 

The bill, as amended, tiien passed by a vote 
of 111 yeas to 104 nays. 



Senate action and vote. 

In the Senate, March 31, the dause tonch- 
ing special deputy marshals of elections was 
amended so as to read: 

" For special deputy marshals of elections, the sum 
of $7,600: Provided, That hereafter special deputy 
marshals of elections, for performing any duties in 
reference to any election, shall receive the sum of $5 
per day in full for their compensation ; and that aU 
appointments of such special deputy marshals shall 
be made by the Circuit Court of the United Statet for the 
district in which, such marshals are to perform their duties; 
but should there be no session of the Circuit Courts in Ux 
States or districts where such marshals are to be aj^poinbed, 
then and in that case the districtjudges are hereby author- 
ized to convene their courts for Vie aforesaid purpose ; and 
said special deputies to be appointed in equal num- 
bers from the different political parties. And tl^ pe^ 
sons so appointed shall be persons of good moral char- 
acter, and shall be well known residents of the voting 
precinct in which their duties are to be performed." 

By the following vote: 

Yeas — Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Butler, Call, Oodardl, 
Coke, Davis of West Virginia, Eaton, Farley, CfarUmd, 
Gordon, Groome, Harris, Hefeford, Hill of Oeorgis, 
Jonas, Jones of Florida, Keman, Lamar, McDi^nald, 
Maxey, Morgan, Pendleton, Pryor, Slater, Vance, Voor- 
hees, WaUace, Whyte, WMiams, Withers — 31. 

Nays — Messrs. Anthony. Baldwin, Blaine, Bhir. 
Bruce, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Dawes, Ferry, Kel- 
logg, McMillan, Morrill, Paddock, Piatt, Rollins, Saun- 
ders, Windom — 16. 

April 1, the bill passed by a strict party 
vote of 35 yeas, to 21 nays; and the House 
subsequently concurred in the amendment. 
The bill went to the President April 29, and 
was vetoed, as before stated. 



U. 8. MARSHALS AND THEIB DEPUTIES ^VETOES AND VOTES. 



53 



PART II. 

Special BUI Regulating; Pay, etc., 
of Deputy marshals— Veto and 
Vote. 

Following is the President's veto : 

**To the Senate: 

"After mature conBideration of the bill entitled 'An 
act regulating the pay and appointment of deputy 
marshals,' I am constrained to -withhold from it my 
approval and to return it to the Senate, in which it 
originated, with my objections to its i>a88age. 

" The laws now in force on the subject of the bill 
'before me are contained in the following sections of 
the Bevlsed Statutes: 

" ' Sko. 2021. Whenever an election at which Repre- 
sentatives or Delegates in Ck>ngress are to be chosen is 
held in any city or town of 20,000 inhabitants or up- 
vrard. the marshal for the district in which the city or 
town is situated shall, on the application in writing 
of at least two citizens residing in such city or town, 
appoint special deputy marshals^ whose duty it shall 
1m when required thereto to aid and assist the super- 
-visoTS of election in the verification of any list of per- 
sons who may have registered or voted; to attend in 
each election district or voting precinct at the times 
and places when and where the registration may by 
law be scrutinized and the names of registered voters 
be marked for challenge: and also attend at all times 
far holding elections the polls in such district or 
precinct. 

" < Sko. 2022. The marshal and his general deputies 
shall keep the peace and support and protect the 
supervisors of elections in the discharge of their 
duties, preserve /)rder at such places of registration 
and at.iiuch i>olls, prevent fraudulent registration and 
fraudulent voting thereat, or fraudulent conduct on 
the part of any officer of election, and immediately, 
oither at the place of registration or polling place or 
elsewhere, and either before or after registering or vot- 
ing, arrest and take into custody, with or without 
process, any person who commits or attempts or offers 
to commit any of the acts or offenses prohibited here- 
in, or who commits any offense against the laws of the 
United States; but no person shall be arrested without 
process for any offense not committed in the presence 
of the marshal or his general or special deputies, or 
eitherof them; or of the supervisors of elections, or 
either of them; and for the purposes of arrest or the 
preservation of the i>eace the supervisors of elections 
shaU, in absence of the marshal s deputies, or if re- 
quired to assist such deputies, have the same duties 
and powers as deputy marshals; nor shall any i)erson 
on the day of such election be arrested without process 
for any offense committed on the day of registration. 

" ' Sec. 2023. Whenever any arrest is made under any 
XHTOvision of this title the person so arrested shall 
forthwith be brought before a commissioner, judge, or 
court of the UnitMi States for examination of the of- 
fenses alleged against him. and such commissioner, 
judge, or court, shall proceed in resi)ect thereto, as 
auSorized by law in case of crimes against the United 
States. 

" ' Sec. 2024. The marshal or his general deputies. 
or such special deputies as are thereto specially em- 
powered by him in writing, and under his hand and 
seal, wheneyer he or either or any of them is forcibly 
resisted in executing their duties under this title, or 
shall, by violence, threats, or menaces, be prevented 
from executing such duties or from arresting any per- 
son who has committed any offense for which the 
TfP ^imiiai or his general or 8i)ecial deputies are author- 
ized to make such arrest, are, and each of them is, em- 
powered to summon and call to his aid the bystanders 
or poue comitattu of his district. 

*• ' Skc. 2028. No person shall be appointed a super- 
visor of election or a deputy marshal under the preced- 
ing provisions who is not at the time of his appoint- 
ment a qualified voter of the city, town, county, parish, 
election district, or voting precinct in which his duties 
are to be performed. 

<* ' Sbc. 6521. If any person be appointed a super- 
visor of election or a special deputy marshal under the 
provisions of title, "the elective franchise," and has 
taken the oath of office as such 8Ui)ervisor of election or 
such special deputy marshal, and thereafter neglects or 



refuses, without good and lawful excuse, to perform 
and discharge folly the duties, obligations, and require- 
ments of such office until the expiration of the term 
for which he was appointed, he shall not only be sub- 
ject to removal iK>m office with loss of all pay or emol- 
uments, but shall be punished by imprisonment for 
not less than six months nor more than one year, or by 
a fine of not less than $200 and not more than $600, or by 
both fine and imprisonment, and shall pay the cost of 
prosecution. 

" ' Sxc. 6622. Every person, whether with or without 
any authority, power or process or pretended authority, 
power or process of any State, Territory, or muuicii>al- 
ity, who obstructs, hinders, assaults, or by bribes, so- 
licitation, or otherwise, interferes with or prevents the 
supervisor of elections, or either of them, or the mar- 
shal or his general or special deputies, or either of them, 
in the performance of any duty required of them, or 
which he, or they, or either of them, may be authorized 
to perform by any law of the United States in the exe- 
cution of process or otherwise, or who, by any of the 
means before mentioned, hinders or prevents the tree 
attendance or presence at such places o( registration or 
at such polls of election, or full and i^e access and 
egress to and firom any such place of registration or 
poll of election, or in going to and from any such place 
of registration or poll of election, or in any going to 
such place of registration or poll of election, or to and 
from any room where any such registration or election 
or canvass of votes or of making any returns or certifi- 
cates thereof, may be had, or who molests, interferes 
with, removes or egects from any such place of regis- 
tration or poll of election or of canvassing votes cast 
thereat, or of making returns or certificates thereof, 
any supervisor of election, the marshal or his general 
or special deputies, or either of them, or who threatens 
or attempts or offers so to do, or refuses or neglects to 
aid and assist any sui)ervisor of election, or the marshal 
or his general or special deputies, or either of them, in 
the performance of his or their duties when required 
by him or them, or either of them, to give such aid and 
assistance, shall be liable to instant arrest without pro- 
cess, and shall be punished by imprisonment not more 
than two years, or by a fine of not more than $3,000, or 
by both such fine and imprisonment, and shall pay the 
cost of prosecution.' 

" The Supreme Court of the United States, in the re- 
cent case of ex parie Siebolt and others, decided at the 
October term, 1879, on the question raised in the case 
as to the constitutionality of the sections of the Be vised 
Statutes above quoted, uses the following language: 

" ' These portions of the Revised Statutes are taken 
ftom the act commonly known as the enforcement act, 
approved May 31, 1870, and entitled 'An act to enforce 
the right of citizens of the United States to vote in the 
several States of this Union, and for other purposes,' 
and from the supplement to that act, approved Febru- 
ary 28, 1871. They relate to elections of mem- 
bers of the House of Representatives, and wei^ 
an assertion on the part of Ciongressof a power to xmubb 
laws for regulating and superintending said elections, 
and for securing the purity thereof and the rights of 
citizens to vote thereat peaceably and without molesta- 
tion. It must be conceded to be a most important 
I>ower, and of a fundamental character. In the light 
of recent history and of the -' violence, fhiud, corrup- 
tion, and irregularity which have frequently prevailed 
at such elections, it may easily be conceived that the 
exertion of the power of it may be necessary to the 
stability of our form of government. 

" The greatest difficulty in coming to a just conclusion 
arises from the mistaken notions with regard to the 
relations which exist between the State and National 
Governments. It seems to be often overlooked that a 
National Constitutton has been adopted in this country, 
establishing a real government therein, and which, 
moreover, is or shoiild be as dear to every American 
citizen as his State Government is. Whenever the 
true conception of the nature of this Government is 
once conceded, no real difficulty will arise in the just 
interpretation of its powers. But if we all o w ourselves 
to regard it as a hostile organization opposed to the 
proper sovereignty and dignity of the State Govern- 
ments, we shall continue to be vexed with difficulties 
as to its own jurisdiction and authority. "So greater 
jealousy is required to be exercised toward this Gk)V- 
emment in reference to the preservation of our 
liberties than is proper to be exercised toward the 
State Govern mente. 



>. UA.BSHAL8 i 



3 THBIK DKPtrnEB YETOES AND VOTES. 



Itfl poTen ue llmltAd & 



I clearly defloed, nad Ita I SUt«a, Thej mxe Is bet, ud not 



thepeoplB o( thli oouolrjr reqnii 

outJeMoHB InterlSrencsonelUHi. .- — 

the powEFfl wh^Gb nspecllvely belong to then 
Ing to ■ Air uid pnctlcal conilrnctlDn of tt- 
tutlou. State ligbU mfl tlie rlghti of tt 
States should be eqniJly reBpoftod ; b'^tban 



le pmtectloa respoiuible for them. A civil forcQ for the execnthm 
a Interests of I of tlielavrB Ifl thuslnitractedinaocorduica wlUtlaai- 
1 familiar nwge, which U simple. ^bI- 
areaponslble head. The naonaitT lO' 
□f IheH powers, bj upropriate ofieen^ 
ed Id qneatlon b; &telU|^at oUImiib 
the Importance of pewwule, ortwdt 
etioDB. aimlUr poven an oobIMm 



theColM 



the Doited 8tat« 



md cantrol the • 



this: That while tl 
lU matters whit' ' 



I elections. TheblUbih 



ilch iiaye not been granted to the Juris- I (ore mo changes oomplelalj' the pment law. bjsnb- 



lulloi _ . 

ire of panmouni sultaorlty and obUgatloi 



Lcrity of 



/f* SertaU and 
he iiasalng of this act the w of 
or each day of acliul serTlee, ud 
ill depntr DuFshala t: 



lepartles and bystanders to si 
we ahaU drive 



rm their dohta in each 
■al d rent t eoDrta ef the 
rlwl to open their »- 



ion be reqnlre^ then at la 
)n the jDdges of the district ■ 
ire hetebf reapecUTelT aatlu 
'- *- opened for tlie pmr 
-■--'-i, who a£all 

and theofliceni. 
' >m the dUrcnot 



bLc?t?r^M^lion™f ^tf^htl^ess^^ttint^f^ puliti™i parties, and BhaU be weU-known cltlnna of 



loi«»att\eepswltttalhe§^i^d8otlUj'nrlsXMo"|P2!^*'tpo" 
largely from on important and elaborate opinion o' | This bill d< 



I^otaTu'SllT^f'^me' 



II laws and parts of laws li 
.,^k» hereby repealed- proTldadb 
he United States tOr wbom depal 



'aoter and appointed by different jtnthor- 
1 similar In name to onleers aireadr Jn^ 
Lch new offlcere are not held lay AaDB 



'JiSSi 



Un.tsd States e)eF lion laws; to protect all olIlceTs ol less It is eipnsaly so provided by legl^tion. 



a^ust them, and he ts not responsible for them. 'Rhit wDl 
ipecially , have no authorilyto caU to their aid, if Te«latad.tte 



me pnalshable upon one of these depul 
iBaufi, or other- aUwful elecUon, wlU I 



ao bond. They haye 



stpowentlu 
wblch Ibey 
they am app., 

mot keep thepeaM 



r. & MAMtmkfjB AXD 



DKPI7TIB9 — ^VBTOBS AXD VOTES. 



55 



IB an 



tlw 



aX Sartnmal 



for tiboB. aad ther ai« not iwaiifcihti for 
of duty a 

of the 
tiona aad the poi 
daed bj State 
criiBiiialMB ■ciimar tke aathontr of tke United dtetea 
is a departiue fkoaa tbe ^ny of tb» OoTcnuaent. 
eatabliahed bj praoedents twyhining with the eaiiint 
Ktatutea on tte snlvect, and Tiolatea Uie tme princi- 
ples <rf the Ocmatitiitiotk. The Snpieme Oooxt. in the 
dedaion atraady t e fcu ie d to. aa j« : * It ia aligned that 
the preaerrstion of peace and good order in aociety is 
not within the itowers conflded in the GoTemment of 
the United Statea, bat belonga exchutTcly to the 



"Here again we axe met with the theory that the Qot- 
emment of the United States does not rest upon the 
soil and territory of the country. We think that this 
thecMy is founded upon an entire misconception of the 
powan of that gOTemment. We hold it to be an incon- 
tiDTertible princiide that the goTemment of the United 
States may. by means of physical force, e^urciaed 
through its official agents, execute in every foot of 
American soil the powers and fanctions that belong to : 
it. lliis neoeasarily inTolres the power to command ' 
obedience to its laws, and hence the power to keep the ' 
peace to that extent. This power to enforce its laws i 
and execute its functions in all places does dercq^te 
fkom the i»ower of the State to execute its laws at the . 
same time and in the same place. The one does 
not exclude the other, except when both cannot be | 
executed at the same time. In that case the words of 
the constitution itself show which is to yield : ' This 
constitution, and ail laws which shall be made in pur- 
soanoe thereof * * * shall be the supreme laws of 
the land.' In conclusion, it is proi>er to say that no 
objection would be made to the apiK>intment of officers 
to act with reference to the elections by the courts of 
the United States, and that I am in lavor of appointing 
officers to supenrise and protect the elections without 
regard to party. But the bill before me. while it recog- 
nizes the power and duty of the United States to pro- 
vide officers to guard and scrutinize the congressional 
elections, fails to adapt its provisions to the existing 
laws so as to secure efficient supervision and protec- 
tion. . 

'* It is. therefore, retilmed to the Senate, in which it 
originated, for that further consideration which is 
contemplated by the constitution. 

" BUTHXBFOBD B. HaTBS. 

" EXJBUU T IVJ B Mabsion, Washington. Jwte 18, 1880." 

PreTious action in Senate. 

Mat 19, 1880. — ^After nnmerons yain attempts 
b^ the BepnbUcan side to amend it, a special 
bill oonceming deputy marshals which had 
been reported by the Judiciary Committee 
passed in the following shape: 

** Be it enacted, etc.. That from and after the passage 
of this act the pay of all deputy marshals for services 
in reference to any election shidl be $5 for each day of 
actual service, and no more. 

'* Seotzon 2. That all deputy marshals to serve in 
reference to any election shall be appointed by the 
circuit court of the United States for the district in 
which such marshals are to perform their duties, in 
each year, at the term of court next preceding any 
election of Representatives or delegates in Congress: 
but if ttoxn any cause there should be no session of 
the circuit courts in the State or districts where such 
marshals are to be appointed, then, and in that case, 
the Judges of the district courts of the United States 
are hereby respectively authorized to cause their 
courts to be opened for the purpose of appointing 
such deputy marshals, who shall be appointed by the 
said district courts; and the officers so appointed shall 
be in equal numbers from the different political par- 
ties, and shidl be well-known citizens of good moral 
character, and actual residents of the voting precincts 
in which their duties are to be performed, and shall 
not be candidates for any office at such election; and 
all laws and parte of laws inconsistent with this act 
are hereby repealed. Provided, That the marshals of 
the United States for whom deputies shaU be ap- 
pointed by the court under this act, shall not be liable 
for any of the acte of such deputies." 



Hie Tole cm its pftssAg^ ins as foUoirs: 

Tk4S— MflHra. AMicy. A^ysv^ Adb, OaU. OsdkrcJI, 
CWbe. XUvxa. of ITliartia. HafwW. />srk^ Gicrlsa. tf*n<<in. 
Ho^atea, Hsrru, Jekautmk^ J*mat, A.enMm» JfcAmaK, 
F>srfiiH»> Fryer, Jgaaww, Ss«I«6«ry, .$te»rr, 
rsMK. Wmher, ITaJ^y, Wittimmp-ti< 

AUisoa. Anthony, Bhur. Booth. 
Oamenm, of Fmnsylvania, Oamerckn. of Wiac\HMun« 
Dawea. Bdmuada, Hoar. KeUo«g. Kirkwiv^ McXillan, 
XocxiU, BoUixtf» Saunders. TV^Uer. Windom— 47. 

Acfton In tlie ■•«»«. 

In the House. June 11, similar amendments 
to those which had been offered and defeated 
in the Senate by a party Tot<\ were otl^^red 
and defeated in the Hous;.\ The bill was 
amended so as to x>ead as quoteil in the veto 
messi^e, without a division, and passed by 
the following vote : 

Tkas — Kessrs. ActUn, Aiktm^ Atk%$u, Baehmtm, R. L. 
T. BeaU^ Belford. Beltakoorer, INdbwtf . Blmckburn, Btmtd, 
Bliss, Bright, Bmdi^er. CabeU, J, W, (\W<Imv/A i\iHisU, 
Ckaimers, J. B. CUxrke, Jr., HyvMr, Cobb, Cof^utk, CWr- 
ridt. Cook, Oarfrt, S, S. Cow. Ow«ym», Cu^btrntm, J. J. 
Daris, L, H. Dams, Demster, DihrtU, Dicky, Kiam, J. H. 
£v4iu.FoRD, P»mew, Grddes, Goode, X. J. l/oMNMiMrf. 
F. T. Harris, fTo/c*. HendU, Hmrg, ilerberi, Hotiktr, 
Hosteder, House, HunhmMMtdkimi,jAnston, G. W. Josncs, 
Kenner, Kimwui, KloU, Knott, Ljldd, Lf%e%s, Lomnsbery, 
LowK. Manning, B. F. Martin, McLane, McMoMon, 
McMiUin, MUU, Morrison,Morse,Xev, Xi€ikotis, OOmnor, 
O'ReiUy, Persons, Pke:us, J. F. Philips, PtehUr, Rntgan, 
J. S. Rtdkardson, E. W. Robrrtson, Ross, J, W. Rjfon^ 
Samjbrd, Saw^tr, Scales, Shelly, Simonton, O. R. Sit^e- 
ton, Slemums, Sparks, Speer, Springer, Steele, Stephens, 
Taylor, P. B. Thompson, Jr., Tillman, R. ir. Toten^end^ 
Titeker, O. Turner, Upson, FoHcr, WaAiill, Wellborn, 
Wells, WhOeaker, Whitthome, T. WUliams, A. S, Waiis, 
Wilson, Wise, Wriobt— 110. 

Nats — Messrs. N. W. Aldrich. W. Aldrich, Anderson, 
J. H. Baker. Ballou, Bayne. Binsham. Blake. Bowman. 
Boyd, Brewer. Briggs, Browne, Cannon, Carpenter^ 
GasweU. Chittenden, Conger, Crapo. Daggett. O. K. 
Davis, H. Davis, Deering, Dunnell. Srrett. Ferdon, 
Field, Fisher, Fort. Frye, Oodahalk. Hall. J. Ham- 
mond. Harmer. B. W. Harris, Haskell, Hawk, Hawley, 
Hayes, Henderson, Hiscock, Horr, Houk, Humphrey, 
Hurd. Joyce. Keifer, Kklx^y. Ketcham. Lapham, Lind- 
sey. Mason. McCoid. McCook. Mitchell. Neal. Norcross 
O'Neill. Oemer. Oveiton. Pound. D. P. Kichardson. 
Bobeaon, Ot. D. Bobinson. W. A. Kusaell. T. Kyan, 
Shallenberger, Bherwin. W. E. Smith, J. W. 8tone. 
Thomas, w. G. Thompson, A. Townsend. Tyior. T. 
Updegraff, Valentine, Van Aemam, Van Voorhis. Voor- 
his. Ward, Washburn, H. White, G. G. WilUanui. Wil- 
Ute, T. L. Young— ^. 

feiubseqaent action. 

The Senate, June 14, agreed to the House 
amendment, the bill went to the President, 
and was vetoed as heretofore stated. 



PART III. 

l«atest action in botii nouses- 
Payment of ^arsliiUs and Dep- 
uties ibr 1880— Votes in botli 
nouses on various proposi- 
tions. 

An attempt in the Senate, May 20, 1880, to 
amend the Deficiency Bill (H. 11. 6238), ])y 
adding a clause: " For the pavment and ex- 
penses of United States Marshals and th(*ir 
deputies, earned during the fiscal year ending 
June 30, 1880, $600,000."— was defeated hy the 
following vote: 



56 



A HISTORY OF DEMOOBATIO ELECTION FRAUDS. 



TBAS^Mesara. Allison, Antbony, Baldwin, Blair, 
Booth, Bruce, Cameron, of Wisconsin. Conkling, Ed- 
munds, Ferry, Hill, of Colorado, Hoar, Insalls. Kel- 
logg, Kirk wood, McMillan. Morrill, Paddock, Plumb, 
Rollins, Teller, Windom— 22. 

Nats— Messrs. Bailey, Bayard, Beck, Brovon, Coil, 
CockreU, Davis, of Illinois, Davis, of West Virginia, 
Eaton, Farley, Garland, Orootne, Hamj^on, Harris, Here- 
ford, HiU, of Oeorgia, Johnston, Jonas, Jones, of Florida, 
Keman, McDonald, Jiaxey, Morgan, PendUUm, Ptyor, 
Ransom, SatUsbury, Slater, Thumum, Voorhees, Wa^r, 
Wallace, Withers— 33. 

In the House, May 31, the Sundry Civil 
Appropiiation Bill was amended by adding to 
it the Ibllowing clause: 

" For payment of marshals and their general depu- 
ties, except for senrices of the latter rendered at elec- 
tions, $660,000." * 

Which subsequently passed the Senate 
without a dissenting vote. 

In the -House, June 3, a motion to amend 
The General Deficiency Bill (H. B. 6325) so 
as : "To pay deputy marshals for services in 
the State of California at the election of Sep- 
tember last, $7,000, or so much of said sum 
as may be necessary/' was defeated by the 
iollowing vote : 

Tba»— Messrs. W. Aldrich. Anderson, Bailey. J. H* 
3aker, Ballou, Barber, Bayne Blake, Boyd, Brewer- 
3riggB, Brighiun, Browne, Oannon. Carpenter, Oas- 
y/reu, GlafUn, Cowgill, Grapo, H. Davis. Deering. Dan 
npll, Dwight, Errett, Ferdon, Field, Fisher, OUiLBTtk! 
Hall, J. Hammond, Harmer, B. W. Harris, Hawk, Haw 
ley, Hayes, Hazleton, Hiscock, Hnbbell, Hamphrey' 
O. W. Jones, Joyce, KsixiET, Ketcham, Lapham. Lor- 
ing. Lowe, Marsh, Mason, McCook, Miles, Miller, 
Mitchell, Monroe. Neai, Norcross, O'Neill. Overton, 
Pacheco. Page, Prescott, Robeson, Or. D. Robinson, T. 
Ryan, Sherwin, A. H. Smith, Thomas, W. O. Thomp- 
son, T. Updegraff, Umer. Valentine, Van Aemam, 
Voorhis, Ward, Wsaybb. H. White, C. G. Williams, 
Willis, YocuM— 78. 

Nats — Messrs. Acklen, Aiken, Atkerton, Atkins, Belts' 
hoover, Berry, Bicknell, Blackburn, Bliss, Blount, Botick, 
Bragg, Bright, Buckner, Cabell, J. W. Caldwell, Carlisle, 
Clardyt J* B, Clarke, Jr., Clymer, Cobb, Coffrotk, Cole- 



rick, Converse, Cook, Cravens, CtUberson, J. J, Dant. 
DibreU, Dickey, Dunn, Eiam, J. H. Evins, Ewing, E. B. 
FirUey, Qoode, N, J. Hammond, J. T. Harris, HatA.- 
Henry, Herbert, Hooker, House, Hunton, Hutchins Jobn, 
ston, Kenna, Klots, Le Fevre, E. L. Martin, McKetuit. 
McLane, McMiUin, Money, Morrison, Muidrow, New. 
NichoUs, O'Connor, O'Reilly, Phelps Poehler, Reagan, E. 
W. Robertson, Ross, J. W. Ryon, Samford. Sawyer, Sixikt, 
O. R. Singleton, W. E. Smith, Sparks, Springer, Steele, 
Stephens, Stevbmbom, Talbott. P. B. Thompson, Jr.. Till- 
man, J2. W. Tomnskend, O. Turner, Vance, WaddiU, A. 
J. Warner, Wellborn. Wells, Wkiteaker, WkUthome, WU 
son, F. Wood, Wbxoht— 91. 

And an amendment providing ''That no 
part of this appropriation shall be used for the 
payment of general or special deputy luarshals 
for services rendered at any election," was 
agreed to by the following vote: 

Yeas— Messrs. Aiken, Atherton, Atkins, Beltshoover, 
Berry, Bicknell, Blackburn, Bliu, Bouck, Bragg, Bright, 
Buckner, Cabell, J. W. Caldwell, Carlisle, Clardy, 
Clymer, CM>, Coffrotk, Crderick, Converse, Cook, Craoeu, 
Culberson, J. J. Davis, Deuster, DibreU, Dunn, Elam, 
J. H. Evins, Ewing, E. B. Finley, Oibton, Goods, N. J, 
Hammond, J. T. Harris, Halch, Henkle, Henry, Herbert, 
Hooker, House, Hunton, Hutchins, Johnston, Kenna, 
Kimmel, KloU, Le Fevre, E. L. Martin, McKeneie, Me- 
Lane, McMiUin, Money, Morrison, Morse, Muidrow, New, 
NichoUs, O'Connor, O'ReiUy, Persons, Phelps, PoeUer, 
Reagan, E. W.Robertson, Roes, J. W. Ryon, Samjbrd, 
Sawyer, Scales, O. J2. Singleton, W, E. Smith, Sparks, 
Speer, Springer, Steele, Stephens, Steyemson, Talbott, P. 
B. Thompson, Jr., TiUman, R. W. Townshend, O. Ihimer, 
Vance, WaddiU, A. J. Warner, WeObom, WelU, Whita- 
ker, Whitlhome, Wtison, F. Wood, Wmoht— 96. 

Nay»— Messm. W. Aldrich, Anderson, Bailey, J. H. 
Baker, Ballon, Barber. Bayne, Blake, Boyd. Brewer, 
Briggs, Browne, Oannon, Carpenter, .Caswell, Chittoi* 
den, Clafiln, Cowgill, Crape, Daggett, H. Davis, Dee^ 
ing. Dwight, Errett. Ferdon, Field, Fisher, Qili.cri, 
Hidl, J. Hammond, Harmer, B. W. Harris, HaskeB. 
Hawk, Hawley. Hayes, Haifcelton, Horr, Hubbell, Ham- 
phrey, O. W. Jones. Joyce. Kellet. Keteham. Lapham, 
Loring, Lowe, Marsh, Mason, McOook. Miles, Miller, 
Mitchell. Monroe, Neal, Norcross, O'Neill, Osxner. Over- 
ton. Pacheco. Page, Prescott. Bobeson, O. D. Hobinson. 
T. Ryan, Sherwin, A. H. Smith. Thomas. W. Gfr. Thomp- 
son. T. Updegraff, Umer, Valentine, Van Aemam. 
Voorhis, Ward. H. White, 0. G. WlUiams. WilUts. 
YoouM— 79. 



CHAPTEE YI. 



A History of Democratic Election Frauds. 



T?ie righJt to a free baUoi is (he rigfU j^reservaUve of aU righiSy and must and shaU he maintained w 
every part qfihe United iSto^.>-Deolaration 6, National Democratic Platform, 1880. 



PART I. 

^^ Counting; in ''—A Democratiic In- 
vention, and peculiarly a Demo- 
cratic Practice— ^^ Counting; in" 
of James K. Polk as President 
in 1844— of James Bucbanan in 
185T— Tbe Disastrous Conse- 
quences to tlie IVation— The 



attempted ^^ counting In'' of| 
Samuel J. Tilden in 19T6— A 
Brief Reiieiv of tbe Immense 
Democratic Frauds in the Cam- 
paig;ns of 1844-'5T eomjpared 
with those of 18Te, 

In 1844, in the Presidential campaign of that 
year, James E. Polk, of Tennessee, was noto- 
riously •• counted into " the Presidency over 
Henry Clay, of Kentucky, who had been elec- 



A HI8T0BY OF DEMOOKATIO ELECTION VBJlVVB, 57 

ted President fairly by the voice of the Ameri- give Clay 183 votes and reduce Polk's to 92, 
canpeople. making Clay's majority in the electoral ool- 

Wno was Henry Clay ? Who James K. Polk ? leges 91, the real result of the canvass, but 
Who the arch conspirators by whom Clay was wnich was defeated by the deliberately- 
robbed of the Presidency — by whom the Ameri- planned frauds of the Democracy. Even 
can people were cheated of their choice as Chief strike from Polk's 170 New York's 36 votes, 
Magistrate; and what the agencies or means which State Clay confessedly carried by from 
by which a result so disastrous to the nation 5,000 to 10,000 majority, will leave Polk but 
-was accomplished? What the motives or ends 134 electoral votes and give Clay 141, a major- 
wbich influenced the agencies for a result so ity of 7 in the colleges, 
lamentable ? 

Just now, in presence of the Democratic de- Samuel J. Tllden's guilty complicity in 
sign to seize the presidency by Mexicanizing the Democraticr villainy I 

the RepubHc-by subverting the Constitution j^ ^ ^^^^ villainous frauds, Samuel J. 
and the laws, by bulldozing^Vb^ot-box stuff- ^nden, in New York, aided by the notorious 
ing and by all other posable nefanous means ^^^^ Rynders and his cohort of unprincipled 
—these inquiries are pertinent and pregnant ruffians, and in Louisiana by the equally no- 
on^ We will answer them as briefly as pos- ^^ous John Slidell, a New Yorker\y birth, 
®^"^' was, as a leading .Democrat of the Empire 

The " ffreat commoner," Henry Clay, who State, the headquarters of the conspiracy for 
would ** rather be rl^ht than be Presl- **^® defeat of Clay, an active and efficient co- 
dent I "-His unknown Democrat oppo- Y^^^^'; It is not strange, therefore, that Til- 
iii»it, Jame« K. Folk. ,den, who in the campaign of 1876, simply at- 

tempted, in behalf of himself, to repeat the 
Fornearlyahalf century, in 1844, from 1797, frauds of 1844 against Clay, should be cha- 
when Kentucky was framing a new State con- grined at his fSure, and that he and "his 
sfeitation, Henry Clay had been active in the partisans should so fiercely denounce fraud 
service of his country. A Senator of the United against the Bepublicans as they did in 1844 
States in 1806, when only twenty-nine years denounce Clay and the Whigs, 
old, and distinguished, even at that early age, 

for eminent ability and eloquence; unrivaled Gamblers' consiiiracy at the bottom of 
subsequently as the Speaker and leader of the these ffrave Democratic crimes— And Til- 
Hbxise; ec^ually brilliant in the Senate and den's iruilty participation in them. 
Cabinet, in war as in peace, as a statesman, 

orator and diplomat; pre-eminent for his chiv- That Hennr Clay was entitled, and oonfess- 
alrouB courage and lofty patriotism, and prob- ®^y entitled, to the electoral votes of the 
ably the o^ man of his time who could. States of New York, Pennsylvania, Geor^a, 
without personal ridicule, have uttered his a^^ Louisiana— seventy-eight in all— which, 
celebrated apothegm, **I loould rather he right ^7 fraud, by the "counting in" process 
than FresidaU /'* which the Democracy now charge against the 

Such was Henry Clay, *• the great com- Bepublicans, were counted for Folk, we have 
moner," the Whig candidate for President in before us the proofis in a number of shapes. 
1844 ; while his opponent, Polk, was so little They cannot be questioned. In 1844 a com- 
known, his services to the nation of so httle bination of gamblers, through a system of bet- 
eonsequenoe, that upon his nomination by the *"^ all over the country in favor of Polk, as 
Democracy the cry went throughout the Be- ^ *^® canvass of 1876 in fevor of Tilden, se- 
pnblic "Who is James K. Polk?" cured by their winnings the means of defray- 

ing the expenses of the frauds. That was no- 
Tlie vote by which caay was rlshtfully toriously so in New York, Pennsylvania, and 
elected and entitled to the Presidency— Louisiana. — Horace Greeley, in 1848, in one 
The Tillainous Democratic firands by of hia ** Open Letters to a Politician" — to Samuel 
whirti he was ^ counted out.** <^- Tilden — reminds Tilden of these grave 

TT m xv 1- • ^ XI- * • crimes, and of his participation in them. All 

^T? ^^^SJT *?® choice of the Amen(»n ^ ^he details^ len^h in Greeley's Life 

people for Pr^ident, and a decided majority ^f ^ ^la in Calvii Colton's, ii "The 

^ the votes act^ cast was ^wn for him. ^hig Ueviewr and kindred works, of the 
He waschosen President by the voice of his ^QUale and systematic villainy, the great 
oountiTmen^ and under the Constitution Mid ^rime, by which the illustrious day waTde- 
laws-by all the rules of nght-was entatl^ frauded of New York and the otha States- 
ip the ^esidency^ None now doubt that, ^yj agencies similar to those which, in 1868, in 
A8 a matter of lustory It is notorious. Never- /ew York, Tilden -counted in" Seymour 
iheless, in the House, in 1845 the eledtoral ^^ Hoflftnan when Grant and Griswold had 

1^^ '^^^^>T^ '-' "^?' ^?^ ^^?t: ^'"'^ ^y' carried the State. 
105 ; while Polk s minority on the popular 



TOtewM24,119. TJe electoral colleg^ counted **countln» in'* peculiariy d P c M Oc r atlc 

«^ Pott mduded that of New York (36) Penn- process-The bo^us Democratic vote of 

alvania (26), Georgia (10). Louisiana (6)— m ^. Yorli in 1844 - The PenmiTlTania 

I 78 votes-to all of which Clay was entitled i!« J~h^^„^^ Ji^t *^"*^'^"** 

by decided popular majorities in all those »«"«*atic frauds of that year. 

States. Hence, add those 78 votes to Cray's This ** counting in ** is peculiariy a Demo- 

105, said deduct them from Polk's 170, will . cratic process — an invention to which the 



58 



A HX8TOBT OF DEMOOSATIO ELECTION FRAUDS. 



Democracy, and only the Democracy, have a 
sole and undisputed right. 

In New York, in 18^ of the popular vote 
Polk was in a minority of 10,706 votes. His 
plurality over Clay was only 5,106. That he 
obtained in the city and its surroundings by 
fraudulent naturalization, by repeating and 
ballot-box stuffing ; by the manufacture and 
count, through such infamous agencies, of 
from 10,000 to 15,000 bogus votes. Some 
place the number as high as 20,000. 

In Pennsylvania the frauds were equally 
flagrant. At th6 October election it was ad- 
mitted by the best posted of the Democracy 
that Clay in the State was at least 10,00!o 
votes stronger than General Markle, the Whig 
candidate for Grovemor. Hence, in order to 
beat Clay in November, Shunk's majority 
must reach 10,000. It ^^^as only 4,282, fully 
6,000 less than the Democratic estimate as 
absolutely necessary to beat Clay. Neverthe- 
less, Clay was beaten. His vote, as the 
Democracy had calculated, was 5,2 greater 
than Markle's, and was drawn principally 
from Shunk's ; yet Polk's majority in the 
State was 6,332. 

The Democratic **nuNleI" which inspired 
Tilden's infamous Democratic secret 
circular of 1868. 

It was in this canvass in Pennsylvania that 
the model of Tilden's infamous confidential 
circukur of 1868, by which he arranged the 
machinery for the fraudulent count of New 
York for Seymour and Hoffman, appeared as 
a secret circular, dated ' ' Harrisburg, January, 
1844,'* and signed by £dward A. Penniman 
and seventeen Democratic members of the 
Pennsylvania Legislature as an executive 
committee. It was distributed only among 
the faithful, with the injunction that its 
"contents should be made known only to 
such of our (Democratic) friends as will keep 
their own council and assist in organizing 
the party ;'* and urged that " it is very de- 
sirable tixat it should not appear in any news- 
paper or be communicated to our political 
opponents." It particularly enjoined the 
faithful **to secure a large turn out at the 
election of judges and inspectors (of the 
polls). This done, we shall have the vantage 
ground, and an easy victory will be ours." 
So it proved. By securing the judges and 
inspectors of the polls, the count of any 
number by the Democracy was a very easy 
matter. 

The Democratic frauds tliat in 1844 save 
Georiria to Poll£. 

In Georgia, in 1844, and it may be so now, 
by the tax-list, the exact number of legal 
voters in the State could be readily ascer- 
tained. By that list there were in the State 
78,611 votes. At the Presidential election 
86,277 votes were cast. Even supposing, 
therefore, that every legal voter in the State 
attended at the polls— the decrepid, aged, 
sick, and dying— there was still a fraud of 
7,666 votes. By whom were these polled? 



In the Whig counties less than the legal vote 
as shown by the tax-list was polled ; but in 
the Democratic counties of Forsyth Lump- 
kin, Habersham and Franklin the lawfiil 
vote was 3,202. They returned a vote of 
4,014 for Polk and 1,825 for Cla:^— in aU 
6,835— a fraud in these four connties akme 
of 2,633 ; and so on throughout all the Dem- 
ocratic counties of Georgia. Neveitheleo^ 
Polk's majority in the State was only 2,077. 

The infamous Democratic frauds In I^onto- 
iana— Open, notorious, shjunefu. 

In Louisiana the frauds were truly vil- 
lainous. No attempt was ever made to dis- 
guise or cover them. They were open, 
notorious, and shameful. John Slidell im 
their infamous engineer, and under his manip- 
ulation thousands of fraudulent votes wen 
counted for Polk in New Orleans and all aloaag 
the Mississippi river. A single instance w 
illustrate all. Up to the day of the rebellion— 
up to 1861 — the largest aggregate vote polled 
in Plaquemine parish was 550 ; in 1844 it ga^e 
Polk 1,007 majority, while his majority in tiie 
State was only 699. 

Thus Tilden and the Demoemey vf 1844 
'' counted" Polk «« In.^ 

Thus in 1844, throughout the conntry, £md 
by lllden and the Democracy was recced to 
a system. Through its results James K. FoD^ 
the weak but ambitious tool of theproHsIaveiy 
oligarchy, was " counted in," and the gaDast 
and patriotic Clay, the illustrious "greit 
commoner," whose services to the nation is 
war and peace constitute the brightest paga 
in its civil history, was robbed of the Ptc»> 
dency — ^was robbed by Tildeu and the Demo- 
cracy. 

The Pennsylvania Democratte flnuids I7 
wiiich, in 18S7, intrepid Fremont mi 
robbed of his rights and wealc WaA 
anan ** counted in." 

Later in 1857, by similar frauds in Peofr 
sylvania, by the same parties, accompUMMd 
tnrough like agencies, «fohn G. Fremont mn 
cheated of the same high office, and JuM 
Buchanan, another weak and equally plint 
tool of the oligarchal conspirators of 19U, 
was fraudulently placed in the chair d 
Washington, manifestly under pledgee to 
complete the traitorous work for me destroD* 
tion of the Bepublio begun by Polk. 

Tilden's wholesale frauds in 189tt m$ 1M 
North— His Mississipiii shot-iriui psftf 
at the South. 

The campai^ of 1876 modeled upon thitof 
1844. By similar agencies or arts, hv whofe* 
sale and systematic frauds in the North, k| 
succeeded in carrying New York, New JenNV, 
Connecticut, and Indiana ; and in the Sow 
by the murderous Mississippi shot-gun poficgi 
effected the manufacture of the fictitions ngnni 
which constitute his pretended popular 
jority. 



f ; 






I 



A HIBTOBtr OF DBMOOSATIO SLBOTION FSAUDS. 59 

Wbat miseries the saoeess of the Demo- ** Popular rotes" not necessary to the 

cratlc frauds of 1844 and 18&7 entailed election of a President— It Is the electo- 

iipon the Nation. ral yote that tells — Some Presidential 

In 18i4 and 1857 the oligarchal conspirators examples. 

1844 th^ ^udulJt b'u«^ entaUed npcn ffiaS^e ^dTe^S^wS^htp^^-cast?^^ 

the nation the crimes of Polks disastrous 43324 yotes. all told^ for PreSdoit inim. 

f^;±t,nl A'^aU^^*^ Jw ^? ^t had six electoral votes, as many as Califom a 

aggrandizement of /Ifvery. exacting of the ^^^^ ^f. jg^ 459 ^^ ' 

nation a samfice of thousands of hres and j^ ^^ j^ ' ^^^^ ^ ^ 2.410.782, Har- 

h^ndreds of nuUionsof treasure -his ini- rfson had a popular majority of only 139,250. 

aU in the interest of the pro-slarery oUgaich ; i^ 1844^ p^j^ j^ 24,119 popular majority 

the fetal reopening of tfie sUvery question, ,^^^4 ^ ^ j^ ^^ Melectond votes 

greapitated by the strnggle of the sections for ^ Clay's 105 ^a^^*^**" wi,^* 

liJriSJ'SS'S.iS! S',Srt3„lSi.^r ■» '««• Oin*"" H«rli»n tad 151,808 pop- 

dominated in the appalhng crimes of the r^^^g^ examples might be multiplied, and 

reDemon. g^^^ ^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^ popular majority is not 

Tlic sueeess of the Democratic frauds of necessary to the election of a President. 

1876 would have brought upon the Re- «. ^ ^ , . _ 

public humiliation and ruin. ^*® ^^^ *"* *■»« Presidential election of 

T ^orr^xv • • ^ J J X 1. 1816-What vote on the surface. 

In 1876 their success was intended to be as -d x vi ^.i. • • x -l' j> 

disastrous as those of 1844 and 1857. The ^. "^^^ ^^^i® *r® ^^ ^^^' *^® ^^^^ ^ *^® ®lec 

Confederacy had failed in its attempt to de- ^^^^ of 1876 show that the case of Mr. Hayes 

stroy the Eepublic. Its prestige and pride was not exceptional, like the examples cited; 

were humbled, and in the murderous struggle that he was. in fact, the first choice of a ma- 

piovoked by its crimes its losses had been im- J^^y ^^ ^he voters of the country. 

mense. Tilden's success was intended to re- ^^i^%^^^§^^ ^?^® ^^^ President was 8.399,- 

dress all that. A restoration of the Confederate 22?i ^^^oo. ^e^*^"°7?,' ^^^Il i'i^^^'??^' 
to power and place in the Government was to Tilden, 4,284,265, and Cooper, 81.737. Til- 
be foUowed by the humiliation of loyalty— the ^^^ ^^^^^J^nty on these figures 157.394 
abasement of the nation at the feet of the Ordinarily this result would be regarded as 
xebel; and the ruin of the Republic was to be «>iiclusive, and would show the relative 
effected by the confiscation of its property and strength of the cMididates before the people; 
means in the payment of thousands of millions "^^t the election of 1876 warrants no such con- 
of fraudulent claims as indemnity to the Con- elusion. On the other hand, the facts conclu- 
federate for losses in the rebellion. Hancock's avely prove that these figures, like Mr. Til- 
micoess now would be equally disastrous. ?e^ s boasted election and' majority, are utter- 

• ly fictitious and false — that they do not repre- 

sent the popular will at that time. This will 

PART II appear by a further analysis of the vote of 

1876. 

Popular and Blectoral Votes of 

Harrison and Van Buren, Folk ™!,»^SSL' ^^tilTv-f SLST ^,!!^^'h 

- ^^- .__. _. ■m ^ ^^^ States, and slave States, grouped and 

and Clay, Harrison and Cass- compared with census of votinv popnia- 

Vilden's pretended ^^ Immense" tion. 

Popular H^iority— Some Votings fii the former (or present) free States there 

Statistics Touching: the Gulfand was cast a total of 5,622,210 votes, of which 

Other States— Alabama, Flori- Hayes received 2,939,729 and Tilden 2,682.481; 

da, Georgia, I^uisiana, Hissis- °^?i°^.ty for Hayes 257 248. ^ ^ ^ _ 

«M^ ^«^m m^ ^^^ !; ^^l, *■»»-» jj^ the States of Delaware, Maryland. Vir- 

Sippi, and South CaroUna aU ginia, west Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, 

fidrly Republican States— Hotv North Carolina, Missouri, Arkansas and Texas 

Southern States were ''counted the total vote was 1.830,219. For Hayes, 744,- 

in" fbr Tilden. ^^^' ^°^ Tilden, 1,085,472; Tilden's majority, 

A persistent effort has been made by Mr. In South Carolina. Georgia. Florida. Ala> 

^Tilden and his friends, ever since his defeat, bama, Mississippi and Louisiana the vote was 

"to impress the country with the idea that he 890,811, of which Hayes received 362,231 and 

Ixad received an immense majority of the pop- Tilden 528,590; Tilden's majority. 166,359. 

.'nlar vote for President. The facts warrant no According to the census of 1870. the latest 

^noh conclusion. Nor does it follow that such enumeration available, there were in the 

,a minority would necessarily secure his elec- Northern States at that time 4,850,151 male 

tion, whether it was small or large. citizens over twenty-one years of age. The 



60 



A HIBTORY OF DBSfOGBATIO ELECTION FRAUDS. 



Tote for President in those States, as has al- 
ready been shown, was 5,622,210. Increase 
over the enumeration, 772,059. 

In the second group of States the enumera- 
tion was 1,800.639; total YOte for President, 
1,815,009. Increase over the enumeration, 
only 14,370. 

In the last group, or Gulf States, the 
enumeration was 973,714; total yote for Hayes 
and Tilden, 890,811. Loss on the enumera- 
tion, 82,903. 

Becapitulation: In the free States, where 
the election was free, fair, and full, there was 
a gain of 772,059 voters. In the border slave 
States, where Bepublioans are kept in hope- 
less minorities, and did not cast their full 
vote, the increase was only 14,370. In the 
Southern Republican States, where Bepubli- 
can majorities were subverted by armed vio- 
lence, the loss was 82.903. 

Assuming that the increase of voters in 
these States was of equal ratio to the free 
States, the increase over the enumeration 
would have been 114,714. Adding the loss of 
82,903 to this amount, and we have 197,617 
votes, or about one in six, not cast in the six 
States last named;- 

Tke real yottiiv strenvtii of the Oalf states 
—Showing, In 187*9 a]tatal colored mmSoT" 
tty of &7,83&. 

But there is another and still more reliable 
method of ascertaining the real voting strengt^ 
and popular will of those States. In 1870 the 
voters were divided as follows: 

White. Oolar'd. 

Alabama 104.276 106,612 

Florida 19,211 20,170 

Georgia 127,786 119,920 

Ix>ni8iana 72,413 80,126 

Mi88i88ippi 76,677 97.724 

South Carolina 67,933 91,978 



Total 468,196 



616,630 



Colored majority 67,336 

And exlilbltlnff a total Repatdlean ma- 
jority of 188,S3S ln.1878. 

In ascertaining the Bepublican strength 
South, two estimates may be made that are 
perfectly reliable.^ First, that the colored vote 
iS solidly Bepublican; secondly, that a small 
per cent, of the white vote is Bepublican; 
much depending on the locality and the free- 
dom of election. The division of voters on 
this basis is shown in the following table: 

Demo- 



Bepnblican. 



Colored. 

Alabama 106,612 

Florida 20,170 

Georgia 119,920 

Louisiana 80,126 

Mississippi 97.724 

South Carolina 91,978 



White. 

16,000 
3,000 
20,000 
10,000 
10,000 
6,000 



cratic. 

White- 

89.276 
16,211 
107.786 
62,413 
66,677 
62,933 



615,530 63,000 895.196 

Total Bepublican vote .... 678,630 

Total Democratic vote 395.195 



Subsequent cbanses of population favored 
the Republleans, especially in South Car 
olina, Mlsfilssippl, and lioulsiana. 

Whatever changes had taken place smoe 
that time, and they were considerable, were 
favorable to the Bepublicans. This was nota- 
bly true of South Carolina, Mississippi, and 
Louisiana. These three States continued 
under Republican control long after the States 
adjoining had fallen under Democratic do- 
mmion. Democratic rule was accompanied 
by the abolishment of colored schools and 
harsh and proscriptive administration. There- 
upon there was an exodus of negroes from 
those States to the others, where the rights 
and interests of their race were respected, 
their children educated, and the ruling powers 
were friendly. The States of Virginia, North 
Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas, and Texas con- 
tributed many thousands of their colored 
voters on this account to South Carolina, Mis- 
sissippi, and Louisiana. The last Presiden- 
tial election a£fords abundant proof of this 
statement. Take 

South Carolina 

for example. The vote in this State for the 
years named was as follows : 

1868— Bepublican 63,301 

Democratic 46»Q07 

Bepublican majority 17.094 

1870— BepubUcan 85,071 

Democratic. ; 61,637 



Bepublican majority 183,835 

These figures are based on the population 
And enumeration of 1870. 



Bepublican majority 33,634 

1872— Bepublican 72.290 

Democrati c 22, 703 



Bepublican majority 49,687 : 

It has already been shown that the total 
white vote in 1870 was 57,933, and the colored 
vote 91,978, the total being 149,911, and the 
colored majority 34,545. 

1876— Bepublican vote. 91,870 

Democratic vote 91,076 

Total ....182.946 

vote of 1670.... \. .149,911 

Increase. ; ; 33,035 

A passing reference to the past white popu- 
lation of South Carolina leaves no doubt that 
this inorease was almost wholly colored. The 
United States census furnishes the following 

figures : 

1830 ; 257,868 

1840 -..,. 269.084 

1860 274,663 

I860 291,300 

1870 a89»667 

Thus it will be seen that the white popula- 
tion of the State has been almost stationary 
for the past half century. It will not be 
argued by the Opposition that it has received 
marvelous increase under the very odious (!) 
Republican Administration since reconstruc- 
tion. Whence, then, the 33,035 votes added 
to the poll-books? If they are not white they 
must be colored, and this is the fact. Then 
we have the actual vote of South Carolina, 
confirmed by this test, as follows : 



A. HIBTOBY OF DEUOCBATIO BLECTIOM FKAUDS. 



n" br "si.MM majari- 



Ity, yet "tMiantcil 
ty-Cn-TlMeit. 

Heit take MissisBippi. Tlie colored majo- 
Tity in 1»70 vas 21,157. Alcorn was electu.l 
Itepnblican Qovemor in 18611 by a minority nl 
38.089. Qraut'B majority in 1872 was 35,ll'-i. 
It is admitted bj all coDveiaant vith the poli- 
tioal KShira of the State that tbe pieaent 
OftloTed majoritv is fully 40.000. Yet Mr. 
Xtlden earned the Btate, mach as a atormiiiL,; 
MT^ outiea intrenehments, b; a majority ot 
C1.M8. How was this done? Take the five 
Adlt^wing ooontieB to illostnte : 



Kind*.... M» i.tifi 

tAwndsL, 4,0n Ml 



n.tn «.7<M 1«,H8« 5.30S 1,111 1B,VS7 

Here wag an actual loss of 1S,57S Bepubli- 
oui Totes in foarcouutieB, and of 6,233 on tlie 
mggr^e»io vote of 1872, in counties where the 
oSbied vote has been increased by immigra- 
tioD fnllj a,6u0 since that year. The returns 
tkrom other parts of tlie State ore in keepint; 
witb these. It U needless to recount the 



ItB oitizena to be outrased in this manner and 
■oiTera itself directly from the outr^e does 
not appear to be worth preserring. The 
State of Miasifisippi as rightfully belonged to 
Hayes and Che Kepublioan cause aa MasMB- 
■hnsetts or Vermont. Yet it was counted fur 
iSx. Tilden by 51,5U0 majority, without evfn 
ftllowiug the Republicans of the State the poor 
privilege of protesting against the fraud. 

Mr. Potter might boa.it of 300,000. and Mr. 
Tilden emit over 157,394, majorily on the tuvv 
of the retams; but the factH. na herein shown, 
SBtablish the utter falsity of the chum. 



PART III. 

IHorida— Bloody Tloletic« flUUne. 
Fmud nnd Jiitllcial L'surpatloii 
resortc^d to— A Drict History of' 

. the entire seriea of Fraudulent 
Proc^eedinga by nhlcfa Tlldfii' 
strove to Caittiire that one 
needed EJectonil Vote— Faclft, 
Flgnres, and lucldenta. 



BIa*dy Tinlenee and imUot^box deimuchery . 

At the election in Florida of PresidentLiI 
aleotora, November 7, 187fl, every expedient. 



whether fraudulent or violent, was employed 
by tbe 'lildeuites to secure a majority at the 
ptillH - la least to secure a majority uu tbo face 
of Che returns. In the Democratic counCies 
nil the election machinery was in the hands 
of Che Tildenites. The "Mississippi shot-gun 
P'llitv" was their favorite; but when that 
fitiled, the resort was to debauch the ballot- 
bnie)4 or manipnlate the retume, A denial of 
bloorjy violence during the canvass is not 
*erioii«ly pretended ; it cannot be snccessfully 

The Ntatc at first conceded ut Hares — 
uni- >nte needed for TUden—The whole 
. Hliuatian thereupon eluuwes— The Attar* 
ntf Ucncral denlea Us master, tbe pe^ 
iile— " And Inunedlately the Coeke erew." 
Early after tbe day of voting the returns 
from tbe Itepublican connties -were reoeivedat 
TollabasKee-'EBcambia, Oadsden, Leon, Jeffer- 
son, Madison, Alachua, Davol, Nassan, and 
Mariim : and their aegregate mtuoriCy (7,418 
for Hayes) was publicly known. The returns 
from Baker and Dade subsequently increased 
that to 7,463. The State ty the Demoorocy 
wo^ conceded to Hayes by a liandsome m^or- 
ity. Ic was not considered probable that the 
Kepnblican majority would or could be ovei^ 
come in the Democratic connties ; nor was it 
pretended as possible nnCil the vote of the 
State became necessary to Tilden's election. 
In^iUntly, then, tbe whole situation was 
cbnnged. The State was claimed by tbe De- 
mocracy. A clamor of fraud -wan raised by 
them as a blind to the villainy by which the 
'I ildenites, in the Democratio counties, remote 
from the capital and difBcult ot acoesa, pro- 
posed lo destroy Hayes' majority; and, as a 
part of the conspiracy to that end, th6 Demo- 
cratic Attorney General ot the State tele- 
graphed North : 

■■ TnllihBsaos, na., Novemljer 14. 181(1. 
TbeUoardof BtcteCaDTUwn. of^iibi^ t. uAttorDCf 

Hftcr tlii'i I'leclinn. hut you may rest anured thai Th> 
deahMMrried the SUte and Drew U ekctal. I do 
not think ths Badicala can cheat the Deniacrats out ot 

Now. if the returns were not yet in at the 
date of this dispatch, where did Cocke get his 
information? How did he know that tbe 
State had voted for Tilden? The Hepnbli- 
cons, from the returns actually in, from their 
agpjegate majority as compared witb the re- 
Kulti) of previous elections, knew, that the 
State bad voted for Hayes by a decisive ma- 
jority. But how and where did Cocke obtain 
hu information? What special means had he 
of cniuintinicating with the I>emocratic 
coiiDtJi's, 3i> remote ftom Tallahassee and so 
dithiiult of access? Is not the answer plain? 

FIfhI ivamlns t* Uie Repnbllcans — The Til- 
den Ilcmocrau cut the wires, wreck trains 
Rnti Imlldoze the GoTemor's couriers. 

ThiH dispatch of the Democratic Attorney 
Gonifi-al of the State was a warning to the Be- 
pnblicons of the fraudulent plots at work. It 



€2 



A HISTORY or DBMOCRATIC ELECTION FRAUDS. 



Tildm EUctors. 

Tonge 24,284 

GaU 24.286 

HUton 24.283 

BuUock 24,282 



aroused them to action. Bat all the efforts of 
Goyemor Steams to secure the actual results 
of the election— to protect the ballot-boxes 
And returns from mutilation and fraud— 
were resisted by the most violent agencies. 
The telegraph wires were cut, a train, in 
which were some of the Governor's messen- 
gers to the western counties, was ku-kluxed 
and wrecked, and his couriers were inter- 
cepted and turned back with the warning 
threat that if they dared to proceed without a 
pass from Mr. Pasco, the chairman of the 
Democratic committee at Tallahassee, they 
would be assassinated. 

But In spite of all this, and much more, 
Hayes has a ih^fortty on the fheeof the 
returns of 4S. 

Even under such circumstances, with vio- 
lence and fraud rampant throughout the 
Democratic sections of the State, the returns 
of all the counties, excepting those of Dade, 
when opened on the 28th of November, 
showed on their face a majority of 43 for the 
Hayes electors, to-wit : 
Hayet ElectorM. 

HumphreyB '. 24.328 

Pearce....; 24.324 

Long 24,323 

Holden 24.328 

The returns from Dade, which were re- 
ceived on Monday, December 4, were : For 
Hayes, 9 ; for Tilden, 4. 

Clamor of ** fraud" against the Republi- 
cans—Bribery rampant— Tllden's ** barrel 
of ffold " at work. 

This result, although a serious disappoint- 
ment to the Democracy, yet incited and 
nerved the Tildenites to renewed clamors of 
fraud against the Republicans, and they now 
settled down in dead earnest to the desperate 
work of wresting the State from its Republi- 
can majority. Falsehoods and false charges 
of fraud against the Republicans were sys- 
tematically telegraphed over the country as a 
means of prejuaging the canvass of votes, per- 
jurers were recruited with bribes to sustain 
these barges, and unscrupulous partisan 
counsel, feed from the notorious "barrel of 
^old," were imported from the North to super- 
intend and manage the efforts to capture the 
State for Tilden. 

The Board of State Canvassers— The law 
sovemluff their action. 

Under the fourth section of the law of Flor- 
ida, approved February 27, 1872, the Board 
of State Gonvassers consisted of the Secretary 
of State, Samuel B. McLin, who was elected 
its president ; Comptroller of Accounts, Clay- 
ton A. CowgiU, and Attorney General, William 
Ajcher Cocke. The two former. were classed 
as Bepublicans ; the latter is a Democrat, and 
all three are native sons of the South. Under 
the same section the canvassing board is re- 
quired to meet in the office of the Secretary of 
State within thirty-five days after any general 
or special election, and proceed to canvass the 
Tctums and determine and declare who shall 



have been elected, as shown by such returns. 
It commands: *'If any such returns shall 
be shown, or shall appear^ to be so, irregu- 
lar, false or fraudulent^ that the board shall be 
unable to determine the true vote for any sudi 
officer or member, they shall so certify, and 
shall not include such return in thdr dderminatUm 
anddedaraUon.'* 

attorney Cieneral Cocke oltfected to as a 
member of the Board because of pre- 
judgment— He voes on his knees and Is 
forfflven. 

Hence the canvassing board began its ses- 
sions on the 27th of x^ovember. Attorney 
Greneral Cocke's unfitness to serve with the 
hoard was urged, on the ground that he had 
prejudged the case, even before the receipt of 
the returns, and that consequently he could 
not render an impartial judgment ; but that 
gentleman, having earnestly pledged himself 
that he would be governed in his action by 
his oath and the facts, the objection to his 
acting was withdrawn. 

The Board, under Democratic counsel, rule, 
and precedent, proceed to business and 
And a nui3ority for Hayes. 

Under the written opinion of Hhis gentle- 
man, the Democratic Attorney-General of the 
State, and the legal adviser of the Board, 
given in 1874, with the applause of the Demo- 
cracy, and in accordance with the practice 
adopted under that opinion in the canvass of 
that year, by which the Democracy so greatly 
profited, a contest of the county returns, or 
of the vote of any county or of any precinct of 
a county, was allowed. The Democratic At- 
torney General in substance declared : ' * It is 
the duty of the Board to seek the true re- 
turns." Accordingly the Canvassing Board 
proceeded to find the true vote of the State. 
The returns of the counties were opened, and 
upon their face, as stated above, showed a 
majority of 43 for Hayes. The subsequent 
return from Dade increased that majority 
to 48. 

The Democracy at once cry *' fraud "—The 
Republicans tax Democratic counties 
with ** shenanigan/' 

The Democracy immediately assailed the 
returns from Bfiker and other counties, and 
the Bepublicans filed objections to the returns 
from a number of Democratic counties and 
precincts. All these, under the express com- 
fnands of the laws of the State, the written 
advice of the Democratic Attorney General, 
and the previous practice of the Board tmder 
both, the Board determined to inquire into. 
But the twenty-four uncontested conntles — 
to wit, Brevard, Bradford, Calhoun, Dade, 
Escambia, Franklin, Gadsden, Hillsborough, 
Holmes, Lafayette, Liberty, Madison, Marion, 
Putnam, Polk, Santa Bosa, Sumter, St. John's, 
Suwanee, Taylor, Volusia, Wakulla, Walton, 
and Washington— ^were first taken up and 
canvassed according to the face of the rettuns. 



A HISTORY OF DEMOCRATIC ELECTION FRAUDS. 



83 



Tbe Board Inyestlgratee for the **true" 
returns— 9Iucli unanimity in its llndingrs 
Tbe counties of Baiter, Clay, Hernando, 
Nassau, Lieyy, Orangrc, Lieon, Hamilton, 
Mttnroe, Jefferson, and Manatee. 

The Board then entered into an investiga- 
tion for the true returns in the contested 
counties. The investigation was public. In 
all its proceedings, in all its findings, or means 
of ascertaining the true return, it acted upon 
the opinions and advice of its le^ adviser, 
the Democratic Attorney-General of the State. 
It of course consulted other counsel. But 
those, in their opinions, only conflrmed"'*the 
genoal principles laid down for their rule of 
action by the Attorney-General. Indeed, there 
was little actual discord or difference among 
its memberg. Thus, in the counties of Baker, 
Clay, Hernando, Nassau, Levy, Orange, Leon, 
Hamilton and Monroe the true return was 
foond, as nearly as was possible, by the ttnemt- 
nm8 vote of tbe Board, Attorney-General Cocke 
Toting with his Bepublican associates in the 
findings and count. In Jefferson' oouii^y sixty 
votes were unanimously deducted from the 
BepabUcan count; the remainder of the county 
was counted. The vote of Manatee county wbb 
rejected because of the entire absence of aU 
legal preparation for holding the election. No 
election, in fact, was held. 

I Alachua C^ounty— Democratic ballot-box 
Stufflnff— Bold pei:|urie8 and Confessed 
Bribes. 

In Alachua county a determined effort was 
made by the Democracy to destroy the count 
of Archer precinct No. 2. It was largely Be- 
pabUcan. All election day it was made the 
rendezvous of leading Democrats. All day they 
plotted to destroy^ the vote of the precinct, 
fiat how? At night, after the close of the 
polls, the vote was canvassed, counted, and 
compared with the poll-lists, duly certified 
and signed by all the election officers — two 
Democrats and two Bepublicans — and, after 
the sealing of the ballot-boxes, the vote and 
m^'ority was announced — about the usual and 
previously unquestioned majority. The bal- 
lot-boxes were then placed in the court house, 
an insecure building, with loose shutters, and 
yielding fastenings. This the Democrats 
guarded at night on the pretence of protecting 
the btdlot-boxes ; but so negligently that some 
one entered, opened the boxes, extracted some 
of the ballots, and substituted others. But 
▼ho ? The KepubUcans had no motive for the 
ftct The safety of those ballots was the 
goarantee of their returns. Their manipula- 
tion so as to change the announced and re- 
tomed result was their loss,'but was an im- 
mense gain for the Democracy. There was no 
donbt in the matter. Even the bold perjuries 
And confessed bribes of the Democratic wit- 
nesses, Green B. Moores and Floyd Dukes, 
demonstrate who were the guilty parties and 
what the manifest object of the crime. That 
Ao doubt should be had about the accuracy of 
the canvass, the Bepublicans verified their 
votes by the affidavits of the persons voting ; 



but the Democrats utterly failed in their at- 
tempt at a verification of their pretended vote. 
Hence the canvassing board accepted and 
counted the returns thus verified. 

Baker and Duval c^lunties— The Democratic 
deviltries in Jackson county— The can- 
vass completed. 

In canvassing Baker county, a Democratic 
county, the Bepublican members of the board 
voted with Cocke; and in Duvall county the 
board, after verifying the county returns by a 
comparison with the precinct returns, deter- 
mined to count the vote. 

In Jackson county, Gampbelton and Friend- 
ship Church precincts were thrown out be- 
cause the elections and returns were frauds 
upon the election laws. At the Campbelton 
precinct the ballot-box, at tiie a^ouxnmentfor 
dinner, was taken from the polling-booth, 
placed in an adjoining store unsealed, and 
concealed from the public. At the close of the 
poll the ballots were not counted nor com- 
pared with the number of names on the poll- 
list, and only 76 Bepublican votes were re- 
turned where 133 swore that they had voted. 
At Friendship Church precinct the baUot-box 
was hidden from the view of the public and of 
the voters, even when voting; a supervisor — 
not an inspector — received the ballots at a 
window above the heads of the voters, below 
the sill of which, out of si^ht, was placed the 
ballot-box. Instead of making and completing 
the canvass at the polling-booth, without ad- 
journment and in view of the public, the 
boxes were removed two miles away to a bed- 
room, where the returns were made up with- 
out counting the ballots or comparing them 
with the poll-lists. The county, with these 
deductions, was canvassed. That completed 
the canvass. 

.In ** emphatic " ' weather«€ocke's admis- 
sions— Manton marble and the other Til- 
den agents ** see" the Attorney General. 

And in all its decisions the canvassing board 
was governed by the advice of the Democratic 
Attorney General. In the rejection of Hamil- 
ton county, Cocke was emphatic in his decLua- 
tion that it^«hould be rejected. He was 
equally decided in the rejection of Monroe. 
When appealed to for his legal opinion, he 
said: "It must he thrown out." But when the 
extent and reckless character of the Demo- 
cratic frauds began to dawn upon him. he got 
frightened and nervous at the results of his 
advice. When compelled to reject Hamilton 
county, he said: ** This decta Aryes." When 
Jackson, with its eighty unpunished murders 
was passed in review and rejected, he said: 
*• This deds Stearns." And he only proposed to 
recede from his action after an interview with 
Manton Marble & Co. But there was no re- 
treat. The board could only act upon the 
facts under the law in the light of its duty im- 
partially performed. It could not exclude or 
count votes for the single purpose of electing 
Tilden and Drew; it must reject all returns 
vitiated by proved fraud. That it did, and 
that only. 



64 



A HISTORY OF DEMOCRATIC KLECTION FRAUDS. 



The final resmlt of the count— Haye$i' minori- 
ty 983— What it '^miffht have been." 

The result, as found by the board, was as 
follows : 



FOB HAYES ELECTOB8. 

Humphreys 23.849 

Pearco 23,844 

Holden 23,848 

Long 23,843 



FOR TILDEN ELEOTOBS. 

Youge 22,923 

CaU 22,919 

Hilton 22,921 

Bullock 22,919 



Majority for Hayes 923 ; and the evidence of 
their own witnesses before the Congressional 
investigating committee of 1876 demonstrates 
that if there had been a fair election, even an 
honest return of the election actually held, 
Hayes' majority, instead of being only 923, 
would have ranged between 2.000 and 3,000 
votes. 



The baffled TUdenites Mlf-ntaltlflcation— 
They fly to the Democratic courts to force 
the defunct [)itate Canvasslnff Board to 
come to life and action. 

Yet the Democracy were not happy. Their 
situation was as deplorable as it was desperate. 
They had been baffled at every turn. Vio- 
lence, fraud, bribery, and perjury had all 
failed them, and yet the State must be cap- 
tured for Tilden. All will remember the situ- 
ation. South Carolina had been surrendered. 
In Louisiana they had no hope. Hence Flor- 
ida must be wrested from Hayes. But how to 
do it ? How to assail the finding of the can- 
vassing board ? It had acted under the law — 
under the Democratic theory of its meaning, 
and under the opinion and advice of the Dem- 
ocratic Attorney General, the highest law 
officer of the Grovemment of Florida. Stultifi- 
cation was their only recourse. They must 
assail ihe powers of the board. They had 
contended that it was clothed with judicial 
powers ; that its duty was to go behind the 
returns and find the true vote. They now 
assailed that position. They appealed to 
the State Court to compel the canvassing 
board, a political body, and that body functus 
officio under the law creating it — it having per- 
formed the functions imposed upon it bylaw 
and adjourned sine die. They appealed to the 
judiciary to force the board to ^vive, to re- 
view its canvass of the votes of tne State, and 
to count in Tilden and Drew ; to the court to 
perform a political and partisan act for the 
maintenance of crimes, of which murder, bal- 
lot-box stuffing, forgery of returns, bribery, 
and perjury were the demonstrated elements. 

The Democratic court complies— An usur- 
pation—Yet still Hayesihad a malority. 

The Democratic court readily complied. Its 
mandamus to the canvassing board was an 
usurpation as violent as it was novel. It was 
a process unknown to the law. It violated 
the laws of Florida. It changed the coui't 
from a judicial to a political and partisan body 
— into a canvassing board — and transferred 
the powers and duties of the board, a body 
constituted of three members, under the laws 
of Florida, to the court, in the person of a 
single judge. Now, a mandamus may issue 



compelling an officer to act, to perform the 
functions of his office, but a mandamus instruct- 
ing a political body in the manner of perform- 
ing its duties, dictating to a canvassing board 
what it shall count in determining the result 
of a political election, was an usurpation with- 
out a precedent. Eveii under the re-canvass 
thus forced through the judiciary in violation 
of law, (he Hayes dectors had still a majority by 
(he very vote lofiich decied Drew. 

Further usurpations by the Democratie 
Judiciary, and Democratic State Legisla- 
ture— All parts of the Tilden plot. 

Like its manddwsas to the canvassinff board, 
the quo idtrranto proceedings of this debaudied 
court againistthe electoral college of the State 
—an inquiry to a hodj fundus cffido (dead in 
law), by what right it performed certain ftme- 
tions before it expired? — was an '*abfiolute 
novelty" in law ; an usurpation as yiolent as 
its purposes were fraudulent. The acts of the 
Democratic Legislature of Florida were of a 
like character— simply usurpation witiiDQt a 
precedent, retroactive acts to reverse proceed- 
ings complete, legal, and final under the lavs 
of the United States and the laws of Florida 
at the date of their performance — all acts, in- 
deed, in pursuance of a conspiracy for tlie 
triumph of fraud and crimes without a parallel 
in the history of the Bepublic. 



PART lY. 

liouisiana— Its Population mA 
Votes— The Kii-Klux Crimes of 
1868— Tlie Tilden Rifle Oubs of 
18TO — Terrible Outrages aod 
]flur<lers in the l^^eventeen Pftr- 
isiies — Tiie l^^tate Returning 
Board — Its Duties— Ho^^v aod 
l¥hy it Acted— Infamy of TH- 
den and the Remoeraey. 

The following facts and figures prove the 
Bepublicanism of Louisiana and tne orimeB 
of the Tilden Democratic conspiracy against 
it: 

Population and voters— RepabUcma ■•• 
Jority of 2S,000 at least. 

In 1875 the male population of Ijomsaoif 
according to the State census, was : Whiter 
404,916 ; colored, 450,61 1. Of the white mak» 
thousands were sdiens and non-voters, mer^ 
residents of the State, engaged in oommeraa 
pursuits under the treaties with France oedioK 
Louisiana to the United States. In Novembai; 
1876, on the day of the Presidential eleotJoHi 
the registration in the State stood : Wlilaik 
92,996 ; colored, 115,310, showing a BepvUi- 
can majority on the face of the register, iipoi 
the color line alone, of 22,314. It is estijQDind 
that in the State there were not less fhti 
10,000 white Republicans, while not half fliit 
number of colored men voted the Demoexatie 



A HISTORY OF DKMOCaATlC KLFCTrO.V FRAUDS, 



developed during the campaigil, tliHt on elec- 
tion day, with a legal and quiet poll of the 
entire vote of the respective parties, the Re- 
publican majority in the State, at the Bmallest 
figure, was 20,000 votea. 



The Tilden Democratic conapirators, hackeil 
by no end of Tilden "baireU of gold," anil 
their jnindB inflamed by the Inst of untold 
millions in fraudulent rebel claims, decided 
to overcome this Iflr^o Eepnblican majority 
by a deep and devllisli plot. 

In a "confidential" circnlar of tlie Demo- 
cratic Conservative State Central Committee, 
at New Orleans, Bigned by J. W. Fatten, pres- 
ident, and P. J. Sallivan, secretary, tlie or- 
gaaization of clabs was directed in the differ- 
ent parishes. The circular urged that in 
oonversalion no gloomy forebodings should 
be indulged in, and that the result of the 
election should be spoken of as a foregone 
conclusion. ' as tw have the meant <f carrging 
the dediaiL, and inlaid to dom. But be oarefal to 
Bay and do nothing that can be construed into 
a threat or intimidation of any character," 
Frequent meetings of all these clubs were en- 
joined. Their members were instructed to 
occasionally assemble at their several places 
of meeting, and to proceed thence on horse- 
back to the central rendezvous. "Proceed- 
ings of that character would impress the 
negroes with a sense of the united strength" 
of the Democracy. And it directed thst on 
election day, at each polling place, affidavits 
should be prepared, affirming "that there has 
been no intimidation and no disturbance on 
account of any efforts by the Democratic Con- 
servative party to prevent any one from vol- 
ii^ on aecotmt of race, color, or previous con- 
dition of servitude." 



•ut— Blfle clubs and " HnlKhtg of tlie 
WUtc t^amelta"— drasoonliwtlie Parish- 
es— MuUInUon, malminff. ivIilpplnK< mur- 
deriDK. and general Mrror. 

It was a villainous conspiracy and literally 
pursued to its devilish consequences. Clubs 
-were formed in the parishes. The old mur- 
derous white-Lewie ra re-oi^anized as rifle- 
clnbs, as "Knights of the White Camelia," 
These, mounted, masked, and armed, dra- 
sooaed the parishes night and day, and ruled 
m terror and blood, amid assassination and 
, outrages, and violence of every degree and 
■' kind— mutilation, maiming, and whippings. 
■ I or sei was respected^none was 

/ spared. The evidence, multiplied in a hund- 
i led shapeB, is overwhelming, and is as revolt- 
'' 'Tig in ita terrible details as it is conclusive in 
.te proofs. The hietorioal sanguinary violence 
; of the "Franco-Spanish blood "—the sources 
[' of Louisiana'a white population — wasindulged 
I,' -without reatraint The old hellish terrorism 
j'' of Mnrat, Conthon and St. Just, those cruel 



demons of the French revolution of 1798, 
were revived in Louisiana in all its frightful 
horrors. Indeed, throughout the canvas-i, 
prior to election day, murder was kii^ — 
intimidation rioted as absolute tyrant. 

The election held— Row the true muK was 
to be determined- The Nfalc Retiumlm; 
Board— It8 duties under the law. 

The election was held. To determine the 
true result was the duty, under the laws of 
Louisiana, of the State canvassing board. 
"Thestatute organizing that boiatf declares 
in substance " as stated by Senator Sherman, 
"that whenever from any poll or votins^ 
place there shall bo received by the board thj 
statement of any supervisor of registration 
or commissioner of election, confirmed by 
the affidavits of three or more citizens, of any 
riot, tumult, acts of violence, intimidation, 
armed disturbance, bribery, or corrupt influ- 
ences, which prevent, or te^id to prevent, a 
I fair, free, and peaceable vote of all qusilified 
\ electors entitled to vote at such polls, the 
j board shall proceed to investigate the facts. 
I and if from such statement and affidavits they 
I shall be convinced that such causes did not 
' materially interfere with the purity and free- 
' dom of such election, or prevent a sufficient 
I number of qualified voters from voting to 
I materially change the result of the election, 
' then such votes shall be canvassed and com- 
I piled; but if they are not thus fully con- 
vinced, it shall be their duty to examine fur- 
ther testimony in regard thereto, and to that 
end shall have power to send for persons and 
papers; and if, after eiuuninatlon, the board 
shall be convinced that such acts of violence, 
intimidation, &c., did materially interfere with 
the purity and freedom of the election at such 
, poll, or did prevent a sufficient number of 
qualified voters from registering or voting to 
materially change the result of the election, 
then the board shall not canvass or compile 
the vote of such poll, but shall eiLclude it 
I from their returns. 

Why the Htatc RctuminK Board wan 
created- TerrtUe Ku-Hlux dolnffs of 
IH68— Democnitle Intimidations and 
murders — The parishes ol Orleans. Caddo, 

and Saint UindiT, and others. 

What compelled the State to create this Can- 
vassing Board? It was to protect the State 
against the " Ku-Klui Klon," which by a 
series of sanguinary atrocities in 1868 had en- 
deavored to intimidate the colored vote, up- 
root in the State all the guarantees by which 
freedom and the suffrage is protected, to 
purge the State of the "stigma of negro 



which colored majorities prevailed^was, juat 
preceding the Presidential campaign of 
1868, " overrun by violence, midnight raids, 
secret murders, and open riots. Ku-Klux 
notices were scattered everywhere, warning 
the colored men not to vote." 

In the documents accompanying President 
Grant's special mesa^:^ to the Senate, Jan- 



66 



A HISTORY OF DEMOCRATIC ELECTION FRAUDS. 



nary 13, 1875, communicating the proofs of 
numberless atrocities at Colfax and elsewhere 
in Louisiana, is a communication from Lieu- 
tenant General P. H. Sheridan, dated New 
Orleans, January 10, 1875, to the Secretary of 
War, in which he says : 

■ " Since the year 1866 neaxly 3,000 persons, a great 
majority of whom were colored men, have been killed 
and wounded in this State. In 1868 the official record 
shows that 1,884 were killed and wounded. From 1868 
to the present time no official inrestigation has been 
made, and the civil authorities, in all but a few cases, 
have been unable to arrest, convict, and punish per- 
petrators. Consequently there are no correct records 
to be consulted for information. There is ample evi- 
dence, however, to show that more than 1,200 persons 
have been killed and wounded during, this time on 
account of their political sentiments. Frightful mas- 
sacres have occurred in the parishes of Bossier, Caddo, 
Catahoula, Saint Bernard, Saint Landry, Grant, and 
Orleans. The general character of the massacres in the 
above-named parishes is so well known that it is un- 
necessary to describe them. * * * »» 

The "glorious Democratic victory" whicii 
ensued in 1868. was preceded by one of the 
most terrible massacres on record. The Re- 
publicans, colored and white, for days were 
hunted through swamps and fields, and over 
two hundred were killed and wounded. 
Thirteen helpless captives were taken from 
the jail and shot, and a pile of twenty-five 
dead bodies was found in the woods buried. 
Having thus conquered the Bepublicans, hav- 
ing thus murdered or expelled their white 
leaders, the masses were captured by the Ku- 
Klux, marked with badges of red flannel, en- 
rolled in clubs, led to the polls, and com- 
pelled to vote the Democratic ticket. They 
were then given certificates of the fact. 

The effect of this devilish system of terror- 
ism is shown by selecting a few illustrations 
out of the frightful mass, as developed by 
Congressional investigation : 

In the parish of Orleans, of its 29,910 voters 
15,020 were colored, and in the spring of 1868 
the parish had polled 13,973 Bepublican 
votes, but in the fall, for General Grant, only 
1,178 were polled, a falling off of 12,795 votes. 

In the parish of Caddo there were 2,987 Re- 
publicans. In the spring of 1868 the Repub- 
licans carried the parish ; in the fall it gave 
General Grant one vote. 

In the parish of St. Landry, in 1868, the 
Republicans had a registered majority of 1,071 
votes. In the spring the Republicans in the 
parish had polled a majoritv of 678 votes ; in 
the fall not a vote was cast for General Grant. 
Seymour and Blair polled the full vote of the 
parish — 4,787 votes. 

It was this systematic, organized deviltry 
which compelled the State to create the State 
Canvassing Board with extraordinary powers 
to sit in judgment upon the violent conspiracy 
of the White League Democracy to wrest the 
local government from the control of its law- 
ful majority. Its duties were not merely to 
receive and count any and all returns which 
might be forwarded to it. Its grand duty was 
to sit in judgment upon all such returns, to 
sift and purge them of all fraud", and particu- 
larly of fraud perpetrated through organized 
violence. Its legality was affirmed by the 
Electoral Commission. 



Wliat the Retumlnir Board did in 187^ 

How, then, in November, 1876, at its canvass 
of the vote of Louisiana for the appointment 
of Presidential electors, did this board execute 
its responsible and perilous duties? Wisely, 
justly, equitably, or the contrary ? What are 
the facts ? 

Under the laws of Louisiana, under the ex- 
press commands of those laws, requiring them 
to reject the votes of all parishes in which 
intimidation and violence had defeated a free 
election, the board rejected the votes of seven- 
teen parishes — all of them Republican parishes by 
large majorities^ but in whicn the Democracy 
claimed 10,000 majority. Why did they reject 
them? 

Why they did it — Another Democratic 
secret circular — The dreadful work in 
seventeen rejected parishes. 

In obedience to the "confidential " circular 
of the Democratic Central Committee of the 
State, organized clubs of masked men, mounted 
and armed, for months prior to the Presiden- 
tial election, dragooned the parishes night 
and day, "marking their course by the wmp- 
j)ing, shooting, wounding, maiming, mutila- 
tion, and murder of women, children, and 
defenceless men, whose homes were forcibly 
entered while they slept, and, as their inmates 
fled through fear, the pistol, the rifle, the knife, 
and the rope were employed to do their horrid 
work." For this •* horrid work," through sys- 
tematic intimidation, through organized mur- 
der and outrage, heavy Republican parishes 
were selected, like East and West Feliciana, 
East Baton Rouge, Morehouse, Ouachitci, etc., 
aU of which in every previous election had voted 
heavily Bepublicauj and were manifestly selected 
because of their contiguity to Mississippi and 
Arkansas, to whose " border ruffians the appal- 
ling villany of the clubs might be charged." In 
these seventeen parishes on election day there 
was a registered Republican majority of nearly 
7,000 votes; but the returns from those parishes 
to the returning board were: For Tilden, 
21,123; for Hayes, 10,970— making a Demo- 
cratic majority of 10,153. The Democracy 
demanded that such returns, with fraud 
stamped upon their face, with the horrible 
agencies by which that fraud had been perpe- 
trated notorious, should be counted for Tilden. 
Of course, with the certified proofs before it, 
the board demurred. Under the command of 
the law it was their duty to investigate. It 
did investigate, and the facts developed were 
revolting. 

The parish of Ouachita as an example— 
The Dinksrave murder— The Pinkston 
tragedy. 

Take any one of those parishes; take Oua- 
chita, for example. In 1868 it gave a Republi- 
can majority of 1,071 ; in 1870 it gave a Re- 
publican majority of 798; in 1872 a Republi- 
can majority of 798; in 1874 a Republican ma- 
jority of 927. At the Presidential election in 
1876, with a registered Republioan majority of 
1,040, a Democratic majority of 1,072 was re- 
turned. Early in August the Vienna 8entmdy 



A BIBTOSY OF DiaiOGBAl'IG EX&OTIOIf 7BAITD8. 



a leading Democratic orcan of the parish, 
boasted uiat in Onachitft the cauvasB had been 
lednced to a single ticket, the Democratic 
nominees. It boated that the Repablicsns 
were wavering, disbearteaed, seand. A few 
JtepabUcans still dared to keep the field, but 
it -warned them that they were well kuowu 
and watched, "and that the baiter for theit 
necks is alre&dy greased." Bernard H. Diuk- 
.gacve, one of those resolute few, a "white 
man. a cultivated man,'and a native of Lonisi- 
-ana," and against whose character no one has 
breathed a word, " except that he was a Re- 
pnblican, was subsequently brutally assaaai- 
nated. The details of the mnrder of Henry 
Finkston, the murder of his babe in the arms 
■of his wife, and the revolting ontrage and mu- 
tilation of the person of his wife by a band of 
masked men, shocked even the bumaniw of 
the Democratic visitors at New Orleans, Ibese 
are but instances, illastrations, of a multitude 
of like cases attested by a " cloud of wit- 
nesses." Was it sinpilax, tterefore, that in 
these parishes the spirit of the colored man 
«hotlld be broken ; that he was "impressed" 
"with the "strength" of the Democracy; that 
bnndreds in their terror fled from the poUa, 
as they had ixom their homes, into the swamps 
and fields. 



I of resalts 
dozed parishes nitb th 
" bulldozed " -~ The BeturalnK Board 
couM DOt act othenrlBe than they did— 
IDfdiny of Tllden and his Democracr- 

Thus thionghout these seveateen parishes 
tbese were the agencies, this the diabolical 
system of terrorism throngh organized mur- 
der and ontr^e employed by the chivalrous 
"Knights of the White Oamelia," in "bull- 
dozing" a Democratic majority of 10,000 ont 
of parishes entitled to a Republic majority of 
7,0001 In the other forty parishes of the 
State, where intimidatioD foiled, a registered 
Republican majority of 15,000 yielded an 
actual Republican majority of 6,000. Under a 
&lr or free election in the unfortunate "bull- 
dozed" parishes, the msjoritj in Louisiana 
foi Hayes and Wheeler would have been 
greatly increased. Under the liaws of the 
StateUte returning board c< 
Bepnblican majority. Although the proofs 

that thousands of Bepnblican voters 

disfranchised through intimidation we 
orerwhebning as their details were shocking 
and disgraceful to the Slate and nation, 
although simpleinstice demanded the rest 
tion of the Republican vote, yet the board . _ 
powerless to remedy the great wrong in that 
way. It could only reject the "bulldozed" 
letams. Could it have rendered real justice 
by the restoration of the l^gal vote which 
would have been polled in these parishes in 
the absence of intimidation, Hayes and 
Wheeler's majority in the State would have 
been between 10,000 and 15,000 votes. No 
legal |>ot!, such as is contemplated by the 
Constittition and the laws, would liave 
depreeeed that mqority. 



What, then, in the light of the facts, is the 
attitude of the Democracy declaring TUden 
entitled to the Presidency upon the votes of 
Louisiana ? Is it not simply mfamoos ? 



PABT V. 

The Hale Amendmeiit to (he ODe- 
aided Potter Resolution -The 
Florida tWmds— The Oregon om^ 
rupUon and bribery— The lioul- 
alana buU-dozlng and frauds— 
The South CaroUna bribery and 
corruption — The ITUMlHlppI 
ahot-gun IVauda. 

The following is the amendment bitlierto re- - 
ferred to in Chapter TTT , as intended to be pro- 
posed by Mr. Hale to the Potter resolntion ap- 
pointing an investigating committee. 

The Florida Fntnds. 



rcnmstuicee attendin; 

r.'sssr.5K 


J, Co fuSv iuqoire Into Hlltbe 
e election in the Stale of 
m, ana especially into the 

ad 8t»ta. and Mew Yoi* city. 


A S. Hewitt, Now York : 

" Oomply If paeiible vltb m; tslegnm. 

"Qso. P. 


». WTS. 


Also tbe tOUDWlng : 







And I 
diimtcl 



PrealdeDtiB] cauaidatu. 
Lake City, la Colombia 



ispatch Immeilately, or we will be 

"TalUtiaSHe, Decembecl. IBva. 
B'Bdlkpatc] 



), and with maj 
on or abont Decsmber 1, 
on said Pelton, or said 
t to corrupt or bribe any 
a lif an; penon acting for 
of Bamnel J. TDdensaa 

■nidation at 



"uEtr, wbei 
banfftbf 



o Join 






fOte for Bamne 

Also the Ikcta of tha eleellon In Jaoksnn connty, 
■here the ballot-baies were kept ont the ^^1 of 

tbove the ground, and where many more BepabLican 
—• 1 Ibm given into the hands of the Demooi»tlc 

-than were conntad or returned by theiD. 

e facta of tbfl election in Waldo prectoct, in 
jUachu ooanty, where the poBiengerfl oo an emigrant 
tnln, paHlng throngb oo the day of election, were 

Aim the beta ol tlie election in Manatee county, le- 
tmning 336 majority for the TUden eleoton, whan 



68 



A HISTORY OF DEMOCRATIC ELECTION FRAUDS. 



there were no county officers, no registration, no notice 
of the election, and where the Republican party, there- 
lore, did not Yote> 

Also the facts of the election in the third precinct of 
Key West giving 342 Democratic majority, where the 
Democratic insi)ector carried the ballot-box home, and 
pretended to count the ballots on the next day, outside 
of the precinct and contrary to law. , 

Also the facta of the election in Hamilton, where the 
election officers exercised no control over the ballot- 
box, but left it in unauthorized hands that it might be 
tami>ered with. 

' Also the reasons why, the Attorney General of the 
State, William Archer Cocke, as a member of the Can- 
vassing Board, officially advised the Board, and him- 
self voted, to exclude the Hamilton county and Key 
West precinct returns, thereby giving, in any event, 
over 500 majority to the Republican electoral ticket, 
and afterwards protested against the result which he 
had voted for, and whether or not said Cocke was after- 
ward rewarded for such protest by being mode a State 
judge. 

The Oreffon bribery and corruption. 

And that said committee is farther instructed and 
directed to investigate into all the facts connected with 
an aUeged attempt to secure one electoral vote in the 
State of Oregon tor Samuel J. Tllden for President of 
the United States, and Thomas A. Hendricks for Vice 
Fre3ident, by unlawfully setting up the election of E. 
A. Cronin as one of such presidential electors elected 
from the State of Oregon on the 7th of November, the 
candidates for the presidential electors on the two 
tickets being as foUows : 

On the Republican ticket: W. C. Odell. J. C. Cart- 
wright, and John W. Watts. 

On the Democratic ticket: £. A. Cronin, W. A. 
Laswell. and Henry Klippel. 

The votes received l)y each candidate as shown by 
the official vote as canvassed, declared, and certified 
to by the Secretary of State under the seal of the 
State — the Secretary being, under the laws of Oregon, 
sole canvassing officer, as will be shown hereafter- 
being as follows : 

W. E. Odell received 15,206 votes. 

John C. Carlwright received 15,214 " 

John W. Watts received 16,206 •* 

£. A. Cronin received 14.157 • " 

W.B. Laswell received 14,149 " 

Henry Klippel received 14,136 " 

And by the unlawful attempt to bribe one of said 
legally elected electors to recognize said Cronin as an 
elector for President and Vice-President, in order that 
one of the electoral votes of said State might be cast 
for said Samuel J. Tilden as President and for Thomas 
A. Hendricks as Vice President; and especially to ex- 
amine and inquire into all the facts relating to the 
sending of money from New York to some place in 
said Oregon for the purposes of such bribery, the par- 
ties sending and receiving the same, and their rela- 
tions to and agency for said Tilden, and more particu- 
larly to investigate into all the circumstances attend- 
ing the transmission of the following telegraphic dis- 
jMitches : 

" Portland, Oregon, November 14, 1876. 
" Gov. L. F. Grover : 
" Come down to-morrow, if x>ossible. 

'* W. H. Effinoeb, 

" A. NOLTMSB, 

" C. P. Bklusqkr." 

•• Portland, November 16, 1876. 
" To Gov. Grover, Salem: 

"We want to see you particularly on account of 
dispatches from the Rut. 

" WnxzAM Stbono, 

' C. P. BSLUNOEIl, 

" S. H. Rexd, 
" W. W. Thaykb, 
" C. E. Bbonauoh." 

Also the following cipher dispatch sent from Port- 
land, Oregon, on the 28th day of November. 1876, to 
New York city : 

"Portland. November 28. 1876. 
" To W. T. Pelton, No. 15, Gramercy Park, New York : 

"By vizier association innocuous to negligence 
cunning minutely previously readmit doltish to pur- 
chase afar act with cunning afar sacristry unweighed 



afar pointer tigress cattle sui)eiannuated syllabiu 
dilatoriness misapprehension contraband Kotiats 
bisulcuous top usher spiniferous answer. 

" J. H. N. Patbick. 
" I fully endorse this. 

" Jamzs K. Kkt.t.t." 

Of which, when the key was discovered, the follow* 
ing was found to be the true intent and meaning : 

" Portland, Noveml>er 28, 1876. 
" To W. T. Pelton, No. 15 Gramercy Park, New York: 
" Certificate will be issued to one Democrat. Must 
purchase a Republican elector to recognize and act 
with Democrats and secure the vote and prevent 
trouble. Deposit $10,000 to my credit with Eonntz 
Brothers, WiJl street. Answer. 

" J. H. N. Patrick." 
" I fully endorse this. 

" James E. Eellt." 

Also the following : 

" New York, Noveml)er 25, 1876. 
" A. Bush, Salem : 

"Use all means to p^vent certificate. Yerj im- 
portant. •• C. E. TiLXON." 

Also the following : 

" December 1, 1876. 
"To Hon. Sam. J. Tilden, No. 15 Gramercy Park. 
New York. 
" I shall decide every point in case of post-office elec- 
tor in favor of the highest Democratic elector, and 
grant certificate accordingly on morning of 6th isst. 
Confidential. " Govebnob." 

Also the following : 

" San Francisco, December 5. 
" Ladd k Bush, Salem : 

" Funds from New York will be deposited to your 
credit here to-morrow when bank opens. I know it. 
Act accordingly. Answer. 

"W. C. Gbiswold." 

Also the following, six days before the foregoing : 

" Nbw York, November 29, 1876. 
" To J. H. N. Patrick, Portland, Oregon : 

" Moral hasty sidezul vizier gabble cramp by hemis- 
tic welcome licentiate muskeete compassion neglectful 
recoverable hathouse live innovator brackish associa- 
tion dime afar idolater session hemistic mitre." 

[No signature.] 

Of which the interpretation is as follows : 

" New York, November 29, 1876. 
" To J. H. N. Patrick, Portland. Oregon : 

"No. How soon will Governor decide certificate?^ 
If you make obligations contingent on the result in 
March, it can be done, and slightly if necessary." 

[No signature.] 

Also the following, one day later: 

" Portland, November, 39, 1870. 
" To W. T. Pelton, No. 15 Gramercy Park. New York: 

"Governor all right without reward. Will iaroi 
certificate Tuesday. This is a secret. Republican 
threaten if certificate issued to ignore Demociati< 
claims and fill vacancy, and thus defeat action 
Ck>vemor. One elector must be paid to recogniz 
Democrat to secure majority. Have employed t' 
lawyers. Editor of only Republican paper as < 
lawyer, fee $3,000. Will take $5,000 for Republi 
elector; must raise money; can't make fee contingeai 
Sail Saturday. Eelly and Bellinger will act. Coi 
municate with them. Must act promptly." 

[Ko signature.] 

Also the following: 

" San Francisco, December 5, 1876. 
" To Eountze Bros., No. 12 Wall street. New York: 

" Has my account credit by any funds lately ? Hi 
much? 

"J. H. N. Patbick." 
Also the following: 

" New York, December 6. 
"J. H. N. Patrick, San Francisco. 

" Davis deposited eight thousand doUavs, Decern^ 
first. 

" EOUNTZX BBc 

Also the following: 

" San Francisco, December 
" To James £. Eelly: 

" The eight deposited as directed this morning, 
not technicality prevent winning. Use your 



..s 



tion.' 



[No signature.] 



A HISTORY OF DEMOCEATIO ELECTION FBAUDS. 



69 



And the following: 

" New York, December 6. 
*'Hon. Jas. K. Kelly: 

" Is your matter certain ? There must be no mis- 
take. All depends on yon. Place no reliance on any 
favorable report from three southward. Sonetter. 
insver quick." [No slgziatiire.] 

Also the following: 

" December 6, 1876. 
"To Col. W. T. Pelton, IB Gramercy Park, N. Y : 

" Glory to Ood ! Hold on to the one vote in Oregon ! 
I have one hundred thousand men to back it up ! 

" GOBSE." 

And said committee is further directed to inquire 
into imd bring to light, so far as it may be possible, the 
entire correspondence and conspiracy referred to in 
the above telegraphic dispatches, and to ascertain what 
were the relations existing betweenany of the parties 
sending or receiving said dispatches and W. T. Pelton, 
of New York, and also what relatioxis existed between 
said W. T. Pelton and Samuel J. Tllden, of New York. 

The Louisiana bulldozins and frauds. 

And said committee is further instructed and directed 
to nuke inquiry into all the circumstances and facts 
attending and connected with the alleged attempts to 
violently and fhtudulently secure the electoral vote of 
the State of Louisiana for Samuel J. Tilden as Presi- 
dent and Thomas A. Hendricks as Vice President of the 
United States, by organizing armed bands of men, who 
overran certain pulshes in said State, particularly the 
parishes of Morehouse, Ouachita, East Baton Bouge, 
East Feliciana, and West Feliciana, burning the bouses 
of colored Republicans, murdering the inmates or driv- 
ing them from their bomes, and by these and other 
methods of intimidation establishing a reign of terror 
snch as presented any approach to a fair expression of 
the legal votes of such piirishes, and to make a full re- 
port upon the same; and also ui>on any attempt made 
to obmipt or bribe any presidential elector of aaid 
State, or any of the officials of the State, whose legal 
dnty it was, by the laws of said State, to count or de- 
ciare the vote of said State, to wrongfully and unlaw- 
fully count and declare said vote for the electors repre- 
aenting said Samuel J. Tilden and Thomas A Hen- 
dricks. 

The Sontli Carolina bribery and corrup- 
tion. 

And said committee is further instructed and 
■directed to investigate all the facts and circumstances 
connected with an alleged attempt to bribe and corrupt 
any Presidential elector of the State of South Carolina. 
80 that a part or all of the electoral vote of said State 
should be wrongfally cast for Samuel J, Tilden as Pre- 
sident and Thonuts A. Hendricks as Vice President. 

The IHlBslsslpiil shot-iTun frauds. 

And said committee is further instructed uid 
directed to make full inquiry and investigation into all 
the methods of violence, intimidation, and £raud by 
which the voters of the State of Mississippi are alleged 
to have been prevented from casting their votes fteely 
and peacably for the candidates of their choice in the 
Presidentiaf election of November, 1876, and the causes 
which led to the transformation in said State of a Be- 
pohlican majority of 40,000 to a Democratic majority 
nearly as large, and to extend such inquiries into all 
other States where such iutimidation, violence, and 
ftaud are alleged to have influenced the result in said 
Presidential election; and, in investigating into such 
alleged violence, intimidation, and fnud in the State of 
Mississippi, said committee is directed to examine 
specially into the fkcts of the population, color- 
BcT and white, in the Sixth Congressional district 
m said State of Mississippi, and the registration for the 
year 1876, when it is alleged that more than five thou- 
■ud colored men were improperly refased registration, 
•nd also to inquire Into the fiacts which led to the 
udical change in the colored vote in said district, after 
inch alleged intimidation and fraud were resorted to to 
prevent colored voters from, casting their ballots treelj 
imd according to their wishes, some of whick filets are 
»et forth in the following statement: 



REGISTRATION STATISTICS, SIXTH DISTRICT OF 
MISSISSIPPI, 1876. 

Whites. Blacks. 

TunicaCounty *300 1,500 

Coahoma County 736 2.003 

Bolivar County.. H 850 2,850 

Washington County 1,284 4.648 

Issaquena County 245 1,402 

Sharkey County *300 700 

Warren County 2,019 1,689 

Claibome County... 917 1,279 

Jefferson County 786 2,154 

Adams County 964 3,213 

Wilkinson County 754 2,507 

^Estimated. 

ELECTION STATISTICS IN POUR COUNTIES. 

1872. 1876. 

1M0 •resi- Pml- 

^^^' dential Cdntial 
iSection. Election. 

Washington County — 

Total vote polled 2.670 2.757 4,496 

Republican vote 2,630 2,562 1.591 

Democratic vote 140 196 '•'2,905 

Jefferson County — 

Total vote polled 2,334 2.162 1,965 

Republican vote 1,919 1,698 420 

Democratic vote 415 464 ■^,645 

Claibome County — 

Total vote polled 2,548 2.724 1,924 

Republican vote 2,091 2.238 426 

Democntic vote 457 484 *1,498 

Warren County — 

Total vote polled 5.638 6,014 2.618 

Republican vote 4.560 4,729 616 

DemocraUc vote 1.078 1.285 '^.043 

""As returned. 



PART \^I. 

The Paf^e Resolution <M>ndeninins 
Tttden's attempt to steal the 
Oregon Vote and denouncing the 
inHiniy of Cronin is defeated by 
the Democrats— Only t^vo de- 
cent men in all IsraeL 

March 3, 1877, Horace F. Page, of Califor- 
nia. Bepnblican, moved to suspend the rules 
£ind pass the following : 

*' Resolved, That this House condemns the recent at- 
tempt to defeat the will of the people of Oregon by the 
refusfd of the Governor of that State to certify the 
election of an elector having a msjority of the legal 
votes fairly cast and issuing a commission to a de- 
feated candidate. And the House also condemns and 
denounces the corrupt use of money to aid in this 
outrage, and especially the payment of $3,000 to one 
Cronin, the defeated elector, for his part in the infa- 
mous transaction." 

The Tote by which Cronin was endorsed. 

The above resolution was disagreed to ; 
yeas 87 (all Republicans, save two Democrats), 
nays 90 (all Democrats) : not voting 113 (22 
Republicans and 91 Democrats), as follows : 

Yeas— Messrs. Adams, G. A. Bagley. Ballou, Banks, 
Belford, Blair, Bradley, W. R. Brown, H. C. Burchard, 
Burleigh. Buttz, Cannon, Cason, Caswell, Chittenden, 
Conger, Crapo. Crounse, Danford, Davy, Denison, Bun- 
nell, Eames, J. L. Evans, Flye, Fort, Foster. Freeman. 
Frye. Haralson. Hathom. Henderson. HubbeU, Hun- 
ter, Hurlbut, Hyman, Joyce, Easson, Eelley, Kimball, 
Lapham. Lawrence, Leavenworth, Le Moyne, Lynch. 
Lifindt, Magoon. MacDougall, McCrary. McDiU. Miller, 
Monroe. Norton. Oliver. O'Neill, Packer, Page, W. A. 
Phillips. Pierce. Plaisted. Piatt. Pratt, Bainey. M. S. 



70 



A HISTORY OF DSMOORATIO ELBCTION FRAUDS. 



Bobinson, S. Bom. Busk, Sampson, Seelye, SinnidoKm, 
Smalls, A. H. Smith, Stowell. Btnit, Thornburgh, M. I. 
Townsend. W. Townsend. Tufts, A. S Wallace, J. W. 
Wallace, O. W. Wells, J. D. White, Wlllard, A. Wil- 
liams, W. B. Williams, J. Wilson, A Wood, Jr., Wood- 
worth — 87. 

Nats— Messrs. Abbott, Ainnoorth, AAe, Atkiw, J. H. 
Bagley, Jr., Beebe, Blackburn, Boone, Brai^ford, Bright, 
Buckner, W. P. CaldweU, Candler, OaM{field, J, B. Clarke, 
J. B, Clark, Jr., Clymer, OoUint, Oulberton, J. J, Davis, 
Durham, Fdtan, Finley, Fomep, Franklin, Ooode, Oun- 
ter, Hardenbergh, J. T, Hamt, HartxeU, Hatcher, A. S, 
Hewitt, Holman, House, A, Humphreys, Hunton, Hurd, 
T. L. Jones, Knott, Lamar, F. Landers, O. M. Landers, 
McMafum, Meade, Mills, Money, Morrison, MuUMer, New, 
O'Brien, Ftiyne, Phelps, J. F. PkUips, PoppUton, Bea- 
gan, J. B. BeiUy. A. V. Bioe, MiddU, W. M, Bobbins, 
Sayler, Scales, Schleicher, Sheakley, Siemens, W, B. 
Smith, Southard. Sparks, &aringer, Stenger, W, H. 
Stone, J. K. Tarbox, Terry, Thomas, C. P. Thompson, 
Throckmorton, Tucker, Turney, J. L. Vance, JR. B. Vance, 
WaddeU, WaUing, Warner, B. WeUs, Wkitehouse, Wig- 
ginton, Wike, A. S. WiUiams, J. N. WiUiams, B, Wilson, 
Yeates, Taung—W, 

Not YonNCfr— Messrs. Anderson, Ba(fiy, J. H. Baker, 
W. H. Baker, Banning, Bass, S. N. BeU, Bland, Bliss, 
Blount, J. r. Brown, S, D. Burchard, Cabell, J. H. 
Caldwell, A. CampbeU, Carr, Cote, Chapin, Codtraiu, 
Cook, Cowan, S. S. Cox, Cutler, Darrall, De BoU, DibreU, 
Dobbins, Douglas, Durand, Bden, Egbert, EUis, Fautk- 
ner, D. D. Field, Fuller, Oariield, Oause, Gibson, OUner, 
Ooodin, Hale, A. H. Hamilton, B. Hamilton, Hancock, 
B. W. Harris, H. B. Harris, Harrison, Hartridpe, Hc^- 
mond, 0. Hays, Hendee, Henkle, O. W. Hewitt, Hill, 
Hoar, Hoge. Hooker, Hopkins, Hoskins, Jenks, F. Jones, 
Kehr, King, Lane, Levy, Lewis, Lord, Luttrell, Mackey, 
Maish, McFarUmd, H. B. Meicalf, MiUiken, Morgan, 
Nash, L. T. Ntal, OdM, Piper, Potter, PoweU, Pnrman, 
Bea, J. Beilly, J, Bobbins, Roberts, M, Boss, Savage, 
Schumaker,Singleton, Stanton, Stephens,Stevenson,Swann, 
Teese,Yaxx Vorhes, Wait,Waldron, C. C. B.Walker, O. C. 
Walker, Walsh, E. Ward, Warren, Watterson, Wheeler, 
Whiting, Whitthome, 0. Q. Williams, J. Williams, B. A. 
Willis, WHshire, F, Wood, Woodbum— 113. 



PART VII. 

"The resolution of Samuel J. TUden, not again to be a 
candidaiefor the exaUedpUue to which he imm elected by a 
nuyority of his countrymen, and from whiA he was ex- 
cluded by the leaders of the Republican party, is received by 
the Democrats ^of the United States with sensibUUy, and 
they declare their confidence in his wisdom, patriotism, and 
integrity, unshaken by the aMOults of a common enemy, and 
they further assure him that he isnUowed into the retire- 
vhent he ?uu€ho»enfbrhimsdf by the sympathy and respect 
ofhisfeUow-cititens, who reaarded him cu one who, by ele- 
vating the standards qf public morality, merits the lasting 
gratUude of his country and Ait jKirty."— Declaration 9, 
National Dem. Platform, 1880. 

Staamellil story of the Cipher Dis- 
patches and the Tilden barrel- 
Bribery and attempted Bribery 
to secure Blectors in Florida, 
South Carolina and llregmi. 

The story of the captured cipher dispatches 
and the secret efforts made by Tilden through 
his Democratic emissaries, to de&aad Florida, 
South Carolina and Oregon of an Electoral 
Yote, is one of the most damnable in the whole 
history of Democratic Election Frauds, and 
the exposure by the N. T. Tribune of the en- 
tire nefarious business, was perhaps one of 
the most startling disclosures ever made to a 
disgusted Nation. Nearly 200 of the captured 
telegraphic dispatches were in cipher, and, 
although several perplexing systems had been 
adopted, all were at last deciphered with an 



accuracy amounting to mathematical demon* 
stration. The original cipher dispatches 
with the translations were published side by 
side, and cannot be disputed. In the lan- 
guage of the Thbune, they comprised : 

" 1. Telegrams between the Democratic mam^em in 
New York and their agents in Califomiii and Ch:«gon, 
relative to the grantine of a certlflcate to one of tha 
Democratic electors who was not elected, and tba 
'purchase of a Bepnblican elector to recognize and act 
with him.' 

" 2. Telegrams between the Democratic managers in 
New York and their Mends and secret agents in Florida- 
during the progress of the coont. 

"3. Telegrams between these New York managers and 
their friends and secret agents in Louisiana during the 
same critical period. 

" 4. Telegrams between these New York manaoers and 
their friends and secret agents in South Carolina dnr> 
ing the operations of the Canvassing Board at Oolnm- 
bia, and Uie argument before the State Supreme Court, 
by whose interference Mr. Tilden 's representatiTeft 
hoped to control the action of the Board. ^ 

* " 6. Various dispatches between local Democratie 
politicians in Florida and South Garolina,including the 
series of telegrams on the subject of an anned opposi- 
tion to Chamberlain's inauguration. 

The Florida cipher lUapatches — Gra- 
merey Park and Tallahassee In eonunn- 
nleatlon— A $!••,••• bribe iiropoaed- 
A M«,lMO otftor for one electoral wote ae- 
cepted— A mistake occurs and the thins 
falls through. 

The story of the contest for the electoral 
votes of Florida in 1876, as told for the first 
time by the THbunef in its translations of the 
cipher dispatches between the Democratic 
agents in that State and Grameroy Park, Kev 
York, is this : 

" The translations of these dispatches show that ii» 
confidential agents of lir. Tilden in that State were 
Manton Marble, C. W. WooUey and John F. Coyle ; that 
these agents went to Tallahassee with prearranged 
ciphers for communication with the residence of Mr. 
Tilden ; that they first labored by lawful means to se- 
cure for him the votes of that State, and failed theieia 
because the official returns gave a majority forlfr. 
Hayes. Cipher dispatches regarding the bribery of a 
member of the Canvassing Board then passed between 
lir. Tilden's residence and his confidential agents in 
Tallahassee. One proposition to pay $200,000 fora> 
member was held too high, because another dispatdi 
from a different agent promised a cheaper ba^gaiB. 
Then by both agents separate propositions were sent 
in separate ciphers, to buy a member for $50,000. Tte 
reply from Gramercy Park was, ' Proposition aooepteA 
if done only once/ and the two agents were separately 
ordered to consult with each other in haste. It does 
not clearly appear that the goods would have been de- 
livered. But the scheme fell through because four 
woxds were dropi>ed trom the dispatch authorizing the 
purchase, thus making it unintelligible. It was after 
some delay repeated from Gramercy fieurk in full and 
intelligible form, but arrived too late, and the visiting; 
statesman so reported to Gramercy Bark." 

Tbe Sonth Carolina cipher dlsiiatches— 
Proposed bribery of the Retumlns' Boar*— 
980,090 the price— The proposltioii acccy* 
ted— Delay apsets the plan— Subsequca 
propositions of Tlolence and conniption. 

The story of the attempt to steal or Titiato' 
the electoral vote of South Carolina — extend- 
ing OYer the entire period, from election daf 
to the assembling of the Electoral C!olleges, 
Dec 6, 1876, is similarly told as follows : 

*' In South Carolina the purchasing agent was Smith 
M. Weed. He telegraphed to Colonel Pelton, on the 



A HISTORY OF DEMOOSATIO ELECTION FBAUDg. 71 

very day of his arriyal at Columbia, a propoeal to buy tooptilar choice of governor and of State sena- 

Z^l^.S'Z.ST'h^^^Z to™. ^ ">«' ««r"J districts, while represen- 

low, and the negotiation, after lasting six days, was tatives oi the liegislature are cnosen by a 

closed at the price of $80,000. Weed went to Baltimore plurality vote. The representative districts 

to meet a messenger there who was to carry the money are nearly or quite all composed of several 

in three packages ; but again a littie delay upset the towns no town sAndina more than one renre- 

scheme. Subsequently a plot was formed to buy four ^^°\ "^ lowii senamg more inan one repre- 

membersofthe South CaroUnaLegislature, for $20,000. sentative, and no city more than five. In 

and having thus obtained control of the State gorem- case no person has a majority for governor, or 

ment, to put the Hayes electors in Jail, and lock them for senator i^ any district, the vacancy is filled 

up in separate cells until the day for casting the elec- -.^ .-^^ «««««v.««« ^^A' «7« «.*««« rvi««*«/i ;« « 

toxal votes had passed. The r^ult of this villainy *^y the members and senators elected, in a 

would have been to deprive South Carolina of any vote manner not necessary to be stated. The vote 

and to throw the choice of a President into the House cast at the Maine election, held September 8, 

^^J?^!^^»^^StZ^'^^y.7?^^ ^JJ^^t^^J^^^l 1879, was the largest ever thrown in that State, 

b?bS^?^ aggregating 138^55. It was thus divided be- 

tween the gubernatorial candidates : Davis 

The Oreson ciphers-Plot to create a (Rep.), 68,766; Smith (Greenb.), 47,590; 

TUden coUese out of the Hayes coUese— Garcelon (Dem.), 21,668 ; scattering, 311. It 

Gronln, and the proposed bribe of $S,000 will be seen that although Davis, the Bepubli- 

for a Bepubllcan elector— The money yets can candidate, had 21,176 more votes than his 

there too late. chief competitor, he lacked 402 votes of an 

"TheplotoftheDemocraticmanagersin Oregon was absolute majority over all others. So the 

to create a Tilden Electoral Ck>llege after the election, selection devolved upon the Legislature, as 

by causing Governor Grover to issue a certificate to one above stated ; and the choice would, of course. 

Democrat (Cronin). who had not been elected, in the x^ Hpt^rminerl btr fhfi nolitioAl mmnlfiTcion of 

place of one of the RepubUcan electors who was said JJf aeterminea Dy me poiiucai complexion oi 

to be ineligible. Cronin was then to develop himself tnat body. 

into a full Electoral College by ' filling vacancies' in 

bis own body, and was to cast the single vote which xhe ** Fusion **— How ** fusion did not fuse." 

Ifr. Tilden needed in order to become President. But, 

for the success of this plan it was necessary that one Though three candidates had been put in 

of the two RepubUcan electors who held regular certifi- nomination for Governor, there had been a 

cates should be bribed to recognize and act with «. fusion " bpfwAAn fehA Demoprata and Orepn- 

Cronln. Accordingly the Democratic Governor lusion Detween tne ijemocrats ana ureen- 

(Oiover) withheld a certificate from one of the Hayes backers throughout the State upon benatonal 

electors on the ground of ineligibility, and instead of and Bepresentative tickets. The day after the 

^flowing the other electors to fill the vacancy, gave the election it was weU known, and everywhere 

certiflcato to a Tilden elector named Cronin, who had ^^^^^^i^^ xv,^.. „^ a,« „„ xv! „^^„i« «^„ij u„ 

dearly been defeated. Thesecretagent in Oregon was conceded, that so far as the people could, by 

one J. H. N. Patrick. He telegraphed to Colonel their action at the polls, determine the char- 
FeUon thai it was necessary to 'purchase a EepubU- acter of the Legislature of 1880, the Senate 

and the money was sent to Oregon, where it arrived ists, and the House iK) Republicans to bl 

only on the 6th of December, just too late to be of any Fusionists. The aggregate of all the votes 

Me." cast in the several Senatorial districts for the 

For specimens of these cipher dispatches Republican nominees exceeded the aggregate 

and other matter connected with the at- of those thrown for their opponents by about 

tem^d frauds, bribery and corruption in 5,000, showing that "fusion would not fuse." 
Florida and other states, see pages 67 to 69. 

Ck»nstltutlonal requirements disregarded— 

p . -pm TTTTT ^^ precedents overturned— The Governor 

X Alt 1 V ill, und Ck»uncll usurp Judicial functions. 

Hie Maine "Steal"— Brief His- The Constitution requires each separate 
tory of tlie Garc^loil Iniquity — town to transmit to the Secretary of State, to 

How U eomes to Grief. ^.t ^^ ^^"f ^^^ Y^?^.^^^ governor Mid comi- 

U.WV mm ^j^ ^ return of all the votes cast therein for 

No mere authoritative statement of the Demo- Senators and Bepresentatives. It is, then, a 

eratic attempt to steal Maine can be given simple process of addition and subtraction to 

than the unanimous* report of the Joint determine the result as to any particular dis- 

Select committee of the Maine Leg|islature ap- trict. The constitution requires the governor 

pointed "to inquire into the condition of the and council to perform this duty ; to examine 

Election Returns of Sept. 8, 1879, and the ex- the returns so sent from the several towns, 

penditure of public moneys under the direc- and "issue a summons to such persons as 

tionof Gov. Garcelon and Council." A con- appear to be elected" in each district to at- 

densationof that report and the evidence upon tend and take their seats in the Legislature 

which it is founded will tell the outrageous on the first Wednesday of the next January. 

story in a nut-shell. Governor Garcelon and his "fusion " council, 

-- _- ^.,_ ^, ♦fc^ w-i«-. vi^«i»» ¥ ««- instead of following the unbroken precedents 

Fmllaritles of the MWne «>^««« ?f 7«- of fifty-eight years since the erection of Maine 

The TOte for Governor - The election i^to a State-bbserved by all parties who have 

thrown Into the Legislature. administered the government in that period— 

In Maine a majority is requisite for the and performing the purely ministenal duty 



*Tfae statement of fkcts thereby established being expressly admitted by seven members of the committee^ 
coofliBtlng of five Bepnblicans and three fusionists. the eighth indicating his assent oQly by silence. ^jf 



7a 



L HISTORY OF DKMOCBATIO E1.E0TI0N 



re<]iuied of tbem. asaomed that the conBtitu- 
tion invested them with judicial fUuc- 
tioQB, making them "judges of electionB." 
and then proceeded to the most flagrant and 
oatrageons abuse of this wrongfully assnmed 
power in ordei to defeat the will of the people 
tm emphatically expressed at the polla. 

1%c declaratloa thmt 8 Neaatora and X9 
ReprcseDlatlTes do .not "appear to be 
«l«cl«d "— Everr one of theite a Republican 
— !<(• Democrat or Oreenbacker aniler 
ban— Fricoloiu pretests bj which large 
dttes were dealed representation. 
Their doty is to eiamine the returns and 
see who "appear to be elected," accordin); to 
those returns, and then to summon such per- 
Bons. They declared the condition of these 
returns to be such that eight spnatore and 
twenty-nine repteeentativee, who, ia fact, re- 
ceived the requisite number of votes to 
elect tbem, did not "appear to be elected." 
Eixry one of these senators and representatives 
woa a Republican ; not a single Democrat or 
Greenbacker failed to receive a summonB by 
rdason of any defect in the returns ; and thus 
those who were in a minority at the polls 
were to be made a majority in each branch of 
the Legislature. By rejecting returns for ' 
frivolous alleged informalities and technical 
iaaccuracies, eight Bepublican senators were 
to give place to ei^bt fusion senators, and 
tweuty-nme Bepnbbcau representatives were 
refused their seats, to which seventeen fusion- 
ists were admitted, and twelve were left 
vacaut. Those twelve represented the cities 
of Portland, Saco, Lewiston, Bath, and Bock- 
land. The average Republican majority in 
Portland was 629. Of the whole number of 
vot«s cast 143 were returned as " scattor- 
iag." If all of these were counted for the 
highest candidate on the fusion ticket, he 
would have been still several hnndred behind 
the lowest upon the Republican ticket. Yet, 
becaose the name of every man who received 
even a dngle vote was not written in full 
upon the retams, the Qovemor nnd council, 
acting under the obligation of ofhcial duty, 
and the sanction of an official nath, declare 
that it does not "appear " by such a return 
that anybody was choaen to represent Port- 
land in the Legislature, and her five repre- 
eentatives. having an average majority of 629, 
are excluded. Upon pretexts equally frivo- 
lous the four cities of Bath, Saco, Lewiston 
and Rockland, having seven representatives, 
were disfranchised, the Oovemor refusing 
even to order a new election ; thus denying 
to these principal cities in the Btate any voice 
in a Legislature which was to establish a valu- 
ation as a basis of taxation for the next de- 
cade. It was the most odioaa form of taxa- 
tion without representation. 



lent counting' li 



f FuHlonlsts who 



had HMBmallest 
HonliMT osnclualve to trand-loTlnK minds 
—Specimens earning under the Gover- 
nor's remarkable ruUns. 

The oases in which fusion senators and re- 



presentatives were summoned to take seats 
belonging to their Republican opponenta show 
still more flagrant frauds, perpOrattd ttkiU Va 
retunu vxrt in the erabidy of Ike gwfrnor and council. 
. For instance, in York county, constituting the 
first senatorial district, two fraudulent altera- 
tions of the some character were made to have 
I different eflocts, though both subserved the 
, same purpose -that of seating men who oh- 
tuined the fewest votes at the polls. The re- 
tora from Ber»'ick, when sent to the Secretary 
I of State, giive to George H, Wakefield, a Re- 
publican nominee for senator, 258 votes. In 
, Dayton, a strongly Democratic town. Josiah 
H, Stover was returned as receiving 96 votOB. 
After these returns reached Augusta, the H in 
each case was converted into an A by closing 
at the top, so as (under the ruling of the gov- 
ernor and council) to deprive Geo. H. Wake- 
field, Bepublioan. of the vote of Berwick, and 
to give to Josiah A. Stover, Democratic fosion- 
ist, the vote of Dayton; thereby depriving the 
former of his seat in the Senate. Again, 
Oliver P. Bragdon was the Republican candi- 
date for representative in the district cora- 
j)oeed of Gouldsboro' and several other towns 
in Hancock county and received amajority of 
the votes east therein. In Gouldsboro' he re- 
ceived 207 against 125 cast for James Flye, 
Greenbacker, After the returns came into the 
hands of the governor and council, some one 
changed the P into a B. by adding a loop, and 
thereupon these 207 votes were counted for a 
suppositious Oliver B. Bragdon, instead of for 
the proper taaa, and he was thus deprived of 
hisaammons, which was sent to his opponent, 
riye. upon the ground that he had more votes 
than either Oliver P. Bragdon or Oliver B. 
Bragdon- -wrongfully and fraudulently assum- 
ing the Republican vote to have been divided 
between two Bragdous, when there was but 
one. Skowhegan cast 695 Eepablicaa to 30'J 
fusion votes; yet the representative so chosen 
was denied his seat because the governor was 
informed that the Republican votes had the 
names thereon in two columns instead of one! 
No law prescribes aught as to the arrangement 
of names, which is a matter of taste with the 

Erintor or voter. The "h"accidentally omitted 
y the town clerk from the name of Bum- 
bam, Republican, defeats him, while votes 
returned for Tabhot and Talbart elect Talbot, 
Democrat, 

In all the Si casea, na Instaiice ol ambi- 
guity In the returnK— AU >■ appeared " to 
be elected— Only is cases of doubt In 5a 
rears— Favors to tlie ruslonlgt«— Dltrer- 
eht sances for soohc and frander. 
The foregoing are merely given as samples 
of the whole. There were very many other 
instances of similar changes and frauds, made 
and committed to keep out Republicans who 
were elected, and to seat fusioniste who were 
not. There was not one soUtarv instance out 
of the thirty-seven in which there was any 
ambiguity in the returns, or in which it did 
not plainly thereby "appear" who was 
elected. In the sixty years of the historv of 
that State hut fifteen such instances of fatal 



A HI8TOBY OF DEMOOEATIO ELKOTION FBADDS. 



73 



defects have occurred — 15 out of more than 
10,000 persons elected to the Legislatures con- 
Tened within that time; yet Govemor Grarce- 
lon's astuteness, aided by the wisdom of his 
conncil, discoyered 37 among the 182 persons 
making up the Legislature of 1880. Every 
error counting out a Bepublican, and 25 of 
them also counting in a fusionist. No error 
conld a£fect a fusionist, because new blanks 
▼ere surreptitiously sent out from the capitol 
to several towns electing fusion representa- 
tives, that they might be correctly filled ac- 
cording to the new strict requirements of the 
covemor and council, and were substituted 
for the original ones, which contained errors 
similar to those held fatal to Republican suc- 
cess. In other cases errors fatal to a Bepubli- 
can were held not to prejudice a fusionist. 
Had the law, as previously and correctly ad- 
ministered, been observed, the Republicans 
would have had a majority in eacn branch, 
and had the technical rules wrongfully estab- 
lished by Govemor Garcelon been faithfully 
and impartially applied to both parties, the 
Bepnblicans woidd still have had a major- 
ity; but they were only enforced to exclude 
Bepublicans and were disregarded to seat 
fasionists. 

Intense tnill«natloii throuffhont the State 
—Garcelon calls to his aid convicts and 
Jail birds— He abstracts iM«<MO from 
the special fund for free hivh schools, 
with which to iM&y them. 

Naturally, this course created intense ex- 
citement and indignation throughout the 
State. At first, Govemor Garcelon was dis- 
posed to disregard it, and summoned to his 
sapport an illegal body of men, among whom 
were convicts and jail birds (one of them 
having been recently pardoned out of States' 
prison by Govemor Grarcelon himself), whom 
he paid by a misapi>ropriation of the public 
funds. To make nis conduct harmoniously 
infamous throughout, the governor took $4,- 
000 from the free high school fund to pay 
these men ; being the fund of all others that 
should not have been touched, not only on 
account of the importance of the purpose to 
which it was devoted, but because it is a 
special fund raised and pledged to aid towns 
in the maintenance of such schools. 

Tlie storm still rising— Garcelon quails at 
last— Refers the case to the Supreme 
Court— It unanimously declares him ut- 
terly wrons in all respects— Sudden col- 
lapse of the whole damnable conspiracy. 

At last, however, the govemor quailed be- 
fore the rising storm, and consented to ask 
the opinion of the Supreme Court in a method 
authorized by the Constitution upon the 
legality of his conduct. The wnwnxnuMi reply 
or this tribunal, in which both parties were 
represeoited, was that he had been utterly 
wrong from the beginning and in every par- 
ticular ; that the senators and representatives 
were not dependent upon the govemor and 
4X>uncil for their seats, but upon the suffrages 



of their fellow-citizens ; and that if they re- 
ceived no notice or '• summons " (which is 
merely a notification and not a judgment) to 
attend the convening of the Legislature they 
could convene without one. Thereupon the 
whole fusion conspiracy collapsed for want of 
popular support and not fxom any acqui- 
escence on the part of the fusion leaders in 
the supremacy of the law. The Legislature, 
as chosen by the people, went on and per- 
formed its appropriate functions, first choos- 
ing Daniel F. Davi^ (Republican), govemor. 



PART IX. 

The InHAmous IVe^v Y<»rk Klec- 
tton Frauds~Super¥isor John 
I. Davenport's Startling; Rev- 
ekitions on the Stand — For 
Tvrelve Years the Tammany 
Democracy has Yoted Thou- 
sands of men 1%'ho IVever lived ! 
—64,000 Yotes Fraudulently 
added, in 1868, to the E<awftil 
Votes of ^cw York, IVen^ Jer- 
sey, and Connecticut— <<l¥hole 
Streets Taken and ]¥aturalized 
tlrom House to House!"— Tlie 
Various, Systems in Operation, 

Following is from the sworn testimony of Su- 
pervisor J(mn I. Davenport, given before the 
Wallace Senate Investigating Committee, July 
16, 17, 19, and 20, 1880, in New York city, after 
which the testimony was abruptly terminated 
because, as Senator McDonald (Democrat) 
said : "the chairman (Senator Wallace) was 
unwilling to have the investigation go on." 
The Democratic members of the committee had 
evidently had enough of it. It is a most in- 
teresting bit of history. 

Who John I. Davenport Is, and what he has 
heen attendins to these many years— How 
he commenced work. 

Said the witness, Mr. Davenport (July 16, 

1880): 

"I am a United States Commissioner, and Supervi- 
sor of Elections. In 1876 I issned a number of war- 
rants for the arrest of persons using firandnlent nat- 
uralization papers. In 1868 1 was employed as coun- 
sel for the Union League Club to investigate the 
frauds that bad been and were still going on, and to 
prepare proof and to secure witnesses. I sifted the 
mass of evidence obtained, and laid it before the 
committee, known as the Lawrence Committee, and 
following that came their report. At the first election 
after I was appointed Chief Supervisor I gave notice 
to all persons having naturalization i>apers issued in 
1868 to be careful in their use, and proceeded to ac- 
cumulate additional evidence to reach those who had 
committed the frauds. I found that there were per- 
sons who acted as witnesses for hundreds and thou- 
sands of people, and I accumulated information rela- 
tive to the conduct of naturalization proceedings in 
that year, and in 1866 and 1867 also. 



74 



A HI8TOBT OF DEMOC&ATIO ELBOTION FRAUDS. 



'^Ibeae wbtdeaale SAtiualizatkm proceedings began in 
1866, twfore Judge Cardoza, in the Court of Common 
fleas. In 1867 they were tnmsferred to the Superior 
Oonrt, before Judge McCnnn. The Court of Common 
Pless had done the bulk of the naturalization business, 
until it was stopped by Mr. Jarris, the cleric of the 
court, a Democrat, but a man of strict integri^. I 
have here a mass of applications (exhibiting a pile of 
piq>ers) on which the clerk uttexly refuse to offer cer- 
tillcates. 

"In 1868 the Court of Common Fleas was neglected, 
and only issued 3,146 certificates, while the Superior 
Const issued 20.000, and the Supreme Court, for the 
first time in its history, was opened for purposes of 
naturalization. In the Superior Court there were 
issued in December. 1868, 26.226 ; in January, 1869, the 
deputy clerk of the court issued 27,897. In October 
alcme 18,472 certificates were giren out. 

" In the Superior Court, before one judge, there were 
issued in fifteen days of October, 1868, according to 
the files of the court, 18,817 certificates. There was, as 
nearly as can be ascertained, an additional issue of 
20,000 in the two courts, of which no records appear 
on the books. In 1868 there were 64,000 such natural- 
ization papers manufactured in these courts, 

Uirtj work in the Supreme C^ourt— 8,7S4 
more naturalization papers Issued than 
the Court flics show. 

" In the Supreme Court, before Judge Barnard, there 
were 18,824. In the Superior Court, during October, 
five Judges took part in the proceedings. Judge Bar- 
ber naturaUzed 76 ; Anthony M. Bobinson, the same 
number ; Samuel Jones, 1,000. From seven to eight- 
tenths of the number were before Judge McCunn, and 
Judge Qarvin bad the remainder. All except Judges 
Oarvin and McCunn attended to their ordinary duties 
during the month, and Oarvin did so part of the time, 
doing chamber business occasionally. This total of 
18324 in the Supreme Court, is 8,754 more than ap- 
pears on the files of the court for 1869, as I learn from 
testimony other than that given by M. Plum. 

Davenport beirlns the flirht— His offer to 
Tammany— Results of his ffood work. 

" In 1872 and 1874 instructions were given to regard 
those specific cases where information was obtained re- 
lative to fraudulent naturalization papers. In 1876, 1 
issued a notice to the supervisors to challenge per- 
emptorily every person who appeared for the purpose 
of registering on the 1868 certificate. I had obtained 
so much information that it was my desire to give each 
person notice that his right to the possession of such 
certificate would be contested, and to place him on 
his guard as to their use. By 1878, 1 had obtained ad- 
ditional focts, as I desired to sustain myself, but not to 
act hastily. I believed that a large number of those 
holding such certificates had been imposed upon. I 
sought Mr. KeUy and proposed to him the appointment 
of a joint committee of Bepublicans and Democrats, 
and said that if they would work with me I would sit 
during the evening, in order to allow the laboring men 
more &cilities for appeiudng than they would have dur- 
ing the daytime. And I proi>osed that the committee 
from Tammany Hall should aid me in having the holders 
of '68 papers appear before me in the Spring and Sum- 
mer of 1878 ; that these fraudulent papers should be 
taken up, and the holders be permitted to declare their 
intentions where they had not declared them ; and that 
those who had declared their intentions should obtain 
proper papers. Thus I wanted to save the issuing of 
warrants, and to preventarrests and the complications 
which would ar^ if such action was taken at the 
election. ^, „ ^ ^ 

•* Henry L. Clinton, of Tammany Hall, wrote to me. 
Mid subsequently a committee was api>ointed by Mr. 
Kelly's organization, namely, Luke Cozzens, Judge 
Quin, and Henry D. Purroy. They appointed one of 
their number to sit in my office during the proceed- 
ings. They sat for two or three days and then with- 
drew, for reasons unknown to me, although I have my 
views. They oi>ened an office in Beade street, and 
sent out circulars printed in English and German, to 
all holders of papers of 1868. 



plr. Davenport here read a copy of the circular. Its 
purport was to render the persons referred to suspi- 
cious of the Government's supervisora, and seemed es- 
peciaUy to warn tham against appearing before Hr^ 
Davenport. An eazly call at their office was advised] _ 

" I proceeded during the Summ^ with the business, 
and between 2.000 and 3,000 persons appeared before 
me, surrendered their false papers, and made affidavits 
as to how they obtained them. Of theae 1.000 men 
had voted on the papers for eight years. They were 
considerably over age when they arrived in this coon^ 
try — f^m forty to sixty years of age^yet they were- 
naturalized as minors, without declaring their inten- 
tions. In 1878 the number of firaudulent certificates- 
registered was reduced to 3,197, as against lO.OOO in 
1876. I issued warrants for 3,100 holders of these 
papers, and prevented all except l,2i0 from voting, 
and in these cases it was not my fault. Some of the 
3,197 procured new papers." 

Specimen Frauds — Certificates Issued ii| 

blank. 

" In sifting this matter I learned first that the number 
of applications on file nowhere nearly approached the 
number issued in 1868. Certificates in blank were is- 
sued, under the seal of the Court, and with the cleik's 
signature attached; and in 1867 the same thing wasdone. 
[Mr. Davenport here showed a certificate.] Where they 
were so issued, he continued, they were ready to use 
by filling in the names. I have in my possession 
blanks with one name erased by a knife, and another 
filled in. Later this kind*bf work was done with acid, 
and is almost impomible to detect. This practice was- 
carried on to a considerable extent. I also learned that 
many certificates were issued in names of fictitious pe^ 
sons for whom applications were made out and filed in 
the court. Many of tibem were signed, in good hand- 
writing, by witnesses who cannot write at uie present 
time." 

Professional false witnesses. 

" Many of the persons engaged in this work were act- 
ing as standing professional witnesses. For instance : 
Patrick Goff was a witness for 2.162 persons, and John 
Moran for 1,397. Ten persons were witnesses for 8,atf 
applicants. In one month, as shown by the files of the 
Court, these witnesses, about 100 in number, made 
affidavits for above 20,000 people. They were, iniact 
permanently attached to the Courts during the natural- 
ization proceedings, in that capacity, and for that pn^ 
pose. For October, 1868, there were 37,000 applicatioiis, 
to which they made affidavit. They acted in both 
Courts on the same day. 

" Patrick Goff was witness in the Supreme Court u 
foUows : On October 9th, for 63; 10th. 825; 12th.»91; 
13th. 357; Uth. 114; 15th. 196; 16th, 165; 17th, 13; 19th, 
72; 20th, 56; 21st, 20; 22d, 18. 

' * John Moran was witness as follows : October Tth, 
for 9; 8th, 34; 9th, 6; 10th. 29; 12th. 95; 13th. 136; 14th, 
115; 15th, 30; 16th. 265; 17th, 1; 19U, 60; 20th, 51; 2lBt, 
98; 22d. 61; 23d. 71. , 

** John Ward appeared for applicants as follows: hi 
the Supreme Court, October 8th. 44; 9th. 40; 10th, 17; 
12th, 136; 13th. 162; 14th. 52; 15th, 107; 16ih. 29; 17tb. 
23; 19th, 63; 20th, 58; 2lBt, 46; 22d, 39; 2Sd. 44; and in 
the Superior Court, October Ist. 8; 2d. 22; 8d, 82; 6th, 
17; 6th, 26; 7th. 27; 8th. 33; 9th. 15; 10th, 7; 12th, 10; 
Uth, 7 ; 15th, 4 ; 16th, 2 ; 17th, 3 ; 19th, 11 ; 20th, 2 . 

*' Patrick MoCaffery in the Superior Court made ain- 
davits for 273 persons, and in the Supreme Court for 
676. John Ward appeared for a total of 1.069 appU- 
cants. In these applications the signatures of the ap- 
plicants were not there, but their names were used. 
The witnesses obtained the certificates in the name* 
of the applicants, and sold the papers to them at rates 
varying from 50 cents to $2." 

Spreadlnff the work, to other counties. 

*'In the Supreme Court, Goff, in one day, obtained 
certificates for 1.000 persous. and took to Kings Goon- 
ty 400. Numbers were also delivered to nearly all the 
river counties— Westchester, Putnam, Orange. Rock* 
land. I know ef 500 that were offered in Saratoga 
County, in blank, to Mr.Curtis of the State Committee, 
at $1 apiece. * * * I believe that a very large 
number of certificates were issued for which there are 
no records and no application on file any where m. 



A HISTOBT OF CEHOOBATIO ELECTION FBAITDa- 



ttuttromOnuiseMiiIothwooDOtlu belore the Lao 
MOM Ooaunlltoc, and to • letter wi1t(«u bj me to 
Oixmb OI«A CMmUMou on Ootober U, 1§T8, uUii« 
litm IfBij BBtonUutton* lud basn nude br the Sn- 
nemeOontt In IMS, and to 1ft. Oambleton ■ npl; Id 
tho ncotl**. 0«rtUlr«tei wen prlntsd lot tlie Ba^ 
VMins OoqR nutll IBM." 



" Hem la a certiAoata In whlflh the penou who Blled 
tip thfl bUnk forgot mat 1871 w*a not tbe DlnetyOnt 
nar of the IndwandeBoa of the United Statea. and 
flUed np the blank as be had been aoenatamad to do In 
l«»,lnatead of making It tbe DlnetT-alith fear of In- 
dependence. In a cetflflcat Imaed to James Pbelan 
aid In two othei* the 6 ' la enued and ' B ' written 
oterlt. The name of Hai Wainhelm WIS not on the 
W orattfleale, a* none wera presented to the Superior 

n Li-.i... »t-„ L — .. .jjg, naper to 

iiUcDooaldJ. 

•, becaoss I have In mj posKaalon aereral pa- 

wbinta thnre le no appileation on file. The 

_ — i > ^--fl Also inapected the 



Ooaitlath 



tlCDfta ao Intcumed m 



Oetobsi, lB«e. 



''* Umny penona whom I qaeatiooediald (hey i 
papera at Qie City Hall, and tUe waa sDdoubtet 
But the Oonrt 01J7 aat tvo olghta at (hat pli 
paiien ireie given oat from the cletk'a otBi 
loom In tha baaement «aa occupied ' ~ ' ' 
if a lante nnmber of men sent from tus umennii warm 
of the oltT. a* atandlng wltncasss, and Iheappllcatlom 
wanflnelupbrthem. Ouf of SB.OOOoertfflcatee print 
ad (Or the Snpreme Court, only 1,861 wen leR wliei 
they got through, aa Ur. Lowe teetlfled upon the Law 
— ga Committee, and none waa lianed sicept by the 
^ ""m oarlaln &cta obtained I learned that cer 
latoMllartlan were obtained at clab-toDoii 
>nu. To; many of the profeeilonal wit 
a under Ave or all Indletmente each oe 
largea, and both HcGnna and Barntcd, whc 
■dlouibeen orimlnal Judges, knew the men penon 
tv. b Ues United SlateemnbalHumy.beTlevln; 



» to tha Demoontio Nation 



few houn obtained . 

oa tbe payment of tt-OO each. Ap 
maite out it Democratic beadenarten, 
•mo given in Mone-yaida and vacant I 






given in Mone-yaidi 

Jeraey, aM Con- 
MCcUeut atov—Wlmle ftreets naturalized 
from hinue to bonae'Varloiu systems. 



hn™^ 






of 3.000 cortlScai 



"[M*. 



itothe. 

r. DaTenport here save the 
~ nej natunlized li 



m, and Qeocgt Hooten. Ilia latl. r 

n a JeelanSon form (o which no 

deolantlon la attached, bat which contains this pet- 
emptory order ; 

" ■ JOHH H. HoCtlSM.' ■'] 

' Aoaovdlng to the ratio In the Conrls Biaoe ICKS. from 
40 to flO per cen^ of the penonanatuiallzed should have 
been on pnvlaUB dedanttona of Intention. In lites. 
OBt of IMM oa die, only WO were an declantlon. In 
Uia Supreme Oonrt the latia shoold be the same. Out 
of la.Oin only l.OOO wen on decUntion and discbar^cs. 
iBthaConrtofCommonneaaa large number waa on 
ilodanHnn. made within two yean. Whole stnots 
WM» taken and natmaliaed from honae to honsa. rtom 
one dkrepntabte plaoa In Oreen Street, fbrtf-two per- 
■oDi ware registered. The nnmben ran aa high as 346 

nn tlw Tesistar wbsn tben ws» but W3 In tbe stTCKt 
renglMeredas high ai 



wen given In eiceea of the honees, and Patrick aoK, as 
a witness tot these, gave his address In thirteen dioer- 
ent places — all ' No. 44.' 

"Another system adwted waefOrtwoalienetoappesr 
fbc each other, although tha statate reqoins that a wli- 

the standing wltnessea who bad appeared dnrlug the 
month tnmed sp on the last day. and wen themselves 
duly uatniBllied. 

"[In reply la Senator UcDonald's ancBtlon, Ur. Dav- 
enport stated that he knew of thle Oct, of sppllesnla 
appearing tor each ctbai, by tha indices of the Gourte. 
^ese indices, be eaid onti] after arrests ^'^sn made. 
Id :668, wen simply alphabeliealllMB, made Dp months 
afterward, and no pntence waa made that they were 
■nytblDii slsei ai, IbrinitaDce, In tbe Su.reme Court. 
on Vebrnaty 13, ISTl, the cleA hadjnst bagna to mske 
np the Indices fbr 1866. There waa no ncord of these 
except In these Indioes.]" 

.... . _ tfaoRC who luid not ctcb 

leclnred tbeir Intcntimis— The witncBse» 
worn in droves sf 1M> to ISO !— Papers 
lent tlirauBli by mall to non-appUcanta I 












natarsUzatlcn which were eranted upo 
tiooB have not, In ^t, doclarsd their 

whether they had done so or aat, or in regard to their 
age. Othen came hen over the age of eighteen who 
had declared their Intentions, bnt yet wen made to- 
appear ouflleaalfthey had not done eo. Othenhad. 
nude prertODS deelantlons. yet the oiiglnala which. 
If they had been preperly natniallsed. would have 
been returned to the Court and attached to their ap- 
plications, wen MiU In tbeIr possession. I know as a 
fact, from observation, that In II — "' 



fnim 



a, they 



were sworn in large eompanlee, frequently 
IGOata time, the Bible being beldln thah.._ ....__ 
clerk and the wltnessss holdlna up their hands, and 
being sworn, as I stated yeeteiday. to the number of 
the iffldavita by them signed. With regard to the 
pmfesalonal Intereets. tbay really signed no affldavlta, 
sndtheceron did not have any heeUatlon in taking 
Buoh an oath. laleoleAmed that papers were sent to 
people through tha Post OflUce without any wpllca- 
tlon on their part. v 

Lists of 18,8X4 and of IS.SBS Naturaliza- 
tions tn two courts wltiiln twenty-three 
tUtys I One Judse makes Z,K4S Utlzens 
In one day I 

The Supreme Court sits ordinarily about four boors 
a day. t^ontwoarthreeoccsulanaltast for a period 
of fnm flie to ell houn. The actual nnmberpui^ 
porting to be naturalized, ao tn as any applloatlans 
now on file sbow in tbe Supreme Conrt, and so far as 

Supreme Superior 



follows : 
October 1 . 






>s there. Out of 



6 



A HISTORY OF DEMOCRATIC ELECTION FRAUDS. 



This makes a total of 37,477 attempted naturaliza- 
tions in the two courts in the month of October. On 
October 12 it will be seen that 2,543 naturalization pcr 
pers were granted in the Supreme Court by one man — 
Judge Barnard. On th:> same day i-^. the Superior 
Court, according to the index of the office. 2,077 were 
granted, making 4,620 for the day. 

Testimony of experienced Judges that 8 or 
lO persons only can be naturalized in one 
hour— Judge IMcCunn naturalizes 2 in one 
minute, and Judge Barnard 2,S48 in S 
hours I 

I call your attention to the testimony of Nathaniel 
Jarvis, of the Court of Common Pleas, in the year 1868. 
On one occasion he was in the Superior Court hen 
naturalization wa:: going on, and he testifies that t!\e 
applicants were rot allowed to be present. Also to the 
testi >ny of John R. Brady, of the Cour'; of Common 
Pleas, before the Lawrence Committee, n which he 
expresses an opinion that men could be naturalized 
properly at the rate of one every flv ) minutes. Also 
to the report ol the Committee the J udiciary of the 
United States Senato made on -.nuary , uid March 
•9, 1845, with testimony concern irg viclations nat- 
uralization law^ contained in the same volume. The 
Judiciary Committee was cmpowe: --l by the Sen te to 
take testimony in th cities of P.": jidelphia. New Or- 
leans and New Y rk with reference .-; violations ol the 
naturalization la,\. ->, Th Commissionerr who took 
testimony in this . i";j- w Joi - . Hamilton, John 
Lloydand Alexander W. J ^radford. The*- brough be- 
fore them all the ju riges of the Superior Court wh had 
been engaged in naturriization, together with the 
judges of the Marine Court, which at this time nat- 
uralized foreigners. Judge Hamiltc n, of tho Marine 
Court, testified tha'; "the greatest number of naturali- 
zations I ever found myself le toadministe in a 
session of eigh'; hours was, think, eighty." All the 
judges, with one single exception, testified tha eight 
or ten an hour was all they could possibly naturalize. 
Judge McCunn has since testified "^hat be naturalized 
two a minute, but Judge Barnard must have natural- 
ized even more rapidly, as on October 12 he natural- 
ized 2,543 in five hours. 

Many applicants horn in the tTnited States 
—Prominent citizens sisnlns as witnesses 
with a *'marlc'* who did not appear at 
all— Other illegralities. 

It is well that I should call attention to the fact 
that those fraudul'^ntly naturalized in 1868 were made 
to appear a*: minors on the files of the Court . also 
found that a grea. number of the applicants were bom 
in the TTnited States, and even in this city. I also find, 
Mr. Davenport contuued, *;he names of prominent 
citizens az witnesses, whenever appeared in court and 
who were not witnesses, and most of whose signatures 
were made with a mark. Among them are August 
Belmont, J. 'j. . Hoffman, William M. Tweed, Peter B. 
Sweeney, Joj:i J. Bradley Alderman Seery, Coroner 
Woltman, J. S. McCk>wan, William H. Vanderbllt, 
Samuel G. Courtney, then United States District Attor- 
ney, engaged in prosecuting "".he frauds at that time, 
and numerous others. 

[Mr. Davenport then quoted legal authorities ad 
precedents to show that two itizens were required 
as witnesses for naturalization, until the issue of the 
Revised Statutes, wherein it was declared that on wit- 
ness was sufficient. He -ilso drew attention to -^.he 
fact that in many cases of naturalizr.tion In 1868 there 
was no renunciation of allegiance to other authority.] 

Commissioner Davenport draws attientlon 
to many other gross informalities. 

Mr. Davenport proceeded to show, by a decision of 
Judge Pratt, that the testimony showing five years' 
residence must be taken in open Court by an oral ex- 
amination of the witness, previously prepared affi- 
■davits not being in evidence. In t^ese cases in 1868 
no record was taken by the Court. On the minutes of 
the Supreme Court six names appeared during the 
month of October up to October 6. On the next day 



the Court a^oumed, and not a line appeared on thft 
minutes in regard to the other 18,618 persons. Mr. 
Davenport wac interrupted in his legal quotatiozts to 
show tbr.t a Court record was necessary by Senator 
McDonald. He replied that he was simply stating the 
authority under which he acted. Senator McDonald 
did not 860 3Jiy need for it, and complained that he 
could uot tell when the witness was reading and when 
he wcjB commenting. 

Senator Blair— I can tell. Mr. Davenport, pray pro> 
ceel. 

Mr. Davenport quoted several authorities showing 
the necessity of Court decis.^.ons bein? recorded in na- 
turalization cases, and 8a.'.d in the Superii r Court 
in this cit;;; the record, were kept in l^A rjid down to 
1868, out when the naturalizations began on a large 
scale the clerks abandoned the custom bv-'cause it was a 
little trouble; f.nd net until 1872 or 187>> dil- they re- 
sume the practice rf recording the minutes of the 
Court. udgo Blatchford, r,lthoun:h ozpresring the 
opinion that whcr^ the appUcatic us were upon tho 
files, nd it had oeen - he custom of the Court to treat 
these Hies as records, they should be treated .h,» records, 
yet admitted that s -eh records might be impeached. 

Senator McDonald— Wiio ara ou swearin:: by now/ 

Mr. DaTeni>ort — l am i^peakir g of J 'idgo Blatchford. 

A short discussio:^ ensued, in the course of which 
Senator Hoar said 

If it be true that there were some 6 , of these 
naturalization papers that were void and bogus aU 
through, that they were (.btained ~ y u mere eham, it ifl 
not necessary, perhaps, in this distance D.'timc, to con- 
sider if there was a mistake as to the quality or charac- 
ter of the record. I do net think it -n^ioessary to spend 
so much time on this point. Mr. Davenport has given 
his reasons. 

His opinion or action upon the iUetral pa- 
pers of 1868— He will act in the Presiden- 
tial Election of 188*) as he did in 1878. 

This little having ended, Mr. Davenport was al- 
lowed to nrooeed with ^is citation of authorities, but 
in a short «.ime Ser . . ^r r Bialr interrupted . ith a ques- 
tion as to his opinion of the naturalization impers of 
1868, in regard to which war-rants had beer issued. 

Mr. Davenport — I believed the ^ th^t they were 
fraudulent and void, and I ::ti ' ' believe th same. 

Senator Blair — Are there any of those pc>pers still 
outstanding ' 

Mr. Davenport — ^There are, and during the coming 
Presidential election I intend pursuing -^he same course 
in regard to them as I did in 1878. The holde: ;; oithem 
have received the fullest kind of notice, and I do not 
believe there is any voter on an 1868 pcpsr who does 

ot oelievj i,liat th:? validity of th*:; p.-.per i aues- 
tioned. Their validity was first < uestlcned in 'iM, 
and the holders have been frequently warned ninceby 
publication in the papers, by official -ntiflcation, by 
challenges, by personal notices to the holders, end by 
the various investigations which have followed my ac- 
tions. 

The numher naturalized in each year ftom 
1856 to 1876 incluslTe, and since. 

I have here some facts In regard to naturalization 
from the year 1856 to 1876, as foUows : 

Year. No. natur- Year. No. Natur- Tear. No. Nata^ 
alized. alized. alized. 

1856 1G,616 1863 2,641 1870 4,074 

1857.... 8,998 1864 1:1,202 1871 3,828 

185-'.... 6,975 1863.... 7,239 1872 9,966 

159.... 7,649 186 ] J, 40 1870 4,197 

1«60. .. 3,5ft' 1867.... 15,486 1874 4,762 

186].... 13, 58 186C.... 7.C42 . C75 4,907 

1S62.... ,417 1869... 3, 7 1876 10,8!» 

TLerr '.ave been about .030 s:ice, added Mr. 
Davenport. 

::enat Blair— Haye you any statistics ahowinf the 
rat.o of ign population and increase o^ naiiuiaied 
citizens 

Mr. Diivenport— I * \ye the emigration statisiiQi 
from 1847 ^o 1876, but there is nothing to indioate what 
became of he immigrants. 

Senator ::iair— Hr.v j you read the testimoiix of Mr. 
Boese, the Clerk of the Superior Ciourt, and bsfttyoB 
any statement to make in reg^uxl to it ? 



A HWrOBT OF-DEMOOEATIO ELEOTIOtf FttACDS. 



77 

residents 



.Te^renQ beulna U^ ^ leiJ of tb^ 

. .-lake it correof. A com- ' flpon the recordB ol tl 

ippolnted -<j the Leglalalnw, d tho I yea I 

. . .._ _..,. — ._.!._ p(j|,^ oilhQ Mt, Davenp"'!— Abont 18,000. The BnptBma Court 

^aeuB, ea far iloue leaued .j.OOO certiaed blanks of wliieti 18,SM 

^raEon, j persDnall^, Tbepapexfl w«re Isaued la 1 



SwretUT ot Slate. Wi> found 
M thB populitl D wa« , icame 
to tha MnpldltT and canlnHiH 
•o tar :« ToUn -ji ali- 

S^,-y wil.^and time c.''lldren, and ibrecfemalu ' witn the names flUcd In Boaatocomplete 



.. they h. 



aUlilEcbildnii.wi£:uid)ilB : 

mK others In the Munsy 3111 "d Fit 1 

triot*. The nly i~ay i' which .^ey cou._ — .. — ,— - - - - — 

tlw vu sen ana chUdcen. nt I lea tb' : h^ no means (langportatlon to Coouecticut. 
ofd fishing vbt of thr '^ -' 



I IW). They«ei 
Jf BepntUca 

BenatocBoai 
Iff. aTenp 



Tsr IM.He Toten 
'W vottMln 
Thess 



Th.-.-. 



rhe same penon fera to < mlgnll.a sa tielng the 
oon why nafoi.'aHion wae larger IBSB than 

<, ha came her aflei 1863 caold bo naturalized In leetl : 
>od that In th*l year the emigration had fl'.llea f- m 
im,OOD down to Spiii 0, Be also says that luaay persons 
did not want to get naturalized during the yearaotthe 

in any <eu. not a FnddenUal year, ^ver 9.000 persons 
natanllzed. Both IBM and 1867 na uu ver; hinh— 
ia,Ma and 1I>.4SS— I 



' I GrAM IrreKoIaritleR — Man}' nKtnraUzeil 
' who had not iMen In the country mare 
than m few weelu. 

"Mr. Davenport then mentioned that Id the Supreme 
Court, ui'1 In the Saperi..E"~'0lut before Judge MoCnuDj 
iPpUcants wer. eidom if rTiiadmltted to t)ie « "-' 



X prior 



:d the numl 



. . ninsDnboih 
lork aJone had a population In 181d of 1.1 
0." tho density o" '■ 



whole United States in 18T« (hat had a Urger 



were during tho time vhe - the naturalization papers 
were issued la lB«B,tiiany pmf^sslonaJ witnesses who 
occupied ■ loom cDunnoted with that la which Judge 
Barnard was holding ooort. by a green door, through 
which the Judge, ftom time to time, went to laugh and 
Jest with these pnjfSeslonal witnesses. Papers were 
filled up in that room and pcoceedlngs generally were 

r of I i^oort, elected ajudge and Jury. 

He also had In mind, ho said, the Ibot that many 
I persona who clalmnd to have been natmallied in thei* 

.. on the contnn'. only a few months, and some 
lOnlyafBWweeki. He bad a letter written by 
I Xroser, who together with August Haetber 

landHenry Beer, arrived at the portotNew 

YorLlandlngatOastla OaMenfrom the MeamsblA Al- 
lemaoia ttvm Hambnrg. Kroger remained i.. Ne- ,' 
; Yort, Stemtield went to Tennoot, and Beer settled in 
' West Troy. Within one month Kroger was madeao 
Amerian citizen, and in his delight thi^reat on OGtf.her 
13 of the same year he wrote StemSeld a letter, ot 

■ I "NiwYoMi. Oct. 18. 

"DEAnriuKHD: Thepnrposeailbl8letter,writtenby 

an American citizen. Is simply to ask that both y-uat^d 

; Henry ahonld coma here an soon as possible, It j. . fSel 

■ immedjat/^ly, a< 1 do not 1 now Lis address. I a i still 
working at Williamsburg, but that at night since last 
woek. 1 am, Inhaste, your sincere friend. 



Pertinent qneatlona and angweri as t« 
party ni«|orltlea and fFaudulcBtnatarall- Documentary erldenreai 
xaUon— Naturalization papers In lilanli 
Meret«d .na liarnHini behind a mirror I 



untie party la the I 
yearoflgeal 
]fi. Davenport— The 



ns the m^oTlt; 
oFKewToi^ln 



>Tlty for the Demi 



tbePresideQUal 



bfOK 



tited. I 



, ^mpanled Id r.:i Instances by affldaiita of the peianiB 

mocntlc vole wss ^ whom they re-rrcod. Belting forth the yariona bets 
118,8X3, making the '" "g»Jd to their not having Iwen In this oountry-snO- 
he Demooiatlc ma- I clentlylong legally to obtain those cettltlcalea. He 
calledattention to the fact that instrucllons losnper- 
mh.r nt Ih™. wh^ I visors. tound ou page 463 Of the Lynde Committee tee- 



m papers, in youi . 






Vt, Davenport — In the neighborhDod of i 
otbera voted in varlons oonaties in this t 
Stats (* New Jersey, O -~~' —■"--- 



la that year, onlyabot 

tha ooonty ot New Yori.. . , 

Senalor UoDonald— Then then were about S7,Eiii of aeveml 
tboae who had been naionllzed, according to ~" 



rabse^ently rtnewed to September 

iglng in tho papers before the » .J- 

or any action taken. The notices 

mblished In both English and Oerman, and 



78 



A. HISTORY OF DEMOCRATIC BLKCTIOIT FRAUDS. 



The papers were surrendered from day today, and 
each person was handed in return a paper of instmotions 
how to proceed to be naturalized, and all assistance to 
this end was given to them. When persons who had de- 
clared their intentions, or had been discharged from 
the army, had lost their papers, applications were made 
for duplicates for them, and they were in every case 
put upon the right track of obtaining citizenship. 

mio iialcl DaTenport's bills r — Himself— 
His personal labors. 

Senator Hoai>— At whose cost was this done? 

Mr. Davenport — It was done at my personal cost; 
without cluunge to them. 

Mr. Davenport described the care taken to instruct 
each person how to apply for ^itizen8^1p, .-ind the va- 
xions fftcilities provided for them, when Senator Blair 

Sut a question in reference to the arrests made on the 
ay of election. 

" The number registered on these pax>er8," replied 
Mr. Davenport, " as I have stated, in 1876^ was l2),000. 
In 1878 there were 3.200. If It had not been for the ad- 
Tice which I find had been given to these men from 
the headquarters, I have before spohnn of, but few, if 
any, of them would have so registered. Of the 3,200 
who did so register in 1878, abont \,*>00 voted; and that 
any of them voted was due to the fi^ct mainly that the 
marshals at the polling-places w^re absent a the time 
these persons made their appearancD at the polL 
^" With regard to election duy, I had not been out of 
this builaing further than the Astor House for a pe- 
riod of forty -eight hours or more. My meals, su'^h as 
I had, were served in the building here. X remained 
here the night previous, and went frcm here the fol- 
lowing morning about 6 o'clock. I went to the court 
and remained there until 9 in the evening. I had re- 
quested one of the Ck>mmlssioners, in order to save 
bringing people the entire length of the island, to 
-Sit in the neighborhood of Harlem Bridge and hold his 
court there. I also requested another Commissioner 
to sit on the other side of the Harlem Eiver in what is 
known as the annexed district, to make more easy the 
transaction of business there. Commissioners Shields 
•and Deuel held a court in this building and certain 
other Commissioners were appointed to tiy the cases 
■of certain districts. That was done for the purpose 
-of fjEicilitating business, so as not to keep the people 
any longer than was necessary. Whenever, on the day 
of election, the persons arrested stated by themselves 
or through counsel that they would make no effort to 
vote upon these papers, they were discharged upon 
their own recognizances. So far as I knew they suf- 
fered no hardship, other than that of having to remain 
in the court-room for a few hours, and in some in- 
stances for a few moments only." 

The so-called ** slave pen"— The class of 
persons briefly held there. 

Senator Blair— Will you please describe the room 
where they were kept, and its subdivisions ? 

Mr. Davenx>ort — It is the room where all persons ar- 
rested for offenses against the United States laws in 
, this district, and who are brought before the Commis- 
sioners here, are sent, and it is situated on the fourth 
floor of this building. It was not i uilt by me but by 
the United States, for the purpose of r»^aining prison- 
ers until they can be forwarded to Ludlow Street 
JaU. 

Senator Blair— But describe the room. 

Mr. Davenport— This slave-pen. as it has been called, 
is about the size of this, with iron bars dividing off 
one end. 

Senator Blair— What proportion of the room is for 
the prisoners ? 

Mr. Davenport— The room is 21 >i feet by 44 feet. 
The so-called cage is 21>i^ feet by 12 fleet. It takes up 
• one end of the room. 

Senator Bladr— >nd how is the rest] of the room oc- 
cupied .' 

Mr. Davenport— By the deputy twayiiftia, 

Senator Hoar^— Is there any reason why a prisoner 
should not be as comfortable a^a deputy mRrahfti ? 

Mr. Davenport— None whatever excjpt that he can- 
not walk out into the hall and the dispu^ mMHiha* 
can. 

Senator Hoar— Thai room Is as comfortable in all 
-respects as a large well-lighted £^lor in the best hotel. 



with the exception of the iron grating which prevents 
persons from getting out. 

Mr. Davezmort — ^It is, sir. 

Senator BJair — ^Who were the persons actually oon- 
jlned there? 

Mr. Davenport— Those who were held in default of 
bail, or whose bail was fixed, but who were unable to 
get it. They were sent finom there from time to time, aa 
from other courts, to Ludlow Street JaiL None stayed 
there all night. 

RemoTal of supervisors of both political 
parties— The reason for remoTal— No com- 
plaint by Democrats of any misconduct oii 
the part of DaTcnport, 

Senator Blair^In 1878 you removed, or caused to 
be removed, a number of supervisors. For what 
reason? 

Mr. Davenport— Mainly for the reason that their 
handwriting was not good enough. I do not remem- 
ber the number, but it was about eighty or ninety. 

Senator Blair— Of both political parties ? 

Mr. Davenport— Yes. There would have been no 
object in discharging them on partisan grounds, aa 
the supervisors are chosen by the two parties. There 
was no citizen who made any complaint to me, either 
during registration or afterward, as to the supenrisors 
or marshals. I issued warrants and arrested two 
supex^risors, and they were removed for misconduct 
Outside of that I know nothing of any improper acts 
by them. It was suggested before the Lynde Com- 
mittee that several were arrested who were discharged 
before they came before me ; I never heard of any of 
these cases. 

Senator Blair— I would like to know if there has been 
no local complaint whether, in this great Democratic 
city there has been no complaint as to the personsl 
misconduct of Mr. Davenport ? 

Mr. Davenport — ^I do not know, sir. I am reminded 
of one other thing in regard to these naturalization 
papers of 1868. Each political party had then, as ever 
since, a naturalization committee. Of the number of 
naturalization papers issued in that year, 2,800 pe^ 
sons applying came ttom the Bepublican party ; the 
balance came from somewhere else. 

******* 

Attempts at flrauds In 1876— Arrests— An 

Incident. 

Mr. Davenport — In regard to the arrests made in 
1876 1 should like to state here an incident. At that 
time I found some attempts being made in the court, 
upon a small scale to naturalize men improperly, 
and I put officers in the courts to follow theae people 
up. It resulted in the arrest of some eight or ten, 
who were indicted in this court. One of them, W. H. 
A. Early, had registered fifteen men, fourteen of whom 
he swore had resided in this country five years and in 
this State one year, the fiMtbeing that they had not 
so resided. Shortly after his incarceration an eflbrt 
was made to have him pardoned, which effort I re- 
sisted by a letter to the President, dated Fefaroary 19, 
1877. This letter showed that the prisoner was an in- 
telligent, educated person, and must have known 
that he was wilfully breaking the Uw. It was by that 
letter that the pardon was prevented, but within a few 
months of the time when his sentence expired I Iband 
he was walking the streets of New York, and had even 
visited Tsrrytown. He had been sent to the Eingi 
County Penitentiary. I made myself aware of all the 
fitcts, and believing that such a system was being csr* 
ried on in that penitentiary, I made use of Esxiy's 
knowledge and statement to oonoborate what infonna- 
tion I had received, and then recommended that be 
should be pardoned in consideration of the testimony 
he had given. 

How the Supreme C)ourt dally nuhetf 
through thousands of Ulesal dtiaens la 
1868— That was the only year In which 
the Supreme C3ourt naturalized «t an- 
The Judve a candidate. 

, Mr. Davenport— Many of the applicatioDs tot natnitl- 
ization inl868did not bear the signatureaof the ap- 
plicants, and no witness appearing upon them was 
e g a mlned lalsofound^onthepartofappltoaatBagraat 



A HISTOBir OF DEUOOBATIO BLBOTION FBAUD6. 



79 



ignonoee at to what the proceeding, was which th^ had 
gone through, llany of them were still unable to rMd or 
iRite English; many of them were unable to read or 
wite st all. One of them had sent to his house a 
copy of one of the Mayor's proclamations in 1870 re- 
lotiDg to the census. He got a certificate in 1868, but 
thought that was kis first paper, and subseouently, 
irhen he received the proclamation, he kept wem to- 
gather, believing that the latter was his naturalization 
paper. These naturalization papers were frequently 
sent to the residences of persons, and were marked 
with compliments of the Democratic brethren. I have 
here an original envelope which was sent out in this 
way marked '* With the compliments of Coroner Wolt- 
man." In addition to the list I ftumished the other 
day ot persont whose names were used in the courts 
as witnesses are thoee of Bichard Croker, Joel O. 
Stevens, J. Campbell and Stephen O'Brien. 

There were ordered and printed for the Supreme 
Court on September 16. 1868, 10,000 blank applications 
and 9.0OO certiflcates ; three days afterward, although 
they never naturalized a single person until October 6, 
10,000 new applications were ordered and printed. 
Oa the 5th, when they had naturalized only two per. 
sons, 35,000 more blank applications and 6,00(i more 
blank certiflcates ; on the 12th of October, 6,000 
applications and 6,000 certificates more ; on the 13th, 
10,000 more applications; on the 15th, 10,000 more cer- 
tificates; on tho li^.h, 5,000 more applications ; on the 
19th, 6,000 more rpplications; on the 20th, 10,000 more 
certiflcatef . and on the 22d, the last day they had in 
which to naturalize, 5,000 more applications. That 
was in the Supreme Court alone. 

Senator Blair— I think you stated that it was only in 
that year that the Supreme Court naturalized at all ? 
Hr. Davenport — ^I have so testified. 
Senator Blair — State whether or not Judge Barnard, 
who presided over this court and accomplished these 
things, was himself a candidate for re-election that 
year? 
Mr. Davenport — ^He was. 

The pei:fiirer§ could not be imnished!— 
But tlie Statute of 1870 realties and 
deters tlieni— Hence the Democratic FIffht 
In Gonsrcss to abolish or modify election 
laws. 

I want to call your attention, he continued, to 
>the fiM^ that there was no statute of the United States 
under which any of the persons swearing to these 
naturalization papers could be punished for pequry, as 
the use of affidavits in naturalization proceedings is 
wholly unauthorized. In the casg of Sweetman, who 
was indicted for swearing to just such affidavits as 
these, and was convicted m the Court below, on certi- 
orari, to th'* Court of Oyer and Terminer, the conviction 
was reversed, upon the ground that if it was peijury it 
was within the United States and not the State Courts. 
The United State Courts have no statute under whieh 
such pexjoxy oould be punished. This was generally 
known. 

Senator Blair— Therefore these persons supposed 
they oonld make these statements with impunity. 
Will you state what was .done to rectify this state of 
things? . 

Mr. Darenport — ^The statute of 1^0, under which 
these arrests were made, covers the use of these fhkudu- 
lent certificates which had been issued previously, and 
makes it an offense to use them or to be i>ossessed of 
them. Tbe provisions of the statute were published, 
and became a matter of common knowledge in the 
State. 

Commlsaloner DaTcnport snnests how 
tiM election laws miffht be vreatly im- 
p p e w etf in Tarions ways— Oires his rea- 
Bomm for such changes. 

with reference to other changes that might be sug- 
gested in tlie law, I would ask, 

jXrst — The enactment of some provision extending 
to thoee who have received honorable discharge ftom 
the navy tbe same provtslonB which are granted to 
men who bxo honoral^y disohazged fh>m the army. 

Second — ^n&e passage of an act lenlising the nat- 
-BzallsaUosM made throughout the united States be- 



tween the years 1873 and 1876; for, as it stands to-day, 
there was no white man la the United States who 
,could be naturalized by law in the period between 
those years. The courts were ignorant of the fitct that 
the statutes for the naturalization of white aliens had 
been repealed, and went on naturalizing men as before. 
The statute that had existed down to 1873 was repealed 
by the passage of the Bevised Statutes, which provided 
only for the naturalization of persons of AfHcan descent. 
In 1876 the fitct was brought before the notice of Con- 
gress, and the words " and white aliens " were rein- 
serted ; but they neglected to legalize the naturaliza- 
tion of persons who had become naturalized in the in- 
tervening period. The fitct was brought to the notice 
of the present Congress in the session of 1879, but I 
presume they have been too much engaged in investi- 
gations to notice It. It may be that some one may 
want to act arbitrarily in these cases at some future 
day ; therefore I should like to see the question pro- 
vided for. 

TAtrd— The adoi>tion of some amendment of the 
naturalization laws which will forever prevent courts 
sitting for the naturalization of aliens from entertain- 
ing the application of more than one person seeking to 
be admitted as a citizen atone and the same time, or to 
receive evidence firom more than one pergon before 
the court at the same time. 

Fourth — I suggest the enactment of some provision, 
whereby in one of the departments of Qovemment at 
Washington there shall be established a Kational bureau 
to record the naturalization of citizens; at which bureau 
every court authorized to admit to citizenship shall be 
required to certify under its seal and under the hands 
of its derk. the name, age, place of birth, time of arrival 
in the United States, and the port or place of arrival, 
with the several places of residence in this country, 
and the actual place of abode of each person who shall 
have been admitted by such court to citizenship. Now. 
in the case of such cities as Boston and Chicago— es- 
pecially of Chicago, where the great fire destroyed all 
the records — ^if there had been such a bureau at Waedi- 
Ington, there would have been no difficulty in estab- 
lishing the ikct of previous intentions of natundiza' 
tion. It certainly seems anomalous that the Govern- 
ment of the United States, which alone' has the power 
of granting citizenship, should not have the means of 
knowing who its citizens are, and who are made so by 
virtue of its laws. There are questions constantiiy 
coming fh>m abroad, where the rights of persons 
claiming citizenship under naturalization papers are 
brought into question. The files of the Department of 
State for twelve years are ftiU of complaints from Min- 
isters abroad, of almost every oount^, relative to the 
loose manner in which naturalization in this country 
has been carried on, and relative to the fhiudulent 
papers which they have found abroad. If the commit- 
tee will obtain the corresi>ondence between Bancroft 
Davis and Mr. Evarts in 1877 they will find therein 
many facta and particulars of the difficulties with 
foreign Gk>vemments under which our Ministers abroad 
labor. Mr. Davis, in one dispatch, says that out of 
fifty cases of naturalization brought before him In a 
short time, six of them were found to have been grant- 
ed on fhiudulent certificates. The files of the Depart- 
ment of State will show cases of men released firom the 
army in foreign countries, on certiflcates of naturali- 
zation ftom America, in which our Ministers certify 
that such men were never out of those countries, and 
that the certiflcates were sent them fkom here. As 
touching the case of Are in a city, I suggest that the 
propoeea bureau at Washington might reissue the cer- 
tiflcates which it is proved on good evidence were lost 
in this way. 

Fifth — ^The enactment of some provision by which 
certiflcates of citizenship can be made uniform 
throughout the United States, the engraving or print- 
ing to be of such character as best tends to prevent 
alteration. I have spoken of the system which has 
prevailed in this State of erasing the name of a certifi- 
cate and inserting another. I also believe that some 
provision should be enacted by means of which natu- 
ralization proceedings shall stop or cease for a period 
of, say six months, immediately prior to the election; 
or a system by which a naturalization certiflcate 
should for a period of six months be open and liable to 
attack. Much fraud would in this way be prevented, 
as we have seen firom statistics that the naturalization 
proceedings in these courts were almost entirely con- 
fined to the few days before election, when it la done, 



80 



A HISTORY OF DEMOCEAlld KLECTIOK FRAUDS. 



, and to Bome extent necessarily done, in a hasty and 
hurried manner, even when done at its best. I would 
sooner, so far as I am personally concerned, lengthen* 
the x>«riod of residence, with such safeguards as I 
have suggested, rather than that there should be no 
safeguards against fhiuds, as at present. 

More specimen frauds— Repeatins yanffs— 
One ffanv of seTen Democratic pick- 
pockets reststers 220 names !— Arrested 
by Dayenport— Freed by Judffe Barnard 
at once! 

Senator Blair— Will you state what measures you 
have taken to prevent these frauds, and the practical 
working of the election laws here, and any facts that 
may be of use to the committee in view of further 
legislation ? 

Mr. Davenport — ^If there is any abuse of the election 
laws ever heard of that did not take place here in 1868, 
I do not know of it. False registration, Mae voting, 
false canvassing, were here going on throughout the 
city; this, togemer with the lact that the entire crim- 
inal i>ower was in the hands of one party, which be- 
lieved itbelf so strongly entrenched by means of its 
frauds that it could not be dislodged. As a specimen, 
take the year 1868 — and I refer to that year simply be- 
cause it may be said that these matters reached their 
culmination very largely at that time — ^there was at 
that time a gang of seven men engaged in repeating 
registrations, and who did so reiieat at the election of 
that year 220 names. The leader of that gang is there. 
[Producing a portrait.] He registered under the name 
of Henry J. Lawrence. He is an Englishman known as 
Charles Wilson, alias " Nibbe," or " Kibsey," and was 
a well known pickpocket. This picture was obtained 
from the Bogues' Oallery, at Police Headquarters. The 
registration was done most openly by mis gang, its 
members registering under well known names, such 
as William M. Tweed, Patrick H. Eeenan, then coroner, 
and others. I have here one of the original books used 
by them in their repeating operations, containing the 
namesof persons whose names they gave. We obtained 
the book in this way: We had evidence that they were 
engaged in repeating, and Superintendent, then In- 
spector, Walling watched the men. I secured this book, 
and caught them in the act. He found that they were 
a portion of what was known as "Beddy the Black- 
smith's" gang, and by an immediate descent on Beddy 's 
place obtained another book. On comparing the names 
in these two books with those registered we found that 
220 of them had been registered. It was on the 31st of 
October that these men were arrested. On the evening 
of that day a writ of habeas corpus waa served on the 
person having them in custody, the writ reading, 
" Before the Hon. Qeorge Barnard, Justice of the Su- 
preme Court, or the office of such Justice, No. 23 West 
Twenty-third street, in the Ciiy of New York, this 31st 
day of October, 1868, at 7 o'clock in the evening." No 
time was allowed for the return of the writ, and no re- 
turn was made to it. 

How Judffe Barnard did the dirty business 
— 80 of the 220 votes In this case TOted 
upon !— 2S,000 fraudulent yotes cast by 
^* Repeaters t*'— The number of TOtes often 
exceed entire population— Larse Republi- 
can ffalns since the national election 
laws were enacted. 

The men were taken to Barnard's house. One offi" 
cer with the men remained on the sidewalk, and the 
writ was taken from the .officer at the door of the house 
by William F. Howe,who was counsel for the men. He, 
in the hallway, as testified to, wrote upon the writ, 
'* The prisoners being charged with no offense, I order 
them discharged. October 31, 1868." The writ so in- 
dorsed was sent up-stairs to Judge Barnard's room, and 
he attached his signature thereto. ni>on sudi orders 
prisoners were discharged. I called attention to the 
f)M:t that it was in violation of the statutes of this State, 
which require that notice shall be given to the District 
Attorney preliminary to the hearing of a writ, and 
which makes it a misdemeanor for a Judge to hear a 
writ without such notice being given. The result was 
that the prisoners were immecuately discharged, and 



about sixty out of the 220 names were voted upon. This 
repeating was practised to such an extent that about 
20,000 fraudulent votes were cast in this county alone 
In the November election of 1868. Many arrests were 
made at the instigation of the Bepublicans, but the pri- 
soners were discharged largely. 

Mr. Davenport continued his statements to show the 
effect of the national laws which were passed in 1870, 
giving long lists of figures showing that before these 
laws came into operation, the number of votes was often 
in excess of the whole male population. He also showed 
the large Republican gains in a number of the wards of 
the city, a result directly traceable to the operation of 
the national laws. 

A list of 4000 cases of fraudulent natural- 
ization put in eyldence— More, If they 
want them— Enough to fill a bushel bas- 
ket or an entlre>et of ** The Consresslonal 
Globe !*' 

Mr. Davenport, continuing, said that in 1868 he re- 
ceived a communication from Secretary Fish in regard 
to a number of Cubans who had been unlawfully 
naturalized. With the communication were two cards, 
one from, the chairman of a Demooratio organization 
in an Assembly district, directing the person to whom 
it was addressed to see the bearer naturalized ; and 
another marked with blue ink, which color signified 
that the applicant could not understand English. Mr. 
Davenport then produced the papers called for at the 
morning session, and read a long list of persons who 
had been naturalized in 1868, to which were added 
sworn statements of the persons mentioned, which 
showed that they were not entitled to naturalization 
papers and that such papers were often given them 
at their own house and even on the sidewalks of the 
street. Many who went up to the City Hall had not 
declared their intentions and had never before seen 
the witness who was supposed to identify them. 

Some hundreds of these names had been read. Sen- 
ator McDonald asked if the whole list could not be put 
in evidence without reading. Senator Blair said there 
were about 4,000 of the cases, and it was very inter- 
esting reading matter. Still, if the committee was 
tired of it, he would submit to the list being put in 
after about a score more specimen cases had been 
read. To these specimen cases Senator McDonald did 
not object, although he showed signs of impatience at 
the continuance of the reading of this Democratic 
blacklist. 

I have between 3,000 and 4,000 of these depositions, 
observed Mr. Davenport, among which are hundreds 
who had never declared their intentions, others who 
took no witnesses with them, and several hundred 
who had declared their intentions and received their 
full certificates the same year. I might go on with in- 
formation of this kind for several davs. 

Senator Blair — ^How many bushels of papers have 
you in regard to these frauds ? 

Mr. Davenport (smiling) — I scarcely know. I be- 
lieve I have enough matter to fill an entire set of The 
CongresHoncU Olobe. 

Senator McDonald— Are these cases that you have 
now furnished to the committee In addition to those 
you furnished te the committee some time ago ? 

Mr. Davenport— They are. 

Cross-examination of Mr. Dayenport by 
Senator McDonald. 

Senator McDonald then cross-examined the witness 
relative to his official position, asking when lie was 
api>ointed to it, what were its duties, how many war- 
rants he had issued in regard to election frauds, and 
how many convictions followed. In his testimony Mr. 
Davenport replied that in 1870, amona the convictions 
were Terence Quin. two years; John McLaugblin, two 
years (the latter was a leading member of Tammany 
Hall at the time); Lucius M. Sawyer, WiUiam Berks and 
others. The warrants issued in 1878 embraced all the 
naturalization papers issued in 1868 ; the warrants is- 
sued in previous years did not do so. 

Senator McDonald— What objection did you take to 
the certificate of Antonio Kurchel]^ acfiainst wbom yoa 
took a warrant ? 

Mr. Davenport— It is stated on the wanaat itself-^ 
for using a certain certificate of citizensliip, know- 



A HISTORY OF DEMOCBATIO ELECTION FBACDS. 



81 



£Dg that BUt'h certificate had been unlawfully issued 
or made. 

Senator McDonald — What facta had you in the 
caee. 

Mr. Davenx>ort — The facts that he had but one wit- 
aees; that there is no record on the minutes of the 
eonrt, admitting him to be a citizen, together with the 
general fact that from beginning to end the entire pro- 
eeedings in that court during . the month of October, 
1868. were stamped with the intention ofiraud, pexjnry 
asd forgery. 

Senator McDonald— Did yon know that Enrchell 
was entitled to naturalization; that he had been a resi- 
dent of the United States, and was a discharged 
foldier ? 
lir. Davenport— I did not. 

Senator McDonald— What objection have yon to giv- 
ing to KurcheU this certificate which ybu unjustly 
^Jd? 

Senator Blair— I object to the form of that ques- 
tion. 

Mr. Davenport— I have retained,it because I believe I 
iiare a right to retain it. 

Senator McDonald— What defect is there in that cer- 
tificate «f naturalization ? 
A.— I nave stated it 

Q.— Now that you won't give up that j>aper» I will 
khow you a dupucate of it, which the court has issued 
to him? 

A.— I don't doubt that; I have seen such duplicates 
by the score; they are rotten throughout. 
Q.— Don't you want to examine it? 
A.— I do not; I have seen hundreds of them. 
Senator McDonald asked that this duplicate, and 
the lumorable discharge of KurcheU from the army, 
Bhonld appear on the minutes, and with this closed his 
examination. 



Senator Wallace takes up the defence. 

Senator Wallace then took his place, and gleaned 
from Mr. Daveni)ort that he was counsel to the Union 
League Club in 1869, and was employed in that year in 
reference to the firauds in naturalization perpetrated 
at the general election of 1868. He helped to get up 
the Lawrence report, and to draft the National electond 
laws based upon that report, and he had administered 
those laws since to the best of his ability. The fact 
tliAt he helped to draft the laws he has now to assist 
in carrying out seemed to be an important point in 
the opinion of Senator Wallace, and he questioned Mr. 
Davenport with great minuteness upon it. 

He then took up the cases of John Wright, Bichard 
Dingman and others, who were locked up for attempt- 
ing to vote on 1868 naturalization papers, and afterwai'd 
diechaiged. Mr. Davenport repUed that he could not 
speak m regard to individual cases ; but, generally 
speaking, he discharged all those who promised not to 
vote upon such £raudulent papers. When asked why 
be did not take steps to have the record of the Court 
n'tiated, he replied that' he had purposely abstained 
ttom doing so until he could produce the certificates, 
their production being necessary to obtain their de- 
struction by the courts. 

Q.— Have you made any attack or attempted to in- 
terfere with the regular naturalization of the Supreme 
and Superior courts since 1868 ? 

A.— I procured evidence in regard to the naturaliza- 
tion going on in the Courts in 1876, and it resulted in 
the conviction, as I have shown, of a number of per- 
sons engaged in f^udulent processes at that time. I 
have no money to do much. What I have done has 
been on my own credit and on money borrowed. 

Senator Wallace.— Oh, Brother Blair vdll vote to re- 
fund it to you, and I shall vote against it. 

Mr. Davenport.— I did xK>t suppose Senator Wallace 
would vote against an appropriation for the purpose 
of preventing naturalization frauds in 1880. 

Senator Wallace (hotly).— I shall vote against any 
Ricb appropriation for the purpose of preventing you 
from usinK it in a partisan way, as you bave done all 
these years, sir. 

Senator Blair.— I object to that on the ground that it 
is insulting to the witness. 

Senator Wallace.— The witness should be more care- 
ful, then. 
Senator Blair.- The witness is very careful indeed. 
Senator Blair then asked the witness a few questions. 
<*You mack a remark," he said, "in regard to the 



number of soldiers whose certificates Brother Wallace 
brings forward." 

Mr. Da\enport.— Yes, I said it was probably part of 
the Hancock boom. 

Senator Blair. — ^Do you know any reason why a sol- 
dier should be allowed to vote fraudulently any more 
than any other citizen ? 

Mr. Davenport.— I do not. 

[Senator McDonald, who had been absent most of the 
afternoon session, entered at this point, and cross-exam- 
ined the witness upon a number of apparently inconse- 
quential details. He was particularly anxious to get at 
the number of blank affidavits and blank warranto "NLr. 
Davenport had had printed, what they cost, and who 
paid for them.] 

Mr. Davenport replied that they were i>aid for by 
himself. Then the Senator, believing that for once he 
had the witness in a comer, hurriedly referred to his 
previous testimony, in which was a charge against the 
government for some $60 or $70 dollars for this descrip- 
tion of work. " Yes, it is very likely there is such a 
charge," replied Mr. Davenport, with a smile, "but it 
was rejected and I had to pay it myself." 

Senator McDonald — ^You believe that your wcnk in 
this respect has been beneficial ? A. I think the laws 
are beneficial. 

Q.— Your execution of them has been beneficial ? 
A. — As beneficial as I can make it. 

Q. — ^It has been a very ei^nsive luxury, I should 
think. I noticed that for 1878 your bill was $19,426.20? 
A.— Yes, sir; out of which I lutve to pay the entire ex- 
penses of my office. I have run in debt in excess of 
what I received troia the government over $36,000 
since my appointment. 

Q.— Then you aive $36,000 worse off than when you 
were appointed ? A.— I am* on this work. 

Sixty boffos iM&pers for M*— Fourteen 
Tammany clerks busy— One hundred wit- 
nesses offlered by Dayenport to prore ills 
allegations* 

After evidence had been given by Christopher Bee 
to the effect that he was in Judge Barnard's room in 
1868, and saw one Goff buy a bunme of sixty naturaliza- 
tion papers for $60, and one Childsbuy a similar bun- 
dle for $71; and that he observed fourteen Tammany 
Hall clerks "making out the papers as fast as they 
could ''—of whom he named five as still living ; 
Mr, Davenport was re-called by Senator Blair, and 
asked if he knew any more of those employed in the 
preparation of these fraudulent naturalization papers, 
and if he could furnish the committee a list of names, 
Mr. Davenport said they were all professional witnesses 
and most of them were living and could be found with 
little difficulty. 

Senator Blair— Could you furnish the committee with 
a list of those who could be called ? 

Mr. Davenport — I can prepare a list, if the committee 
wishes it, of from twenty-five to 100 of these witnesses, 
who would give fuU and minute information of the way 
these naturalization papers were prepared. 

Senator McDonald— One word. Do you want to 
summon these witnesses. Senator Blair? If so, put it 
in that way. 

Senator Blair— I will put it in this way: I would not 
like it to be understood that the case resto entirely on 
Mr. Davenport, and if we can go farther I would like to 
know how it can be done. Can you give us a list of 
these additional witnesses, Mr. Davenport? 

Mr. Davenport— I can, and their testimony will be 
largely corroborated by the applications now on the 
files of the courts. 



A Wg Tammany sun on the stand— Kx- 
Judffe Jones of the Superior Court— He 
swears that In October, 1868, **not a 
slnffle person was admitted to citizen- 
ship Improperly In his court"— One case 
mentioned, ** a miscalculation t " 

Ex-Judge Jones, of the Superior Court, 
took the stand. In reply to questions of 
Senator Wallace (who had called him as his 
witness), he said: 



82 



A HISTORY OF DEMOOBATIO ELECTION FBAUD8. 



"Hoir many snch applications (for citizenship) 
came before nim in October, 1868, it wonld be impos- 
sible to say. Not a single person was during that 
time admitted to citizenship improperly Ux his 
Ctourt." 

Senator Blair then took the witness np and elicited 
the following : 

I was elected for a term of six yearn, in the Fall of 
1864, 1 think it was, I was not re-elected. I do not 
remember naturalizing anybody in 1868. I do not 
wish to swear that I naturalized nobodT that year. 
I am not aware that exception is taken to the naturali- 
zation papers of October, 1868, only. Things were as 
formally, regularly, and judicially conducted in that 
year as usual, as Ua as my knowledge and belief are 
concerned. If an admission of citizenship had been 
granted by me one month prior to the requirement of 
the law it would be an illegal certificate. If I issued 
that (on being handed to him) it was a mistake. It is 
not a very extraordinary thing to make mistimes. 
They occur as frequently in Judicial as in other 
matters. I believe there was as much care taken in aJl 
these cases as was supposed to be necessary. 

Senator Blair produced a certificate where the appli- 
cant had been in the country but two years, and asked 
how he made such a mistake as to grant that, there 
being no counsel present to misrepresent the state of 
things. Judge Jones replied : 

" I suppose it was a miscalculation. I always made 
the calciUations myself, and did not leave it to a 
clerk." 

He admits rapid work by himself as well as 
Jud^e Barnard, which misht account 
for the mistake in that one case. 

Senator Blair said there was a large number of these 
mistakes made by Judge Jones, and he should ask 
leave to recall the witness when the papers containing 
these, miscalculations had been brought into the 
room. In the meantime he cross-examined the wit- 
ness upon other points. Judge Jones knew Judge 
Barnard was natuializing a large number of persons 
because he had seen him. He was in }iis court room 
several times, and saw a crowd there waiting for natu- 
ralization papers. The proceedings were carried on 
with considerable rapidity, 

Q.— More so than in your court ! A.— I do not think 
there was any difference, except that he is a more 
rapid man than I am. 

Q. — He did business in masses, in brigades, and whole 
armies ? A. — ^I cannot say that. I have seen a hundred 
or so in his room, and I suppose he naturalized them in 
two hours. To examine the applicant, examine the 
witness, examine the papers and order Judgment in 
those cases used to occupy me not mora than two 
minutes. 

Q. — If you worked thus rapidly it would account for 
your mistake in this certificate ? A. — I euppose so. 

Q. — ^But if you made fifty or one hundred of such 
mistakes, would it account for them, too ? A. — ^I can- 
not say. 

Ue admits another ** mistake" in the |ia- 
pers of James R. Jones. 

Upon the following day, July 21, 1880, ex-Judge 
Jones having taken the stand. Senator Blair informed 
him that he was to be examined upon a number of ap- 
plications for naturalization passed ui>on by him as a 
Judge of the Superior Court in 1868, which the min- 
ority of the committee was unable to produce on the 
previous day. To this Senator McDonald made no 
objection, and the examination proceeded. Among 
the first of the applications for naturalization put in 
was that of James B. James. The witness identified 
the paper as having been passed by him in September. 
1868, when there was little doing in the courts. The 
same person api>eared to have signed as applicant and 
as witness, but Judge Jones believed that two differ- 
ent persons were sworn before him. There was un- 
doubtedly some mistake in the papers, he said. 

Ceases of John IHcLean and Gottiiied 
Schoenhut— C^annot account for hayingr 
sinrned such illegal documents. 

His attention was next called by Senator Blair to the 
naturalization papers of John McLean, which had at- 



tached a declaration of preyions intention bearing ihs 
date of November 21, 1866, the naturalization paper 
being issued on October 14, 1868. This did not show 
a clear two years ttom the date of the declaration of 
intention, but the witness answered that he could not 
account for the discrepancy. The case of Gottfried 
Schoenhut was similar ; his papers were granted within 
thirteen days of the proper period. The witness said 
the chairman had suggested, on the previous day, 
that this might have arisen from, the fiftct that both the 
declaration of intention and the application were made 
in the month of October, but in different years. Hs 
did not accept this suggestion, and could not account 
in any way for having signed such illegid documents. 

Case of Charles de Secha— more illesalitlef 
—** Cannot account for them." 

The paper of Charles de Secha showed that he had 
renounced allegiance to " the Queen of Qreait Brltaii 
and Ireland " in one declaration, and to " the King ot 
United Italy " in the other. The witness could not 
explain it. It was his practice to make the oath o( 
citizenship before the oath of allegijinoe was taken 
Robert Walsh was naturalized before the wiliiees oi 
September 23, 1868, on his previous dachuration date# 
May 3. 1867. The witness conld cot account for i^ 
except that something might hav»> dlatraoted his at 
tcntlon when reckoning up the dates. It was certainly 
an illegal certificate. 

Case of Louis Peters— A badly mixed m$ 
IM&per— Thinks him guilty of pttpxtj. 

The naturalization pai>er of Louis Petem was h«af 
handed to the witness, " I appear to have natural 
ized this man," he said, "on the 13th September of-* 
of — I cannot say what year." 

Senator Blair — There was no year that month ? 

Witness — ^WeU, sir, I cannot say. 

Senator Blair — I called your attention to the £m 
that there seems to have been no renunciation of al 
legiance. 

Witness — ^That seems to be omitted. Oh, no ; here ^ 
is on the outside : " King of Oermany." 

Q. — ^That appears to have been the signature otjont 
clerk. " James M. Sweeney, King of Denmark." Dii 
he ever pretend to that position ? A. — Oh, no, sir. 

Q. — The body of the certificate seems to indicate 8 
renunciation of allegiance to Queen Victoria. A.— M; 
Judgment is that the applicant in that case must hare 
been guilty of perjury. 

Senator Blair— That is your opinion, but don't seek 
to impose it on anybody else unless you are sure tbat 
Clerk Sweeney did not write the whole of it. 

Case of Henry Roth— An nnslvned paper- 
More admissions. 

The certificate of Henry Both was next put in. The 
witness said: " He does not -seem to have signed thla" 

Senator Blair — And yet he was admitted oy you to 
citizenship. 

Witness— Yes, sir. Probably I signel it and gave it 
to the applicant to sign at another desk. 

Q.— Is that a safe way of doing business t A-4 
would prefer some other way. 

Case of B. Rebenklan— Unsigned Jnrati- 
Gross ignorance of a Judffe. 

On the paper of B. Bebenklan were four Junta, not 
one of which was signed by the clerk. The witiM* i 
said he could not account for it. He did not knot i 
that the statute went to the extent of providing tti^ 
all these renunciations of allegiance andaasumptlooij 
of new allegiance were to be made a matter of raeofi 
before naturalization could take place. He did not Mil 
that it followed from this that he was natuzBUzlBg ii] 
ignorance of the statutes. 

** Cannot account" for a lot of other hos«| 
naturalization papers Issued by hiv-l 
Senator McDonald comes to Uie i tumu lt 
and the inyestisation suddenly closes, vm 

The paper of Joshua Fushingham waa next imt t 
and the witness admitted having natun^Uaed mBi< 
October 12, 1868, upon a previous deciaoratioik i 



▲ BI8T0BT OF DEMOOBATIO BLEOTIOIT WHAXTDB. 



83 



-to Mk dtML MKf 18, 1868. H^ ooald not aoeonnt tat 
the diwsepMioy. SimilwjMen in the names of 
laOxiok Molreny, Gharies Serbst, Hartman Oerhardt 
and ottMBB, wore put in eridenoe. In all of them there 
mn diaonpanoies, prinoipaUj in the dates. The 
irttaasB did not attempt to aoooont for them. There 
-wen oHmt papers to be produced, but Senator Me- 
SgnaU olmctad to any being bronaht forward except 
-fboaa pat in evidence on the precedObig erening . 

Senator Blair said the understanding was that the 
^witness -was to be cross-examined upon the whole of 
the pamcs issued by him that the minority was able 
topradiice. 

Senator McDonald reidied that the chairman (Senator 
Wallaoe) was unwilling to continue the investigation, 
4Hkd the committee then adjourned, and concluded to 
tika BO more such damaglTig testimony. 



PART X. 

TShmGremt TJ—ue BalBot and other 
Fftmds 4^18T8 in HoutU Caro- 
■m — Wliolesale Kxpulskm of 
WtfpaMkwia,. I^egislators — IVo 
PoUbig Places in Republican 
IMMricJfai— Democratic PoiUng 
OiBeenH*lJ« fi« Suprrvisora Ob- 
structed-'iVSyOOO bogus names 
added toPoll I^ist f — more Tissue 
Bali4»ts dian IHiudulent names ! 
—59 voted in one voting ticliet ! 
— Tliousaads of Republic^an 
votes destroyed — Kvidenise of 
Itomoeratie complicity — Tbe 
la^v enabUmg the shamefhl thing 
to be done. 

The restilt of the election in Soath Carolina 
in 187B was a great surprise to the coontrr. 
The D«moerat& Btate and Congressional tick- 
-etfl were elected by enormous majorities, and 
counties which had always given Eepublican 
mi^rities of thousands, returned much larger 
Bemomtio minorities. 

The CnmA Inaiiviiratetf by leslslatloii. 

The explanation of this great change was 
found in the fact that the legislature, made 
Democratic in 1877 by the illegal expulsion of 
all the members from Charleston county, had 
abolished the usual and measurably fur cus- 
tom of allowing one member of the minority 
on the boanl of precinct canvassers, and 
placed all the power in the hands of Demo- 
crats; so that in all the State there was not 
one inspector, judp^e, or derk of the election 
who was a Bepubhcan; and then established 
«iieh regulations as, by the facilities afforded 
for the commission of frauds, would most 
fllrongly tempt bitter partisans to use them. 

■•■le role olillteniteA In BepnbUcan 

counties. 

The Governor was "authorized and em- 
pcywered" by the Act of March 22, 1878, «to 
omoint boards of election for each county,*' on 
lAuch both political parties should be repre- 
Two out of three members of these 



boards were Democrats, and the third was a 
person designated as a Uepublican hy the 
chairman of the Democratic State Committee, 
and in nearly every case against the protest 
of the Bepubucans of the respective counties. 

The polllns ofllecrs all Denoermts. 

The county managers appointed all the 
managers of the poUs, and Democrats were 
appointed at all the precincts in the State. 
Tne election was, therefore, exclusively in the 
hands of the Democrats, and the frauas com- 
mitted by the precinct managers were con- 
nived at or approved by the county managers. 

ReiNibllcaB preelnets aliollslied, and no 
flaellltles for voUns in many larse and 
populous districts. 

The legislature at the same time reorganized 
the precincts of the State, by largely r^ucing 
the number in all the Bepublican counties, 
and usuall]^ locating those retained as remote- 
ly as possible from the populous neighbor- 
hoods, so as to compel the colored voters to go 
twenty or thirty mues to vote. One third of 
the precincts in the city of Charleston were 
abolished, making it utteriy impossijtde for all 
the voters to ge|i in their ballots. In Saint 
Andrew's parish, five of the six precincts were 
abolished, and the one retained was the 
smallest of the six, being located on an island 
to which there was no regular ferry from the 
main land. In Christ Church parish, three 
precincts in the interior of the parish were 
abolished, leaving a space of thirty-two miles 
between the two that were left at the extrem- 
ities. A new one was established within a mile 
of one of these, which was in a Democratic dis- 
trict. The Democrats of one end of the par- 
ish had two precincts, while the much more 
numerous Bepublicans of all the rest of the 
parish had but one. The same dishonest dis- 
crimination prevailed all over the State, and 
thousands oi persons could not vote for lack of 
opportunity ; yet by the returns of many dis- 
tricts the number of votes was great^ in- 
creased, the increase being always Demo- 
cratic. 

Tissue naUots iilaced In the haUot boxes 
before the votlns besan— Few voted but 
many counted. 

The proposed use of tissue ballots was re- 
vealed, or foreseen, in Charleston, and an at- 
tempt was made to prevent it by warning the 
public by means of handbills posted on the 
walk and fences; but the Democrats followed 
the bill posters and tore the notices down as 
fast as they were put up, and most of the per- 
sons who were about the polls all day (except 
at one precinct where the stuffing was done 
openly and defiantly) did not know of the 
existence of such ballots until the counting 
began in the evening, when it was found that 
the boxes were full of them. 

Secrecy of the conspirators. 

Nearly all the leading Bepublibana of the 
State who were before the Senate Inve9tigat- 



84 



▲ filBTOBY OF DEUOCSA.TI0 XLEOTION FRAUDS. 



ing Committee, testified that they did not 
know of the tissue ballots until ^Stei the polls 
had been dosed and the counting bc^un. 
Hon. James B. Campbell, a lifelong Democrat, 
who had been elected to many offices, includ- 
ing that of Senator of the United States, by 
that party, was an independent candidate at 
this election, and ruled out of the counsels of 
the party. He testified that he did not see or 
hear of any tissue ballots at the polls, but first 
heard of them late on election day from some 
gentlemen who called at his house, vet four 
or five hundred of them were cpunted out in 
the precinct where he lived and voted. — 
[Senate Report No, S55^Eleclion frauds in 1878 
—yor< 2,^. 21.] 

Tluree«liiiBdred and twetotyntne tlMoe 

ballots. 

The supervisor at Hope Engine House pre- 
cinct, Charleston, and others testified to there 
being no tissue ballots visible during the day 
of election but three-hundred and twenty 
nine were taken out of the ballot box and 
counted. They all seemed to lie at the bot- 
tom of the box.— [16. jsp. 148, 149.] 

One-hiiBdred and flfty-elffht tMsne tialiots. 

At the Eagle Engine Home precinct, Re- 
publicans who were challengers and watching 
the polls all day, had no knowledge of the use 
of tissue ballots by any one, but one-hundred 
and fifty-eight were counted out of the box. 
— [i&.|5>. 168, 159.] 

Two-hundred and forty tissue iMlIots. 

At the Marion Engine House poll, no tissue 
ballots were voted during the day, unless con- 
cealed in the ordinary Democratic ballot, and 
none seen in the vicinity of the polls by any 
Republican. Two-hundred and forty were 
counted put. —[lb. jpp, 168-170. ] 

Five hundred and forty-five tissue ballots. 

At Mount Pleasant, Charleston county, five 
hundred and forty-five tissue ballots came out 
of the box very much' to the surprise of the 
Eepublican supervisor and challengers, who 
had seen, none about the poll during the day. 
—\Tb. pp. 175-184.] 

Three hundred and forty-one tissue hallots. 

At the thirty-two mile house precinct, Char- 
leston county, three hundred and forty-one 
tissue ballots were found in the box, in the 
same surprising manner to the Republicans. — 
lib. p. 188.] 

Five hundred and fifteen tissue hallots. 

At polj No. 1, Sumter county, two hundred 
and nfteen tissue ballots were counted out, 
and at Statesburg, same county, three hun- 
dred.— [lb. pp. 2^ 289, 313.] 

Three hundred and twenty«four tissue 

ballots. 

At Orangeburg, Orange county, three hun- 
dred and twenty-four tissue ballots were 
counted, but not voted.— [P/». 493,494.] 



Ballot-boxes stuired befbre the vottaur 

b^ran* 

The foregoing cases, all taken from the offi- 
cial records, are only a part of those in which 
it is evident that the tissue ballots were 
mainly, if not altogether, put in the boxes 
before opening the polls. As before noted 
all the managers were Democrats ; but in 
some cases a Republican supervisor was pres- 
ent as a witness of the proceedings. It was 
held that his only duties were to look on from 
a distance and sign the certificate of the Con- 
gressional vote as counted out. In many 
cases the polls were opened before the hour 
designated by law to avoid the supervisor, in 
others the managers either reltised to inspect 
the box at the opening of the poll, or profess- 
ing to do so, excluded the supervisor on the 
ground that be had nothing to do with the 
ballot*box. 

Ko chance for many Republicans to vote— 
Thousands prevented by obstmettons. 

By the abolition of so many precincts it 
was made impossible for a large povtion of 
the voters of every county to vote. By trivial 
challenges and various obstructions, thou- 
sands of those who got to the polls were ex* 
eluded. 

Fraudulent poll lists. 

Yet in spite of this wholesale exclusion of 
voters, the poll lists were often much larger 
than the whole number of legal voters, and 
always contained more names than l^ere were 
participants in the election. Sheets of names 
were added to correspond with the number of 
tissue ballots placed in the box in the morn- 
ing, or indosed in loree tickets during the 
day, with the knowledge of the managers^. 
The sheets of names would be slipped in 
among the sheets of the poll lists dunng the 
day.— [i&. pp. 24, 288, 289.] 

8,ft69 names In twenty different hnn^te on 
the lists of one precinct. 

- At the Palmetto Engine House poll, Charles- 
ton, the United States supervisor kept a list 
of voters from the opening of the poll to half 
past three o'clock in the afternoon, at virhich 
time he was compelled to desist, which sliowed 
that only nine hundred and fifteen men had 
voted up to that hour. Yet three thousand 
five hundred and sixty-nine votes were re- 
turned — ^three thousand one himdred and 
eight for the Democratic ticket. The poll list 
was examined by experts for the Congres- 
sional Investigating Committee, and found to 
be written on eighty-one large sheets of paper, 
a number of which were of different make and 
size from that used at the poll, and the names 
in the handwriting of twenty different per- 
sons.— [2&. pp. 124. 146, 147.] 

The same thlnv throngrhout the Stmte. 

At all the precincts heretofore noted the 
poll lists were added to in the same "way, and 
scarcely one was found in the State in ^vhich 
it was not shown that the names oxx the poll 



A HIBTOBT OF DBMOOBATIO BLEOTION FBAUDS. 



85 



lists were in ezoeBs of the personci yoting— the 
Aumber of names added varying from mty to 
twenty-five hundred to a precinct* the latter 
nnmber being at the Palmetto Engine Honse 
precinct already referred to. 

Twentj-ilTe thousand false names, 

A like ratio thronghont the State wonld 
show that thirty-five thousand names were 
trandnlently recorded on the poll-lists ; bnt, 
assuming that man^ of the worst cases were 
brought out in the investigation, and that the 
fraud was not so large in some sections, it 
will still be clear that at least tweniy^ve thou- 
sand fictitious names were added to the poll 
lists of the State, and ballots fraudidenUy tued 
end counted for than. 

Ballots laively in excess of the doctored 

poU lists. 

Notwithstanding the additions to the poll 
lists, the tissue ballots were crowded in so 
muoh faster than the names could be supplied 
that there were generally firom one to five 
hundred more ballots in the box than names 
on the list. An exigency that the tissue-ballot 
election law provided for, to the benefit of the 
Demooratio party, as will be noted heresufter. 

Voting tissue hallots in bundles. 

The plan of voting tissue ballots, when 
enough were not previously placed in the 
boxes, as revealed b^ a person cognizant of it 
beforehand, and verified by all who saw them 
oanvassed, was as follows : ' 

" A committee of men had been appointed at each 
pvBcizict to take charge of the precinct ballot-box, and 
to vote fifteen or twenty little ballots inside of a large 
ballot ; that they had each ticket prepared, and a man 
selected to pat it into the box ; that they knew how 
many tisane tickets were voted by each of these men, 
and 80 how^ many weve voted by them in all ; that in 
order to make the tally-list agree with the number of 
votes in the ballot-box, somebody outside was keeping 
a tally-list of fictitious names to correspond to the 
nnmber of tissue ballots voted folded in la^g^er ballots ; 
and he urged me to take immediate steps to stop these 
ik»uds. * * * * As fut as the tissue ballots were 
voted, an equal number of names were written on the 
isyse tally-sheets ; and when a sheet of paper was filled 
with names, they would secretly slip it to the clerk. 
who would slip the sheet under those which be was 
using for a poU-list."— {/&.!>. 24.] 

P11SI1I119 In packages of tissue Imllots as 
tbe polls were cioslnv—** Kiss- Jokes." 

At the Palmetto Engine Honse poll, in 
Charleston, where there was an excess of 
twenty-five hundred names on the poll-list, 
between five and six o'clock in the afternoon, 
paok&geB of tissue ballots, wrapped in a large 
ticket, "were crowded in so fast as to stop the 
aperture, and a pencil had to be used to press 
them do'wn. The U. S. supervisor testifies : 



I saw Daggett moving his hand and evidently putting 
his hand over the aperture. There was a package of 
' kiss-joke ' tickets on the aperture, and then a Mr. 
Seignious attempted to push them down with a pencil. 
I said, * Now, that won't do. Why don't you do it 
openly, if yon are going to do it ? ' He said, ' Well, if 
there are too many you need not count them.' They 
moved the box at the close of the poll about fifteen 
feet back in the engine-house. They opened the box, 
and immediately upon the opening of the box I saw 
half a dozen piles of these * kiss-joke' tickets right on 
top. One package of them I picked up in my hand, 
and none of them had any fold at aU—had nerer been 
folded. I took them up and said, ' Gentlemen, what 
are you going to do with these V Daggett then said I 
had no nght to touch them, and if 1 did it again I 
would do it at my periL I then put them back and 
asked Mr. White to count the number of ballots in the 
box to see if they would tally with the number of 
names on the poll-list. Mr. White started to do that, 
and had taken out about 30 or 40 ballots, and had ar- 
ranged them on the table to do that, when Mr. Hugh 
Ferguson, one of the ralliers, came in and said he pro- 
tested against the counting of the votes in that way, 
and demanded that they be put in the box. The 
managers consulted and decided in favor of Ferguson, 
and they were put back in the box and oommenoed 
countixig immediately." 

Ilie country as liad as the city. 

The testimony in regard to Colleton county 
^ves a iSedr sample of tne tissue ballot frauds 
m the country precincts throughout the State. 
It is contained in pages 641 to 684 of the re- 
port quoted ftom. 

In Walterborough there were two hundred 
and thirty votes in excess of the poll list. At 
Jacksonburg the excess was two hundred and 
twenty-six. It was the same thing at all the 
other polls in the county, while; the poll lists 
were larger than the number of voters in every 
case. No Bepublican in the county knew of 
the existence of the tissue ballots until the 
polls were closed and the counting began. 
They were voted inside of the large Democratic 
tickets by dozens, unrolled and shaken out to 
be oounted. 

Fifty-nine tissue ballots In one ticket I 

At Jacksonburg fiffcy-nine tissue ballots were 
rolled in one ticket. The one was destroyed 
and the fifty-nine counted.— [2&. pp. 662, 663.] 

Wbat the tissue ballots accomplished. 

The result in Ck>lleton county was a Demo- 
cratic majority of twenty-one hundred, where- 
as at all previous elections the Bepublican 
majority had ranged from thirteen hundred to 
two thousand. 



It was nearly ^e last hour of the polls, and there 
a c^ood deal of inducement for me to go off and 
diihk, as they asked me there ; but I invariably re- 
foaed. B£r. Daggett was in fixmt of the box. They 
would call me off, and when I would turn around to 
«ee what vrasthe matter I would see Daggett with his 
hand oTor the aperture of the ballot-box. I noticed it 
sereral tixnea, and thought I would watch. Mr. White 
then asked xne to take a drink, and my attention was 
eaUed away, and I said, ' I must positirely refuse,' and 



Over five thousand tissue ballots counted 

in one county. 

The evidence of the Democratic managers of 
the election in Charleston county, shows that 
there were returned in the b^ot boxes (hav- 
ing been counted in the returns for the Demo- 
cratic ticket) over five tfunuand tissue ballots — a 
number just sufficient to overcome the Bepub- 
lican majority of six thousand of 1876, and 
elect the Democratic ticket. 

Although one-third of the polling places in 
the city had been abolished, and at leastthree 
thousand republicans were kept from Toting, 
the vote of the dtv was returned over three 
thousand larger than in 1876— a difference 



86 



A HISTOUT OF DBMOOBATIO ELEOTION FRAUDS. 



that woTiIU just about be made by the tissue 
ballots. 

Deslivyliiff one to sain a dozen. 

The Demoorats after remodeling the law so 
as to preyent thousands of Kepublioans from 
voting, and providing Democratic election 
managers for all the polls, provided for the 
tissue ballot frauds by neglecting ^e usual 
provision for ballots of uniform appearance, 
and authorizing the managers to destroy one 
or more ballots found roUed together. The 
Democratic manager^ construed this to mean 
the construction of the one large ballot used 
as a wrapper and the preservation of the dozen 
small ones inside to be ccuntecL — [lb. pp, 655, 661, 
664.] 

The thimble rls election clause. 

The clause of the law by which the most 
was expected and accomplished, provided that 
in case more ballots should be found in the 
box than names on the poll lists, the excess 
** shall be drawn out and destroyed.'* If the 
tickets were similar in size and feeling, one 
drawing them out promiscuously might draw 
them in a fair ratio to the numbers in the 
box; but with the known Democratic tickets 
on tissue paper, and a zealous Democrat to 
draw out the overplus, there could be but one 
result. 

Why some Democratic tickets were drawn 

out. 

The person selected to draw the tickets 
could not tell the difference between the De- 
mocratic and Eepublican ballots of the usual 
size, and therefore would draw them in the 
proportion of the vote, Usuajly one Democratic 
ticket to from five to ten Republican tickets; 
the precincts in which this method was used 
were always largely Bepublican. 

Ko record of a tissue ballot drawn. 

He could always tell a tissue ballot, and 
there is no record in the case of many draw- 
ings in which a single tissue ballot was 
drawn out and destroyed. The fraudulent 
tissue ballots were all left in the box, and 
added just that many votes to the Democratic 
ticket. 

Ten thousand Bepublican ballotsldestroyed. 

In the investigation of about fifty precincts 
it was shown that ten thousand Bepublican 
bfiJlots were thus drawn from the ballot boxes 
and destroyed, and ten thousand tissue bal- 
lots counted for the Democratic ticket in their 
stead. In this manner a change of twenty 
thousand votes was fraudulently made in favor 
of the Democratic ticket. Is it any wonder 
that the majority in the State was over seventy 
one thousand ? 

The tissue ballots got up by the Democratic 
state Committees— *^ Little Hamptons ! 

Geo. L. Buist, chairman of the Charleston 
county Democratic committee, testifies that all 
the Democratic tickets, tissue ballots and all, 
were printed "under the direction of the State 
executive committee. — [lb. p. 198.] 



M. P. Howell, chairman of the Colleton coun- 
ty executive committee, testified that cdl the 
tickets were sent to him as such chairman, 
but that he didn't know who sent them. The 
tissue ballots and the regulars came from the 
same source. — [lb. pp. 676, 677. ] * * LUtU Hafm- 
Urns'* was the name given these tickets by the 
Democrats in some parts of the State. 

Legislation to secure the conunlsslon of 

frauds. 

The official records show that for the pur- 
pose of defrauding the majority of the voters 
of the State of South Carolma, the Democratic- 
legislature — 

Abolished more thau one half the election 
precincts of the State. 

Abrogated the custom of appointing the 
supervisors of election from botn parties, and 
made the managers all Democrats. 

Allowed a discrepancy of hundreds between 
the number of ballots in the box and the 
names on the poll list, and the printing of 
fraudulent ballots of such size or materiiS as 
to be recognized by the touch. 

That the Democratic State Committee fur- 
nished such tickets, and the Democratic elec- 
tion officers used them, and destroyed an equal 
number of Bepublican tickets. 



PART XL 

The Mississippi Plan— That and 
the South Caroiina Plan adopt- 
ed this year in Alahama— Oeiaili 
ot'the reeent Alahama Eleetioit 
Frauds— How a Repuhlican ma- 
jority of ,90,00Q is overtomed* 

We have seen what the "South Carolina 
plan " is. A litle story, told by T. M. Rey- 
nolds of Alabama, First Auditor of the Treas- 
ury, will illustrate the ** Mississippi pUm;" 
said he: 

*' After the election of 1876, 1 waB retnmingr home 
fromMisBiflsippiby way of Mobile, and I noticed in 
the car a gentleman whom I knew by sight to be a 
large planter in that State. I determined to baTe a dbat 
with him about politics, so I crossed over to wbsM he 
sat. After some talk I said, ' How is It, Qeneal, that 
yon get such large majoritiefi in Mississippi, while «e 
have so much trouble to do it in Alabama ? ' " 

" ' Oh, well, that is easy enough,' he said. *Biit 
come into the sleeping-car and have a cigar, and m 
tell you.' 

" I went with him. and as soon as we had onr oigBS 
lighted, he said, ' How we do it is this: we just let the 
niggers go as they please. We don't interfere w^ 
them. It ain't no good anyway, for the nigger's Joflt 
like a mule, and we don't shoot 'em beoause we wwi 
them to work in the fields. 

" 'Now you know as well as I do that the nigger bw 
no right to a vote, and everybody knows it. The niggv 
is a mule and has no more right to vote than a mite 
has. You know that. Still the law gives them a vole» 
and the best way is to let 'em vote Just aa they ptoeee. 
Then they go to the polls and vote, and oome back vA 
go quietly to work. Let 'em vote how tha^ Uke, tt» 
point is to have somebody you can depend on to eowrf 
it — that's the point.' 

"But how can you do that? la Alai^yamatheia' 
specters — " 



L HmOBY OP DZMOOK&TIO SLBOrtOir VBAITDS. 



-•n^jMHan^ m jut loHOairaH fa Oi 



bf tain OTtha Bapiiblic«n State Committee of 
AiabnmiiL it ia orident that ftt the reoent scan- 
daloTK tnTestynpon an eleotion in Alabama 
(Angnat 1^ ]8b0% the Democntln adopted Irath 
pluu, vifh Kuna added deriltrj of tnelr own, 
inoTdartoaeoaMaprete&dedougoritTfoTtheir 
tieketof (m«Iinitdred thooMnd votM^uie oAdal 
retonu of iritieb IwTe been withheld (poasibl; 
fai b« aUered) ftn fear of alarmi&KtheNoith. 
Iftom. Uie offloial gtntement refetred to, the 
fbUoiring is taken ■ 



■^■In eDt«r th« polUikf-pUoa uu 
inmectot, bat na mat br Uh 

bad ToluiUTily ftbuidoocd hLi ;.--_ 

■nma it. Tbe inapecton then MOOMdad to tk 
and nuda a Teturv fflTiD^ tha Bapnbllcuu U 
and tba DFmocimU Sw Totaa. 



dnUeaaa 

:bMHh* 

.nld notra- 



BkiiIiII^d* poDad SIlTCitN I17 BCtiul oodb 
pofllaaD <Kilen iseeiTlng their Uokata tnm 
■Mm blm their uamei and' oolns itnlAtbom him 
to tba pnOloa-^n, luldlnB UalrllAat Ci *iaw to en- 
a&to blmtona tlAt Ibej depoalted the MW Hotet tlur 
badivealTad. 31ise»pi««Qtlona wan adopted In order 
ttai tke manbtw itaaoMiaa vote* polled there o 

:r?7 . ._,.. ^ gj^ ^a ,-- 



with the alaoUon it thia point irhlc 
muliaddowu. The diet ia that of the flnt US vgtM 
taken from tha boic vhila ttaa BepnUlcui inneetor 
vH than, lie Iran BepabUaaTotei. while at the UO 
w..— ..I.™ .__ .1.. 1 — .jtfg ,hg Ropubllcan tn- 



mocrmti, white and blark. 
In ancli dBuHT fright that 
jompanT. nnltormed and 
btUieai in colleotlag tha 



enabled to ternnlEa M 
at that place, and put t 
thaT leqnired a mlllti 
armed vuh ta^onet^ t 



i»mlffht be fl 



d aacortalned be^nd j 
' a Id that precinct fur 
wo yeatfl beftno, their Totea had 

H cart for the Democntlii candidate. It 

re to luteiject here. paieDtbetlisny. that B. 
B. HoGehee, one of the DemoorKtle Inapecton at the 
temer idBi!U0B.ahd who It at present aadei Indictment 
inlheCiHteafllatMClrcatt Court for • BtufflDg ■ the 
'""""' *" — "I tiiat occafllon, waa ouo of the persona 
a of the people" 



id .be ImBMdiaielj oonnted, aa the law directed, I 

. le the other iuBpeetora 10 Jolo him ' 

md then another being 



thrvwB aat *Irasetber. 

"UKeudaDa'aBaali In If outoometr CDaot;, at wlileh 
place a liat of nam« of JSepabUoan voters was kept for 
the aame pnipoee a« at IfoOehee'a, 6M BepniiUcan 
<ot«» and U DeoueiBtto volea wendepoidted. At thia 
place the Democratlo tnapecton, reljlnff ea tlie Igno- 
nutce and tlmldllT of the old colored man acting u the 
Repabllcan tDvpcctor. who waa alao partlallj blind, 
pmoeeded, irlth (light atlactaatooneeelment, toanbati- 
tute Democratic tor BepubUoan ballota. bat were not 
enabled to make aa complete a tevalntion aa in the 
other beKt, bocanafl the old colored man daraloped tu) 
amount of in telUgence and decialou ot cbaraoler which 

Srevented. The BepubUcan maJorltT of tli waa n- 
uced, however, to 46, the onlf majority allowed any- 
when in the whole country at thia elecUco, and even 
this majorltr waa not allowed ue b j (he Board of Bnper- 

lame. bat was tbrewn out becsiise more rotes were 
letnnied titan iqipaated on tbe U-llata. The Inapec- 
tors had got thinga' mixed-" 

I CmsH Boodfl—A ToteofSW 
BepulillcMii tn KS Democrats entirclr 
RUi^reaaeil and unreported. 



BDDtemplatlng the vlUainr 
tkB7 vara about to perpatrale. became afiald of the in- 
dbnatitmaaa wrath ottbeUrgeaambor of colored men 
«&o were qnleOr waiting on the ground loheaithere- 1 
■alt of the elactlm announced, and bad sent a 
tta ettr that the; w ' 



ptlflbed. the beiiot-box disappeared from the table,] 
affpeanA, the candle waa relighted, the boi discorer 
tone folIottloketa,BhBre it had before been only pi 
" 'IrfnUl^reasonofthedlmlnulicn caused b; tba 
-" *-!, and largB oumbere of Repuf 



1 not pnpoae to count, that the die- 
icUa at 3 o'cloeh had invalidated the 
in closed up the poUing-pUoe, carried 
ig the bslloEa. audlram that time 
— ^n baa been raoeived luanr olAolal 
votea at thll box." 

■t Fortefs aeat—AtM RepnbUcan la to 
Democratic votea ca«t— The SSO Rcpab- 
IlI^an niiODrltr counted and annonnced, 
bat HUpprcaaed all tbe aame. 

Beat, where the 




d tbe Bepubllcan m^orlty only suppressed Ic 
being liausposed, is perhaps accounted for by th 



A HIBTOST Oy DEHOOBATIO KLKCTION FBAITDe. 



Iket tluU tbo BwnbUcftna nmamberlnp theLr «xp«r]- t» late, and tba elflfltioa oAoer* hMd AbMd/ met, or- 

enoe In IDrmer dectiosa. when t^er tud been connted guUed mid flUsd hli ptkce, 'The RepabUcuu In the 

theb' Totaa bad been declared. Tbla &ct, nided b^ stable. HanTOftl 

sundry remarks which were m»do durlna the day and elM wonld be Ukelj lo 

nlgbt. ttaal tbe Sepablicans only waDtodafSir connl U» otber oT tbow ofBa 

and that they would h»ye that, appeara to have had a of the peraoui an Toted IBr li retnned u leoelTing ■ 

Uieydldnotteellt safe to cloee the faulldliiR and go 

awaxwithtbobaUgl-boi, In thopreaeneaoflheorowd „^ . ,,. _ . 

antdde. wltbontglvlngltapaciiyiugaggamnce. The Tbe tmIds of U. 8. ■npcrrlBors at electlOB*— 

■tatement ma aocordlDE^ made to them public] j that Some Btartllnff And coarliictiiK n^nnw ma 



At OM ElaBi-446 Repabllcan TOtes M IS ! 
DBBwemtle— The Usht pat out >ad tbe } 
retoms *lti«t«d. j 



Irom 1878 to I88a. 

nOgnn 



ie glaring Ihindg committed In 
tl counlT of Alabama — whsn 
ill time more onlted tluui «Tttr 
oughlj canviUHed, and no ob- 
L)Bed entirely of vAtUmetJ, Be- 



Mlc Tote* bad been : 
._ . . andle aiplred. and it ' 
}T light could be procaced. 



ici, Totsd fbr tba BepoUleui DonlDM*. becaoas man 

alter known tor their lltneii and integritj, and DUay. 

■nnmrtwl lh»l no nther lluhl could he nroonred II -ot dartng open oppoaitloo, aljrtained bomTi>ting,|[it 

SST^rdlS^WpC^T'cCS ^p^,™e^i;>ra'd Z^^J^^t^^'^^'^J^S^'^T^ 

Hupecta.wro^^Mlect*^ for tta poaition be- !!,Xlhf ^S^^^^^h.T^^ ??^";^fe "irr: 

nnunf hlitmmnuiTiil atnnlilllT thul ill tho .nta. '"'" the following official tEPOrt of Ibe latt foor elU- 
be?ta»ai« ^^^ """" ''"''' '" "o"'"''""'"' A"'"*' H.h-m. _t.I,l. 

wblebpHii 
tlated ere 

««ton an rnnind i 
id It la Dpon Melr re 



uttotoi 



ipidity. tl 

tpled. Tta> proowding '{^ 



held in Uoat«omi 

'''Le nec^aalty o{ uuiiea suiLea aapenn 
ae the only safeguard! againat fra^ :" 



_. b pmpMltton Pope 
Tltlated ererrthJiiB, because, ander 

. ,_.. . ^. -u . ■-n mediately, 

DnDt of tba with and wltbont United StatM 
luna. iu». tue Boaid of BopamiBOTB declare the re- TlBors. 

the Intniy reeulting (Tom thatr action irreparable, the ,_ ,. „ . , ,. 

Yolaa aa aaat and afi tba loo» papen and &ish In the „S.,^2^ TS^^ a™^ SI 
room, with aereral hundred biJlota of both partial, ■Ppe"laorB^ in the Angnat eh 

wbicb bad not been iroted, were dumped Indie- 

oriminalaly Id a ba£. and wut to Uu eberilTa r"— 



hen ware United Slata 



aatbece 









At l/nioD AcMdemy and Booier'a B 
can nuU<n*l<:leH chansed by addition to 
Democratic vole— More votes than voters, 

"At Dnion Aoademy and Dooley'i.whare the Bepnbli- 

retumed aa having mKlorltles. The iteturea of the 
connt in tboee beat* do not dioer materially from thue 
miMA aa to the other beata. except that the Inapec- 
tora. iutead of tnnspoalng the BepnbUean and Demo- 
cntio TOtaa. M v*a dona elsewhere, appear to have at- 
tempted to extend the Democmtlo vote beyond the 
Bepubllcan vote without diminiahing the latter, They 
did not bear In mind the late cenana return*, however, 
and have returned more votea from their precincts than 



The cItT or Montsomerr— Bepubllcan ma- 
jority of 14*« In 181S and 1878 becomei 
a Demoeratic nuOortty of 9S* In 188S~ 
EvldMiMa ef frand. 



majority ol 
in laia, WL 

minority of about MM. There 
extant. The InteDigent white Repul 
- • ■-- 'bellepubUauis ae ' 



Pike Boad.. 



IHia. 



11 



* Kew Beata organiaad af 



tniea, had been rsjectad fo 



iUBpectots at the 



d Statee Bnpcrtisora. Deputy "■"«'—■- 



■ MOKTOOHIET COUNTT. j 



L msTOUT or dxkoobatio KLwrnoir fbaitdb. 



IDT Of tha oneUl r» 
>ldlatlila«iuin.H 
ID Ole Id thti oOoa. 

"Jmlat ^On Probate C»tirt " 



Tote for lU Uia oMidtdatw on It Mconlliif (o Um 

Horamix B>tx— ]IaI>a(fl« tui tba dsidh ol LM 
p«naDi wlio Tot«d for him. and jvt tha tetojiu glra 
DDlr SO TOt« for UoDams, but M tor CoSbt. ffM 
^Hd «■ tUi »mJ, M -Ola. 

Bmoaft But— The ntnmi gtn Ootter Wi «!!«. 
whila there were not K DtmoerUio tdIsi Id Ui 
beat, and CaDftT did Dot g ■ - 



the ifude^ prattr mncl 
tn Hc>DtaamerT, with h 
- tnii!l.whl '- 



JWj 



BT did Dot set. coll 



ISSro 



__,__JlaeB>irfWUem<iomiit7.f>erlu 

aaiastelUroavBlliiUwMManieDdof the 
OMdniladloadTlMlbe Bepnh" 
tlDoto not to lote, md Ihra Hie : 



itthejoonia 



■rtn* am tbo poUe and toiA domi tbe ume oF urtrt 
Mtaed^u who Voted. At SnovHUl «TeD oolored 
SM Totod. tlu Damoanta gars themseliee fn their 
«DUnMmattUapreolBCtSMTotaa. Sat 



rmtiaa Hnx But— There ue bat font while raaa 
llTlpg hen. Hid ooe of them TOted for KflDnlDe: the 
letnnH glTe Oofftr W, and KcDalBe oDlr T7 TOtca. 
UoDnme h*a the nomea of UB men wbo Totad th«e 
for htm. NHfimainlliUttat.SlKlei. 

LiTOHATOHiH BUT— Odb hondred uid elghtT^evea 
m«D Toted torUaDnnn: tha rtttiirDH gWs CoITeT au 
•at«. HoDnffle M. Iftlfnaid i*n Uii beat. 107 rata. 

Stkip Obih But— Mo Duffle's »oter» reglirtBna 
UO Diunea. aU of wbam owit ttwir ballots foe hfio; but 
the rotnnu ihow ItB ToUa for Oofrey, uid on!)' W fat 
HcDaBe. K^frtatiitiMlbeai.atnta. 

PiXTU,! But— HeDntBa bad Stfl Totea, whlla tber 
" " "" Ifttfivtctintliiibiat.tOvlii. 




S£ 



torertwantr^anenanofage. Total. 

J than the saelal ntuni. It wu lh< 

triple. laBoobMn'* preeiDot the mtu 

^akitrt TOteofUe, or U3 

I 

majoritj' of orot a,( 



Mtmgkt fkwBOs In Iiowndes covaiVj — now 
in BCpakltosn B^nity of S,*»» Is 
ifcwmiii Int* s pretended Democnttle 
imilj ar S,«««t-Ofllel«I flsnrea-NM 
bMi«lKMeh«ri8 TotlBK "bwts." 



^■Uul lit £ltL4 tuf. i. 

WmriHUJ. PuoinoT— KaDatBa haa the Bamea of 
ai« pursona who TOted tor him; atlU the retnnui giie 
hlmoDlTnTotM.bnimfarOoSST. SetfnaitnOili 

In tlwt eoontx. whloh la antlrair deToled ta plant- 



miT deToled taplan 
Idlaa eaormooidr' 



Hreen ooiintr— me Sheriir'a •nee hpskea 
■nt«t~A Repablleut inmvrKT of >,»•• 
ehwBBsd M»lleinocnttleDi^)«iit70f 13 t 



C&ebp^lnva. 



beeldei ftie b> 

I 1.1.1.1 1 til i.D hii above, Iheoffloa gf the Sheriff wa« broken iMo, aDd a 

til-w-Si^ifY ^^?^ l«i """ *«» BepubUoaD maloritr >toUn. aDd the* 
and «Woh tue alw<v> ca>t lie ,.Dto ... rK,mo™llc indld»te ^ d«Jar«d eleAt»d hT M 



brisi 

Wot] 



atolMannMlean Totrni 
«aA tAi ilTiDc hia 



na. waa thla time atoleD from them ■ wnrf.T 
m^orltr ol il,OM. At aU tho polls ' ™»)™"- 



■e efiidal Bgnraa, aa Inataneea of It 



I declared elected b^ 9T 



nepnbllcwi nuOorltles dellfeeimtely de- 
Btrvjed CTCiTwhere- :VnUlflcatlOB of tbe 
C^mtlCDtlonMl knendmenta. 



Oma, DMooiat. l,SMi KEDaffle. BepabllcaD, 1.8i> 
Ovan. iBd^endent, MB. 

tMwtam ^U9 retBmed 139 TOtea for CoSSt. TO ft 
"'""*- HoDane has obt^ned tha oaraea oF 1< 
m mbo TOted for him there. Net fraud in Amto 



oald be poaalble to glxe a 



the State at tbla 

[ODOt 



IL ltol>aiBe get here aSOw 



Hpaper, but It wootd be a mece repelltloi 
already besD olreD. It la antHclent to — , 
I oaeeg where If waa pooalble the BapabUean 
I ha>e beeo deUberataly counled tor the De- 
or thoT haTS been DDlUfled and deat^vd bf 

,K4«fe?"''' " To-(UrUab«mBi9Eepabll<!an*bj-».M0ma]orilT. tf 

■ ^"/'"^ "* ""• , c»»-ia unmi) SIm Touched for by aSdaTita— when . 

ctfon with the proTlslona of tbe 

a reentered their electloD Uw. aod with the aotlon of the offlcere UDder 
■n.. — . — ,, ^„ that law. establish bejandaU doubt Ihapnrpoeeaf tba 
.A _...- ..^ Dcmociatlc party, of Alabama at least, to IgDore, 



90 



HI8T0BT OF DEMOOBATIO ADMINISTBATIYB *<L00TUIO.' 



CHAPTER YII. 

History of Democratic Adniinistratiye ^^ Looting. 



99 



** We pledge ourselves anew to the constitutional doctrines and tradUionsof (he l>emo<jr(xHc party, 
as Hhutraled by the teachings and example of a long line of Democraiio statesmen and patHoit.'* 
• • • — ^Declaration 1, Naii(»al Demooratic Platform, 1880. — **Fyblio money* * *forpubUo pvrpwfM 
sdUHy,"^ * ^^Declaration 12, J&id 



PART L 

** Reti^ncliiiienl:, E«eanoiiiy and 
Refbrm^ of the Pecksnlflton 
Hemoeracy— From 18IS8. 

< 'Retrenchment, Eoonomy, and Beform," 
as a slogan, were early patented by the 
PecksniflSoi Democracy. In 1828, in the 
House of Bepresentatives, the partisans of 
Andrew Jackson, the founder of modem 
Democracy, raised the cry of "extravagance 
and fhmd " against the existing Kationcd ad- 
ministration — that of the younger Adams. After 
a protracted and acrimonious debate, an in- 
vestigation was ordered by the House, but 
Mr. Hamilton, its chairman, in his report to 
the committee utterly fails to convict the 
younger Adams or his administration of either 
extravagance or corruption, or even to raise 
a presumption of either ; and in history 
that administration stands unsurpassed by any 
which preceded it, or has followed it, for practi- 
cal statesmanship of the highest order, for 
incorruptible integrity, for its success in the 
management of the anairs of the nation, and 
for exalted patriotism. Nevertheless, the 
Democracy clamored against it, as they now 
clamor agidnst the Kepublioans. They de- 
nounced it for extravagance and fraud. They 
fabricated the infamous " bargain and cor- 
ruption" libel against Adams and the chival- 
rous Henry Clay, charging as they now charge 
againstMr. Hayes and the Bepublicans, and 
with about equal truth, that the Democracy, 
by Adams and Clay in the House of 1824-25, 
had been cheated out of the Presidency — 
charges which their authors subsequently 
confessed were not ** only false " in them- 
selves, but were "impossible to be true," 
but which they clamorously urged in every 
vile form and literally lied Adams down. 
Thus it was that the Demooracv originally 
succeeded to power and place — by lying arid 
hypocrisy, 

PART II. 

Inauguration of Andre^v Jackson, 
the Founder of modern Demo- 
eracy—^^To the Victors belong 
the Spoils/' 

On March 4, 1829, Andrew Jackson, pledged 
to retrenchment, economy and reform, was in- 



augurated President of the United States. 
Proclaiming the maxim that **to the victors 
belong the spoils," Jackson let slip the ** Fu- 
ries of the Guillotine ** in a wholesale proscrip- 
tion of the old and tried officials of former 
Administrations. John Q. Adams, in the pre- 
ceding four years, had made but twelve 
changes— all for cause. In the preceding 40 
years, all his predecessors together had made 
only 132 changes— of these JefTerson had re- 
moved sixty-two; but Jackson, in the genuine 
spirit of a Democratic reformer, in one year 
removed, it was estimated, 1,500 officials — in 
one year nearly 12 times as many as by all his 
predecessors ^m the beginning of the Gk>v- 
emment. The officers removed were experi- 
enced, capable, and trusty. The character of 
those who filled their places — " Slanun, Bang 
«k Co." — ^is attested by the •'reform" which 
followed. 



PART III. 

Democratic <^ Relbriii "—Its In- 
dian and Public I^and Grabs— 
l^cretary Cass Pockets Illegally 
$G8,006 as Extra Allowances- 
Speculations of the Highest Offi- 
cials under Jackson in PuMie 
Iiands— Fourth Auditor Ani€Mi 
Kendall's $50,000 Fee. 

A rage for speculation in the public lands 
distinguished the period. Greneral Lewis 
Cass, Secretary of War, who pocketed ille- 
gally, as extra allowances, the sum of $68,000, 
united with Martin Van Buren, Secretary of 
State, Benjamin F. Butler, of N. T., Attorney 
General, and others, in a land Credit Mobilier 
for speculation in public lands— for specala- 
tion in sales by the Government of which 
they were members. Amos Kendall, the 
Fourth Auditor, and subse(]|uentli^ Postmaster 
General, in like manner united with a Boston 
land company, for a fee of $50,000, for the 
wholesale robbery of certain Indians in Mis- 
sissippi of their lands — all swindling enter- 
prises in contemptuous violation of the law, 
of which they were the administrators. {H. 
R. 194, second session Tweniy-fourth Congress.^ 
The fraudulent character of this Democratic 
Land Credit Mobilier, these "Joint Stock 
Companies *' for speculation in public lands^ 



HISTORY OF DEMOOBATIO ADMINIBTBATIYE «< LOOTING. 



tt 



91 



is described by the Globe, Jaokson^s oraan, in 
its issue of August 2, 1836. Its article is a 
virtuous but characteristic attempt to cast the 
•diam of these speculations upon the oppo- 
nents of Democracy. It says : 

" Tbeee [joint stock] companies will presently accn- 
malate lai^e amount of specie, as they have heretofore 
done of paper— will, by their agents, attend the land 
offices and public sales — will drive off the actual set- 
Ueis from competition, by telling them that if they at- 
tmiptto buy their places, for instance, at $6 per acre, 
the real value, they will bid them up to 6, or 8, or $10 ; 
but that if they permit it to pass into the hands of the 
company (by not bidding) at the Oovemment price of 
$l.as, they will allow them to have the selected spot at 
$4.50. By the control thus obtained by combinations 
smong speculators, all competition at the sales of pub- 
lie lands is prevented, and actual occupants, to save 
their homes from the grasp of capital, against which 
they cannot contend, are content to give the field to 
the speculators — to permit them to buy their places at 
the Oovemment price, in consideration of reserving 
the privilege of obtaining them at second hand at some 
advance, but at a price less than they would be com- 
pelled to give under a competition with the long purses 
at auction." 

In such a Credit Mobilier, in such a joint 
stock company imited Jackson's Secretary of 
War (Cass) and State (Van Buren), and his 
Attorney General, B. F. Butler. 



PART IV. 

The Infliinoas ^'Oalphin Swindle'^ 
— Jacksoii*s Secretary of State, 
John Forsyth of Oa., the author, 
attorney and lobbyist of the 
^^Svrindle'^— A Southern claim 

. through ^vhieh tiie nation vras 
robbed of over $300,000. 

In 1834, John Forsyth, of Georgia, succeed- 
ed Lewis McLcuae, of Delaware, as Secretary 
of State, in Jackson's Cabinet. In 1850 the 
payment of the notorious "Galphin swindle " 
scandalized the nation. By the Democracy it 
wa« denounced as • * infamous " — as • ' without 
a precedent" — as ''a dear and unmitigated 
swindle!" Their memories were bad. In 
1837, before the Wise oonunittee, John Boss, 
the Cherokee chief, testified that in 1835, 
in the Cherokee treaty of that year, an 
article covering the **Gkklphin" was inserted 
directly through the influence of "Mr Forsyth, 
Secretary of State;*' that it was urged, in 
the negotiations of the treaty, that Mr. For- 
E^h had great influence with the President ; 
that •• Mr. Forsyth could and would influence 
the President to grant a sum sufficient to 
corer the Galphin additional to the sum stipu- 
lated in the treaty if the Cherokees would 
sanction a treaty upon such terms." The 
article was consequently inserted. Mr. For- 
8^h admitted that he "advised" its inser- 
tion, as also his personal interest in the pay- 
ment of both principal and interest. He had 
applied to both Secretaries of War, Eaton and 
Cass ; as Secretary of State had certified the 
papers from the Department of State to the 
Secretary of War. General Cass had told him 
that the claim was just ; and when the treaty 
was pending before the Senate had •• con- 
versed " with Senators urging its ratification ; 



but pleads that to them his ** appeals " were 
" founded solely on the justice of the claim " 
— " the hardship of the condition of the 
claimants." Hence, lobbied in 1835 by For> 
syth, Jackson's Secretary of State, approved 
by General Cass, his Secretary of War, and 
justified in 1837 by the Democratic msjoritv 
of the Wise committee, eng^eered through 
Congress in 1849, by another distinguished 
Democratic reformer, Mr. Burt, of South Car- 
olina, and the principal paid by James K. 
Polk, the question of interest was only re- 
served and its liquidation by Polk only de- 
feated for want of time. Interest was subse- 
quently paid by Secretary of War Crawford, 
of Georgia, and the nation swindled out of 
over $200,0001 Secretary Crawford, a noble 
son of the South, pocketed as his attorney's 
fees one-half of the whole swindle ! 



PART V. 

The General Post Office under 
Adams self-sustaining; and e4>n- 
tributing $1,103,003 to the rev- 
enues of the nation— Under 
tiaclison banlimpt amid the 
foulest corruption and firaud. 

In 1834, after a hard battle (ftom 1830), 
Senators Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, and John 
M. Clayton, of Delaware, forced an inquiry 
by the Senate Committee on Post Offices and 
Post Beads into the condition of the Post 
Office Department. It found the Department 
*' insolvent," a helpless prey to maladminis- 
tration, corruption, robbery, and fraud. In 
the preceding administration, under John Q. 
Adams, the Department had been not only 
self-sustaining, but had contributed annually 
$1,103,063 to the revenues of the nation. But 
now, in a few brief years, under Democratic 
reform, it was bankrupt, a burden upon the 
Treasury. {8. R. 422, first sesdon Twenty- 
ihvrd (hnaresa,) Mr. Felix Grundy, of Ten- 
nessee, the Democratic chairman of the com- 
mittee, was opposed to the investi^tion. 
Postmaster Barry refused to reoognize its au- 
thority. He declared that he was responsible, 
not to the Senate, but to the President, and 
through him to the people. He refused to 
furnish the committee the information it 
requested, and it was forced to prosecute its 
labors under the greatest difficulties, among 
mutilated records and fabricated accounts in 
the greatest confusion. But even under such 
disadvantages it developed a condition of 
afiGEiirs utterly without a parallel in all our 
previous history. 

** Extra aUowances" alone exhaust tbe 
whole postal revenues of States— **Oppres* 
slve monopolies" In postal contracts— 
C^ontractors share their plunder In wines 
and cash with the Postmaster General 
and his chief clerk, and lend their credit 
to this department. 

One of the greatest abuses of the Depart- 
ment was in its extra allowances, aggregating 



^ 



HI8T0BT OF DEMOOBAHO ADMINISTRATnrE ''LOOnXG." 



ImndiredB of thoasands annually, freqnently 
giren without an increase of dnty or service, 
without the authority of law, and in many 
cases where there was an increase of service, 
** unreasonable, extravagant, and out of all 
proportion with such increase." These extra 
allowances actually ezhausted the whole postal reoe- 
noes of States^ and were ^[ranted practically as 
pensions to party favorites. This favoritism 
took a hundred shapes. Certain contractors 
were compelled to surrender their contracts 
for the benefit of others. Ck)ntracts were 
granted on bids different from advertisement, 
and others were altered or changed in mate- 
rial respect after they had been accepted. 
Proposals for carrying the mail were withheld 
from advertisement. The contracts, as in the 
•case of the route from Chicago to Green Bay, 
actually g^iven to clerks in the Department 
under other men's names, and the compensa- 
tion on bids raised without an increase of ser- 
vice. Mail lines were authorized, •* at a heavy 
expense," to run more than once daily with- 
out benefit to the public, and steamboat lines 
were established by private contract, without 
authority of law, at an enormous expense. 
Oppressive monopolies were actually establish- 
ed by the Department for the benefit of i>ri- 
vate parties. An instance is given in winch 
an agreement, drawn by an officer of the 
Oovemment and adopted at his pressing in- 
stance, with the sanction of the Postmaster 
General, was entered into between two com- 
panies of mail contractors to put down all op- 
position lines of coaches— all competition of 
passengers on their respective mail routes. 
The contractors, in turn, divided by handsome 
loans never repaid — generously relieved the 
Postmaster General of his debts, and enabled 
the chief clerk to speculate largely in real 
estate in Washington. They also furnished 
the table of both with the most choice wines ! 
With shrewd business foresight the contractors lent 
their credit to the Departtmenl when threatened toith 
coUapsCt and the Department responded by pledging 
its funds for the ben^ of contractors. 

** Incidental expenses" and ** secret service 
fund"— iSpedal service plums of tiie De- 
partment— Subsidizing tiie partisan press 
—Maladministration, corruption and 
fraud run riot— Unlawful loans bearing 
Interest— Postmaster C»eneral Barry pun- 
Isbed by promotion ! 

The *^ incidental expenses** of the Depart- 
ment— not its "contingent expenses," which 
were separate, distinct, and additional, but its 
**!<ecret-servicefund" — in a single year, (1829), in- 
creased to $56,471, "exceeding that of anv 
former year," but in 1832, during the Presi- 
dential election, it suddenly swelled to ^8,- 
000 1 [t was principally the newspaper fund. 
After deducting the support of traveling par- 
tisan emissaries, under the title of '* postal 
agents," it was the fund out of which the 
numerous party presses were permitted to 
richly share the plunder. So the Greenes, of 
the Boston Statesman, the elder Greene (Na- 
thaniel) being postmaster at Boston, and cer- 
tifying the accounts which were for ** printed 



blanks, twine,*' etc. So the Hills, of the New 
Hampshire Patriot, the Shadrach Penns» of 
the Louisville PMic Adtfertiser, the Albany Jr- 
^iM, New York Courier and Enquirer, the Wash- 
m^n Globe, the national organ, etc. The 
prices paid to F. P. Blair, of the Globe, were 
"enormous." Of the $22,957.08 of ** inci- 
dental expenses" during the Presidential 
election of 1832, $13,673.31 were paid to the 
editors of newspapers. Of that Blair re- 
ceived $8,386.50! During the election 
he received from this secret fund alone 
about $116 daily for every day his paper 
was issued. The details are disgusting. Mai- 
administration, corruption, and fraud run riot 
The aggregate excess of expenditures in four 
years, as compared with the preceding four 
years, under Adams, was, "$3,336,859!" The 
amount of funds actually "n«nJb" by the De- 
partment since 1829 was $1,032,933; and the 
aggregate of its ** indebtedness** April 11, 183i 
was $1,123.600 !" to avoid immediate exposure 
by the collapse of his Depardnent, the Post- 
master General was forced, besides his loans 
from contractors, to unlawfully contract loans, 
bearing interest, from the banks. There WM 
no evading the judgment. {S. R, 42, first m- 
sian Twenty-third Qmgress,) At the next ses- 
sion the report of the Democratic Ck>mmit(ee 
of the House was even more damaging tluu 
the Senate's. Hence, under the unanimous 
verdict of the Senate, Postmaster General 
Barry was compelled to resign — to accept pn- 
motion to the mission to Spain, toUh Ut lueraUm id- 
fits and infits. 



PART Vl. 



The old U. S. 
raids and destroys It— Transftff 
the Government Revenues to tk$ 
Pet ^^ 8tate or hog^iis " Banloh-* 
Thefa* explosion and the loss «f 
millions to the IVation— Ap|M#> 
ing €M>nsequenees to BusineN' 
and the People. 

About this time the affEtirs of the old Bank 
of the United States and its branches begaata -I 
wane. By law the bank was the depositoiyel^f 
the government revenues, and in conseqiMpfli. 
was the treasury of the nation. In 18S4 bjt^ 
daring act of usurpation, President J» ~ 
removed the deposits. He transfezred 
to certain *' pet " State banks of the DeiL.. 
tic reformers, who claimed the revenues of I 
nation as the '• spoils " of " Thb PabttT 
destruction of the bank and subsequent si 
sion of the "pet banks" involved tlie 
of millions, the destruction and 
thousands of the business men and M 
business of the country — of $500^00QlW. 
of private capital — and the consequent 
ing and want of tens of thousands of al 
ranks and classes throughout the VnioB. 
The Democratic reformers, neverthslesBL i^ 
planded. They laughed at the missij mi. 
ruin they had caused, belittled their msgnitsdA 



HISTOKY OF DEMOCKATIC ADMINISTRATIVE "LOOTINO." 



93^ 



and maintained and justified the removal in 
all its bearings and conseqaenoes. The inde- 
cent partisan scramble for the national reve- 
naesthns removed from the Bank of the U. S. 
which was perfectly solvent, and the notes of 
which were at par in gold the world over, may- 
be seen in the application of the *'pet" or 
•• bogus " banks for the '* fiscal patronage " of 
the government. A notable instance is that of 
the Seventh Ward Bank, of New York. It was 
established direoUy with the view of claiming 
a part of the '* fiscal" spoils. Its formal ap- 
phcation was accompanied by a letter of its 
President and Cashier to the Secretary of the 
&eafiury. They urged that *' the directors, 
having the highest personal consideration for 
QeneralJaok^n, feel much confidence in this 
application, being (without exception) as well 
as the stockholders (with few exceptions) 
friends of the administration. " Ite formal ap- 
plication is as follows : 

" New Tobx, Dee. 16, 1833. 
" We, the subocribera, oAoers, and directora of the 
Sevenih Ward Bank, in the city of New York, friends 
of the Administration and of the revered Chief at the 
head of the Government, do solicit a portion of the 
ftKal patronage of the United States Treasury for the 
Ssventh Ward Bank. The terms as those most fiavor- 
able to the Government. 

(Signed) " Waltkb Bownx, President, 

"Wm. O'Oomhob, Cathier." 
And hy twelve others, as directors. 



PAET VIL 

Invetitigatfoiis into and exposures 
of Demoeratic Corruptions and 
Crimes — Forsytli's ** IVanlieen '' 
-Amos KendaU's $50,000 fee— 
Tlie Harlan Investigating^ Com- 
mittee. 

Althongh the committees of the 24th Con- 
gress were all so packed by Speaker James K. 
rolk, afterwards President of the United 
States, as to shield the Democratid administra- 
tion, yet in 1837 the Gkurland committee un- 
earthed the "Wool-clip" correspondence 
between Secretary Woodbury and the deposit 
banks, exposed the criminal partisan favorit- 
ism of the Treasury in the distribution and 
management of the deposits or revenues of 
the nation as the •• spoils "of •' Thb Pabty," 
and prepared the country for the disastrous 
explosion of the "pet banks'' which followed. 
{H, 22. 193, second session Twenty^foujih Congress,) 
The Wise committee unearthed Forsyth's 
"Nankeen ;'* exposed the complicity of the ni^h- 
toned Gteorg^an Secretary of State in the " m- 
iamons Gcdphin swindle;" exposed Postmaster- 
General Kendall's complicity, with *' a $50,000 
fee," in the Boston scheme for the wholesale 
robbery of the Mississippi Indians of their 
lands; and developed S^etary Oass's corrupt 
liftvoritisni in the dispensation of his patronage. 
— {H. H. 194^ second session Twenty-foivarUi Oongress.) 

P wig ci ' y , «1»Benteel8tn, and emlieaEzleiiieHt 
under Secretary of War, Class. 

One T. B. Waterman was & protege— -a copy- 
ing olerk in the Pension Office, appointed by 



the Greneral. Waterman forged the initials of 
Secretary Cass to an account; Waterman con- 
fessed the forgery, and the General paid the 
account.— (^. R. 194, second session Twenty-faurik 
Oongress.) 

D. Azro A. Buck was a model reformer. He 
was appointed a derk by Secretary Cass, July 
8, 1835. About the same time Buck. was also 
elected a member of the Vermont Legislature. 
Hence he did not report at the War Depart- 
ment for duty until December. In January, 
1836, General Cass paid him for five months' 
service, when Buck iiad rendered but one. — 
{H, K 194, second session Tiventy-fourth Congress,} 

Lieutenant Thomas Johnson, a disbursing 
officer, lost, in gambling,, two United States 
drafts for $1,000 and $1,500 respectively. 
These drafts were protested hj a deposit bank. 
— ^the Union Bank of Louisiana, at New 
Orleans— and an appeal for their payment- 
was made ta the Was. Department. The facts 
were aU known. Tha Hon. Ambrose H. 
Sevier, of Arkuisas, and the. Hon. Biohardlf.. 
Johnson, of Kentucky (niodel Democratic 
reformers), interested themselves in their pay- 
ment, the pious Att<»ney General (B. F. But- 
ler) uttered a favorable opinion, and Secretary 
Cass drew a warrant for their payment even 
after Woodbury had declined.— (fll iJ. 194* 
second session TwaUif-fourih Oongress.) 

At the same time Garret D. Wall, then 
United States District Attorney at Perth 
Amboy, N. J., and subsequently United 
States Senator from N«w Jersey, a distin- 
guished Democratic reformer, assessed his 
modest fees' for his influence with the Admin- 
istration.— (If. a, 194^ second session Twenty- 
foiwrOi Congress.) 

**No more packed eommlttees " tbe flat of 
the nation— The eelebrated Harlan InTe»> 
tlffatlnff Ctonunlttee, 

In 1839 resistance to investigation was no- 
longer possible. **Ko more packed commit- 
tees " was the fiat of the nation — no more 
committees appointed by James E. Polk ; and 
accordingly the House, by ballot, elected the- 
celebrated Harlan committee. 

Now, the pTOOfii were overwhelming. 



PART VIII. 

The PBunderIng; Adininisla*atiait 
of ]ir. Y. Custom House under^ 
ISwartwout and Hoyt— Swart- 
lYout vrithout a bond to seeure 
the millions in his hands— Hal- 
administrati<Ni, Corrupticm, and 
Fraud reduced to a system and 
operated vrith impuniliy. 

In April, 1829. Samuel Swartwovt had been 
appointed by President Jackson collector of 
the port of New York. He was notoriously 
impeoxmious, a reckless gambler in stocks, 
largely in debt, always in want of money, 
and wholly irresponsible finandally. His de- 



94 



HISTORY OF DSMOOBATIO ADMINISTBATIVE " LOOTING." 



fatilt began within a year from the date of 
his appointment, and continued during eight 
years — for years with the knowledge of the 
authorities at Washington— /or years (from 
1834 to 1887^ vnUunU the bands required hy law to 
the Qovemmentfor the ecfe keejAng ^ the miliums in 
his hands. (H, B. 318, third seseUm Tuoemy-fijih 
Congress). His de&ult was for $1,225,705.69. 
The causes of his default, as the Harlan com- 
mittee declares, were his irresponsibility in 
pecuniary character when appointed ; the 
culpable disregard of law and neglect of offi- 
cial duty by the naval officer at New York, by 
the First Auditor and First Comptroller of the 
Treasury ; the disoontinuance of the use of 
banks of deposit ; the consequent accumula- 
tion of yast sums in the hands of a stock 
gambler bo improvident and reckless as Swart- 
wout ; and the nec^igence and £ailure of the 
Secretary of the Treasury to discharge his 
duty as head of the Treasury. In a word, by 
the abandonment at New York and Washington 
of all the checks thrown by law around the 
collection of the revenue. (H. R, 313, third 
session Twenty-fifth Oongress.) Swartwout was 
not removed. His commission expired March 
28, 1838, and, being apprised in time, he, on 
the 16th of August, fled to England with his 
plunder, followed within a fortnight by Wil- 
liam M. Price (the district attorney for the 
southern district of New York), a confederate 
in crime, and, like Swartwout, a defaulter in 
the sum of $72,224.06. The default of G^eneral 
G. Gratiot, Chief Engineer United States army, 
was for $50,000. 

Every bureau overrun with corru|itloii— 
Orlffln of political assessments for iiarty 
purposes. 

In every bureau of the New York customs 
maladministration, oorrupjtion and fraud 
reigned supreme, and here, with the origin 
of Democratic reform, began the "tyranny" 
of assessments for party purposes, levied K>r 
national aud local elections upon the customs 
officers and in the navy yard at New York, as 
throughout the country and in the executive 
departments at Washington. 

Hoyt's maladminifitratioH and systematic 
roblieries-^Hoyt's Triumvirate— Their il- 
legal practices, frauds, pei^furies, and 
robberies of importers. 

In 184l-'42 the Foindexter commission in- 
vestigated the maladministration of Swart- 
wout s successor, Jesse Hoyt, the special pro- 
tege of Martin Van Buren, who was appointed 
in March, 1838. At the date of his appoint- 
ment, Hoyt, like Swartwout and Frice, was no- 
toriously impecunious, irresponsible finan- 
cially, largely in debt, and a reckless specula- 
tor in stocks. His maladministration and sys- 
tematic robberies of the Government and 
the importers amounted to piracy. Even 
in the incidental expenses of the customs 
— in the matter of stationery, printing, and 
the like — the pillage amounted to tens of 
thousands annually. No advertisement for 
the lowest bidder, no contract at stipulated 
prices for their supply, but ordered ex- 
travagantly and in the loosest manner, with 



no evidence required of the delivery of the 
article, the;^ were paid for, oi^ demand, at 
prices ranging from 100 to 200 per cent. 
greater thaA the current New York rates. 
(H. B. 669, second sesnon Iwenty-seoenih Oonaress.) 
Geo. A. Wasson, *' a sort of factotum for 
Hoyt, had a monopoly of the cartage at the 
public stores— two privileged carts, for the 
use and labor of whicn, in three years, Hoyt 
paid him $94,430.92. In addition to his salary 
as storekeeper, Hoyt paid Wasson unlawfully, 
as deputy collector, $1,600 per AnniiTO (£ E, 
669, second session Twenty-seotnih Congress.) In 
the seizure of goods under Hoyt's rapacious 
system of reappraisement, Wasson was one of 
a triumvirate — Wasson, Cairns, and Ives— of 
Hoyt's standing witnesses in the courts. This 
tramed trio were allowed to share the plunder. 
In a single instance, in 1840, Hoyt paid Wasson, 
without vouchers, $1,767.33 over and above 
the legal fees, for attendance on three trials, 
between May and October. Wasson was al- 
lowed to employ, for his private benefit, . lab- 
orers hired and paid by tne Government. He 
was a privileged purchaser, in his own name 
and in the names of others, at the sales of 
goods remaining nine months unclaimed in 
the public stores ; allowed to plunder the pub- 
lic stores of goods in large quantities ; to rob 
the custom-house of coal for his private use ; 
in a word, to indulge in " a multitude of ille- 
gal practices and petty frauds " in addition to 
the goods, the luxuries, the salaries he ab- 
sorbed from outside parties interested in the 
ruin of importers. {H. R. 669, second session 
Twenty-seoenth Oongress.) Cairns and Ives, in 
like manner, equally shared in the plunder. 
In January, 1840, a fire destroyed the Front- 
street stores. The goods saved were removed 
by the custom-house eOiaches — placed in an 
open lot — all entrance to which was re- 
fused to the importers for the pnrpose of 
identifying and recovering their property; 
but the goods, practically seized, were made 
up into piles or lots in which the vilest 
frauds were practiced to deceive purchas- 
ers — struck off at nominal sums to privi- 
leged parties in collusion with the officials, 
and the proceeds, after deducting fees, &c, 
pocketed by the collector. Thus the owners 
were robbed of goods aggregating in value 
$1,000,000, the Government of $400,000 as 
duties, and Hoyt pocketed about $30,000, 
which should have been deposited in the 
Treasury for the benefit of the owners. Hovt 
also rented unlawfully five stores for the safe- 
keeping of goods entered at the custom-house. 
These stores yielded him a profit, per annum, 
of $10,000, at a cost to the Government of 
$30,000; or, in three years, in violation of 
law, but with the sanction of Secretary Wood- 
bury, Hoyt, through these stores, pocketed 
$30,000, at a cost to the nation of $90,000 ! (R 
R. 669, second isession Twenty-seventh Congress. ) 

]!Iaffnitude of Hoyt's criminal capacity— 
His system of fraudulent appraisement 
—Its siiockinff busiaess resulta. 

The above are characteristio instances in 
illustration of Hoyt's maladministzatio&. 



HIBTOBT or DaitOOSATID ACMIinBTBATITS "LOOTniO." 96 

:a aatoimding. | tive ooo^jitor, Throi^h it all the OoTem- 

_.,.._, ito shocking meat bore all ths enormona Biponsas. Hoyt, 

TMolti in his iTitem of fkmndnleiit reappraise- Batler, tuid the trimnvimte—Waason, Caiius, 
meot. Oooda lesal&rlf iUTolced, and upon j and Ivm— absorbed all Uie piofita. Beddea 
whi^ all demancu at the coitom-hotiae bad the immenBe aaum accruing aa fees in bU 
beat paid, aftei BXamination and appnuae- aaa«« of aeiznre under raappraiaement, Hoyt'H 
ment bj th« lawfnl ap^aiseia of the ona- 1 piaotice of retaining in hia own hanjii^ inth 
tamiB,Keis followed by Wateon, Gaims, and the aanction of fieoretarj Woodbury, the 
It«« to Baltiioore, PhiladslphJa and other Eimonnt of dntiea in anch caaea, enabled him 
oiUea, again examined, reappraised, oon- for indefinite perioda of time — for years — to 
dmuied, aeiaed and held for trial. At the use the vast aama, thna held for faia private 
tdala the trained "triumvirate" were tha ' profit, in loans to banks and brokers, and in 
iitnnrlinB witneeaea. KeretthelMa, " in speaulatione of all binds— in bolstering, by 
neftrly all these coaes" — "thirty-two out of heavy depoaita of the Government fonds, 
thirty-three"— tried in the United States Boch rotten institataonsai the "Koith Ameri- 
Distriot Court for the Southern DistritA of , can Truat and Banking Company," in tha 
r Tork, " the verdicta of the juriea were stock of which he waa a heavy gambler. Bj 



iafkTor" of the importers. A like reaalt at- his own atatement. Hoyt thus conatanUy held 
tMided tha auita elaewhere. But in every : of the Oovemment funda, free of intarect, an 
MM, «faeth«r fkvotable to the importer or not, average of (35(^00% at a time in New Tork 
Iha luMlt to him waa equally diaaatrous — wbeu money was demanding S per cent, per 
ibaplKt* nin to many tbrongh the unlawful month. The sum thus held was shown to be 



•dnmr snppcHied by the a^stematia peiji 
otftMo tnmedia the service of Hoyt, with 
the aaoetion of the Secretary of the Treaanry. 
(E B. tW. Kantd maian TiMit^-ntmlh Omgrtn.) 
Astagle inatMioe will ilinatr^ a multitude oi 
rindlar eaoea. Mr. Bottomly swears in 1841 
"Ifr. Hpyt haa taken from me the principul 
JMCt'dfAU the property I possessed." "Inless 



muoh larger, probably not less than half a 
million, and "it was nnderatood" and be- 
lieved that hia deposits in rotten "banks were 
made under the aanotion of the Secretary of 
the Treasury, " at a time when Woodbury was 
"borrowing " for the Government "ontieas- 
uiy notes beorii^ interest" 



uan two years " Hoyt a rapacity had mulcted 
Ifr.'B. in ooats ^gregating t2d0,00l>. " One- *■««■»« of Hoyfa ptncy-^R MUdhUatcs 
ttdid" of all the English importers were mined. the commerce of the nation— Aniroxl- 
Hieir property (upon the sales of which tbej ntaie umb to the Government waA tbe 
people over seven millions I 



.. mdedtomeet their liabilities tothefor- 
^gn mKnu&cturer) seized and locked up for 
~ii indeftnite period, their failure waa tbe 



ndefimte period, their failure waa tbe 
[table result ; and their bankruptcy carried 
It ttie ruin of a large number of English 
jHam&etQiers." Mr. Bottomly had recently 
teen In England, where goods are nnosually 
rflf p. Bllfl irrrriiirn' "I conid have precured 
MBi|auneDta to the amount of SI, 000,000 for 
flwMS«on(IHl), and even more, if I oould 
ba*« aasmea the oonsigneea that they would 
not be seised after the^ had paaaed the cna- 
tmn hotiae, and the duties thereon had been 



Theexact aggregate of Hoyt'eplander is not 

' known. The aggregate of lus default was not 

\ less than $500,000. His unlawful income— 

\ the aggregate of hia pillage of importara and 

' merchuita— cannot be euustly estimated ; it 

[ waaknown tobeprod^ouB ; but his annihila- 

j tion of the oommerce of tbe conntry, and the 

consequent heaTV loss to tbe Government in 

its revenues, while inunensely increasing the 

cost of collecting tbe customs at New Tark, 

■" -i -"75 "S^aTn" T """"^ T '^, can be approximated. In one year, in 1840, 

V^±SS \m, "»*'f«r '^i^^^ias comp^dwitb 1839, the faling off of iml 
^3r^...^i3?"'^'?-'H'' -"^-^ ™|P°rt= w%^ $40,233,763, involving, feaideathe 
9>od. within Hoyt'a piratical junsdiotK^n. | ^ j^,, jo the tarfBo ,of the nation, a loss 
IHiiaBBlllBa w in.iii w of HotI »hA fals ua- , ^° "'^ Qovernment in its revenues of 

— rt.*.. ■ B ■«*■» ..,■ A. _. I 1 $7,851,765.53. As oompared with 182G, the 

^^J!" «I ^\ .,. »J fi-^t y^of AdMQs'adiSinistration, thef«Jling 

nt<»-««ek nmuins and iwnUns witli „jf -^^ the aggregate of imports and exports iS 
fnads, wben 8c«rM*rT le^o was82,975,142.whiletheoo8tofooU6otion 
I borrawlns for tbe Oov had increased in a correspoodine ratio. In 
■" ■ ' notCB be«rlnell825 the amount of duties received at the New 

Tork cnatom-honae was SIS, 754,827.54, at an 
expense of collection of $211,471.87; that is, at 
In all this npadons villainy syatematically the rate of 1.34 percent. In 1840 the amount 
_ mud under Uke forms of law, onder the I received by Jesse Hoyt was $7,591,760,95, at 
, snadest pniteatotions of " patriotism " and j an expanse of collection of $563,839.39 ; that 
.•'nfonn,' Bgain and a^La repeated, Ei-At- is, at the rate of 7,42 per cent. From 1835 to 
tomoy Qenecal Benjamia F, Bntler, President j 1828, inclusive, under Adams, the average cost 
Van Itnren's old law partner, tha pious and I of collection was 1.43 per cent. ; from 1838 to 
jn»eifnl piendent of the defunct bogus 1 164D, inclusive, under Hoyt, the average ooat 
'•■VMliiiigloQandWaTrenBank'' of Sandy Hill, I waa 5.20 percent., while the estimatedincre«ee 
and Buboec^ently Price's successor ns United : in number of officers emploved in the oollec- 
Stateo distnot attorney for the southern dis- tion was "337," and the increased oost of 
' triot of Hew Tork, was Hoyt'a adviser and ao. | collection " 660 per cent." 



96 



HIBTOKY OF DBICOOBATIO ADHINISTBATITB "LOOTHTO. 



M 



PAET IX. 

Public I^ands Sales of Sixty odd 
Receivers of Public moneys 
— Fifly Detkult in an aggregate 
of $835,078.!d5-Receivers' Of 
ces bec^inie Brokers* Dens -Of- 
ficial Reeommendation to Re- 
tain Delkulters because IVei^ 
Ap|»ointees would ^^Follo\¥ in 
the Footsteps '' of their »efbult> 
ing Predecessors ! 

The maladministTation and oorraption in 
the collection of the revenue from the sales 
of the public lands were as flagitious as in 
the customs. Oat of sixty odd receivers of 
public moneys fifty defaulted. A few in- 
stances will iUustrate the whole. 

John Spencer was receiver at Fort Wayne, 
Ind. In jCay, 1836, the Secretary complained 
to Spencer that his accounts were in arrears, 
and appointed Nat. West» jr., of Indianapolis, 
as examiner, to investigate the office at Fort 
Wayne. Mr. West reports the office a broker's 
den for speculation and shaving. Spencer 
was about to be removed. Hon. Wm. Hen- 
dricks rushes to the rescue, and urges that 
Golonel Spencer is ** an honest and honorable 
man ;" that his removal " would to some ex- 
tent produce excitement,"* '* for he has many 
warm and influential friends, both at Fort 
Wayne and in Dearborn county. Better let it 
be." Mr Woodbury concluded to **letit he." 
To Mr. Hendricks he writes : "I am happy 
to inform you that Mr. Spencer's explanations 
have been such that he will probably con- 
tinue in office.'* Mr. Spencer's explanations 
were : "My Democratic friends think I ou^ht 
not to leave until after we hold our election 
for President," ^ ^ "which I have concluded 
to wait.** (H. R. 313, third sesmn Tumty-fifth- 
Qmffreaa.) Willey P. Harris was receiver at 
Columbus, Miss. " General Harris " was in- 
dorsed by his Democratic representative in 
Congress as " one of the main pillars ot 
Democracy,'* as of " diffused and deserved 
popularity,*' and as " one of the earliest and 
most distinguished friends of the ( Jackson's ) 
administration in Mississippi." In March, 
1834, Sec'y Roger B. Taney complained of his 
conduct, and after fifteen warnings, extending 
through two years, from Secretary Woodbury, 
"General Harris** was permitted to resign, 
and to nominate and secure the appointment 
of his successor, "Colonel Gordon D. Boyd, 
of Attala County." Whereupon the Secretary 
quietly entered on the books of the Treasury : 
"Balance due from Mr. Harris, $109,178.08.'* 
—Ibid. Colonel Boyd early feU into the foot- 
steps of his illustrious predecessor. In June, 
1837, Mr. Garesche reports the Colonel as a de- 
fSaulter to the amount of $50,000, but adds : 
"All concede that his intemperance has been 
his^eatest crime.** "The man seems really 
penitent, and I am inclined to think, in com- 
mon with his friends, that he is honest, and 
has been led away by the example of his pre- 



decessor and a certain looseness in the code of 
morality, which here does not move in so lim- 
ited a circle as it does with us at home. An- 
other receiver iqould probably foUow in the fodtsbepi cf 
the tivo. You wiU not, therefore, be surprised 
if I recommend his being retained." So it 
was decreed. In October, Boyd was allowed to 
resign, and the Secretary entered against his 
name : "Indebted $50,000 as per last state- 
ment." And so with the remainder — Linn,. 
Lewis, Alsbury, Dickson,. Skinner, Hays,. 
Simpson — fifty in all ; making an aggregate 
default of $825, 678. 28.— J«d 



PART X. 

A lAHks Array of Defieiulters in 
all Departments— The Indiana 
Special Oiyects at Democratie 
Rapacity — The Indian l¥anr 
in Forty Years Cost $500,000,- 
OOO -Indian Claims the Fattest 
of Rotten Perquisites — Vice 
President Rich. HI. Johnson as- 
sesses $I8,000 Fees fbr Frau- 
dulent Collections. 

So in all departments of the Gk>Yemmen^^ — 
maladministration and corruption rioted im — 
restrained. Contractors, commissioners. In — 
dian agents, paymasters, officers of the army' 
and navy, and Gk)yemors of Territories — aJL 
defaulted for thousands upon thousands. 
The Indians were special objects of rapacity. 
Cherokees, Chickasaws, Creeks, and Choc- 
taws, outraged and oppresed in a thousand 
brutal ways, and forced into hostilities, were 
mercilessly murdered and deprived of their 
lands. In forty years, in Indian wars, the 
nation expended $500,000,000; in the Semi- 
nole war alone, in seven years, $50,000,000 
in gold— an average in gold of $7,000,000. 
Thus, Indian claims were the fattest of rot 
ten perquisites. Their name was legion I 
The robberies attending the removal alone 
of the Cherokees and Choctaws, under the 
treaties of 1835 and 1846, are estimated, upon 
official data, at $7,358,064.60. In these even 
Colonel Bichard M. Johnson, Van Buren*s Vice 
President, indulged the dominant propen- 
sities, and assessed $18,000 fees for fraudulent 
collections. This claim was one for a; Capi 
Buckner, of Kentucky, and Yice> President 
Johnson was his only agent or attorney before 
the Department. Before the claim was al- 
lowed Vice President Johnson a^ked Buokner 
to purchase for him a farm in Axisjiaas and 
some negroes if the claim was allowed. Buck- 
ner declined. But while riding to the War 
Department on the day the final requisition 
for $37,749 was obtained, Buckner agreed to 
lend Johnson $18,000. The House Committee, 
which investigated the payment of this claim, 
says : 

"From a thorotigh invefltigatioii of this case, th« com- 
mittee are constrained to say there was no eTidenos t» 



HIBTOBT OF SiSUOOKATlO ADMIHISTBATITX "LOOTUa. VI 

JoBtltr fl" »aoo>mtUig offlwm of the TwMinT tn »^ I Quit the Chetotcee fond waa deftandsd by % 
fcrtw tU. nun t« ™e7. I^it«^iii«wof^ I citizen agent of «Be.I*6.6*. and by two Bimy 

(ban^piiltlouwHObtalnad. Thnrnlri inmn rrnim t- against ue GoTemmentt2,82T.000.28. In like 

b«H*i« Utattbe»(liBl|iTf(itt otapapnlunoePnil' manner the ChoctawB ware swindled of 

doBtlada&knpanautTClDfliuwewUhthtMOoaiit- m, 707 ege qr 

UHoOoenlanaliiatUsolalm tbao UwitreDgthof '-J, '°Z,:J^t ,. 
SUiUmanTbjwhkli II manntalaad. ^utiole io recapitulate: 

AmdhH nutaliMdalaMDt|131,«3.N>.attrltnita>ls t( 
lb* nntofpnidanteeaDoinr and fMUifnlsaM ooUu 
SutotthoHcoiuiacted orltblti dlibnnemsiit ud Ui 
awoonntlDB oMeen."— (H. S.. M »«., iT« Oui ■ 



More naladminlstnttlon and, fAHL Xli. 

Corrapttoo luider^ P^^^^n' » Feculent, reeldng CorrnpOon"- 
long; array of Delteulters In 



Polk— Wholesale Robbery 



eovemment and Indlani-Ttae ^^ nixSe»n War, Ito prodlcloas 
JVnUon despoiled ol MUUon*. — - — *^ - 



Under Polk the Indian franda were enor- 1 
^mons. These are embraced in a aettJement bv : ' 
<!o„uotadm., M.aill, and covmd in . report S °?' '''''°^r't!'",i°^X'' ^ !S^^ 

«f iWmdlMe UirOh.rek«„ »n. mtltl-d ' gj«idu.n,ml ot th. ■!.« Dhgi»*j-o»t 

^nld l«Te beoD i»id fbS ii«iil ttal g*i"!i Collm«» Ih. Bi«rij Ih. Sootl,. lh« 
Ku^. fnudnlBBl chmii b/Sie .gei.t. md I " """i"' P'^S""' ?''j" '*"'5, '°'*"S'S° 

:=S!S- _., .„dii«n£oiSrJ.lSiB.o». "«""» iyi~«™. d«b™.g o«c™> ot tt. 



[ for the Indiana only »18i»71.28 of "™y ™d n»^. n*Ty agenB. panaion agania, 
a™,i*lnXI.OOOnnd.rlholSli. ScOTa. '°"'?'?*'~t'"" of P-'l". n<«<n ■»»- 
mbaoqnenlljmad. of«1.25«:iS),57;andtt.;^'?*'" °"'» ">«o«»-Pl™det.d tioi 
"C""*" **** instructed to demand from the ; '"""**''■ 
Tn*^'""" receipts in full before the payment of , 
even that som. The Indiana were oompelled i 
to submit. Thus, in the removal of the Che- j 
rokeee. under the treaties of 1S35 and 1846, aa 
per William L. Marcy'B settlement, the LidiaBMl John Y. Hason, of Virginia, styled by Denio- 
-were deliberately robbed of S2, 743,499.27. Un- cratic organs aa " the accomplished and eioal- 
dar the same treaties, at the same time, the lent Secretary of the Navy," waa a brilliant and 
Oovemment was mnlctad in a like smn. The conadentioaa reformer — a strict oonstmctionist 
amount paid bv the Clovemnient in the trans- 1 of the Stales Bights' school. A single instanoe 
portation of the Indians was $2,915,141.58. will illustrate the character of hia reform: 
An offer was made to transport and subsist Nathaniel Denby was the agent of the Navy 
tlie TnHUnB at $40 per head. Bren the Tnilianii Department at Marseilles, Prance. Osborne 
propoaed tn transport and Bnbsist themselves was a Richmond merchant. They de&ulted 
at the same rate— $10 per head — which for for the snm of $159,433.67, At a time when 
13,149 Indians (the number charged for) Denby had an unexpended balance on hand 
vroold amoont to $525,960, showing a swindle, ' of nearly $60,000, with no demands for its use, 
as oompttred with the amonnt actoally paid by ' Jndge Uason deposited with the Bichmond 
the Oovemment, of $2,389,181. 58. Thereoor^l men^iant (Osborne) $100,000 for the use of 
of the !bidian office show that the oontractors Denby. Denby had no nsa for the money. 
oharged for 1,633 more than were actually He even, from his prison under FiUmore, 
removed, which, at $40 per head, amounted to urged in extenuation of his de&nlt that he 
$65,320. The original contractors were com- had had no "advices" of this deposit with 
pelled by the Government agenta to transfer Osboma. BntOsbome sap: •■These moneys 
their contracts to second parties, and to the . ($100,000) I received as [Ur. Denby's] agent, 
original contractors were atrarded as damagea paying interest tor them, and conseqnenify, 
the sum of $227,362.52. ThereoordaatsoshowjaB wonldbeinftnzed from Uiia <r ^ 



98 



^OSTOBT OF DBHOOBATIO ADMIin8TaA.TiyB "LOOTINO. 



t$ 



and also by express ondeiBtanding, had the 
use of the funds until called for. All these 
funds were in the hands of varions European 
and American houses; and in consequence of 
^eir failures my losses were so great as to 
involve mv whole estate in min and leave me' 
destitute. 

A Democrmtlc Senator Indlvmuitly de- 
nounces the malpractices and corruption 
of Polk's administration. 

In the Senate of the United States, February 
11, 1847, Mr. Westcott, a Democratic Senator 
£rom Florida, indignantly declared: 

" I warn the Democracy of this country, the people 
Qf this country, that they do not know one>twentieth 
part of the corruption, the feculent, reeking corruption, 
in' this respect, in the Qovemment for years past. I 
tell the people of this country that the Goyemment and 
institutions of this country have been and will be used 
as a machine to plunder them for office beggars, and 
to perpetuate the possession of political power. I 
solemnly believe, if the people of the United States 
knew the manner in which their Oovemment was con- 
ducted, if they could all be assembled at the city of 
Washington, they would be excited to kick up a revolu- 
tion in twenty-four hours, which would tumble the 
President, heads of departments, both houses of Con- 
gress, Democrats and Whigs, head over head into the 
Potomac; and I believe they would act right in doing 



PART XIII. 

Hammoth Frauds of l¥ashington 
^^Rings" under President Pierce 
— Pierce's ** outla^vs of the 
Treasury" — The actual and 
proposed plunder under Pierise 
estimated at $300,000,000 1 

Under Pierce, Washington * 'rings" rejoiced 
in mammoth fraud in the building of the 
Capitol wings and in the extension of the 
iSreasury building, and were encouraged in 
their pillage by Pierce's "outlaws of the 
Treasury.*' xhe actual and proposed plunder 
was immense. The aggregate amount of spoils 
proposed in the first Congress under Pierce 
was estimated at $300,000,000 !->$120, 000. 000 
in obedience to the decree of the Ostend con- 
ference for the purchase of Cuba; $20,000,000 
for the (Gadsden- purchase, and so on in like 
acts — all for the ag^p-andizement of slavery. 
The maladministration of the Post Of&ce 
Department under Campbell, Pierce's Post- 
master General, jivaled that under Barry and 
Kendall. Even " the sale of letters and papers 
was made an item of revenue." ** Bank-biUs, 
checks, and insurance policies were sold in 
piles," and a Connecticut mill, buying two 
&ousand of these, exposed the crime. 



PART XiV. 

The Fearful Corruptions under 
President Buchanan— Plunder, 
Pillage, Sack— The Immense 
Public Printing; «« liOOt "-All the 



departments Degraded Into 
Corrupt Party Machines— S^vin- 
dUng; live Oak Contracts— Poiitr 
leal Assessments Three Times a 
Year— Offi«5eholders Organized 
into Mercenary Corps Ibr tlie 
Fraudulent Control of Elec- 
tions— The Mammoth Robberies 
under Secretaries Floyd, 
Thompson, et aL 

Under Buchanan, as under all his Demo- 
cratic predecessors, the revenues and the offi- 
ces of the National Gk)vemment were again 
the "spoils" of "The Party." Loyalty to 
the Administration, allegiance to slavery, 
were the conditions of a division. The pro- 
fits or the Congressional printing were great. 
The bills of the Printer immense. But the 
profits of the Executive printing and binding 
and the printing of the postal blanks were 
enormous. Out of these profits — the news- 
paper corruption fund, disbursed by the 
notorious Cornelius Wendell — presses like 
the Penruylvanian, the Philadelphia Argta, the 
Washin^n Umorit et al,^ received a subsidy as 
a condition of slavishly supporting the 
Administration. Papers like the Cleveland 
National Democrat were established under the 
patronage of the Government by office-hold- 
ers for Uke purposes — the defense of border 
ruffianism, Lecompton, and sectional strife. 
The navy-yards, custom-houses, and post offi- 
ces were deeded into corrupt party 
machines. Editors of servile sheets, render- 
ing to Gk>vemment no service, were borne 
upon their rolls, drawing pay — like Baker, of 
the FenntylvarUan, and the noted Theophilns 
Fisk, of the Argus, at Philadelphia ; William 
M. Browne, of the Journal qf Commerce^ at New 
York ; Harry Scovel, of the Dree Press, at 
Detroit, and the Henry J. Alvords in 
other sections ; as also men like Cummings, 
at Philadelphia, pocketing pay in the name 
of subordinates lor whi(£ no services were 
rendered ; like Clements, at the Philadelphia 
navy-yard, unable to write, but useful as a 
politician, appointed and drawing pay as 
clerks while working as bricklayers ; like the 
infamous Michael C. Murphy, a foreman in 
the New York yard, and the principal in a 
$35,000 jewelry robbery, retained as party 
strikers. Fealty to party covered all crimes. 
Swindling contracts, like the notorious live- 
oak contracts to Swift, were awarded to party 
favorites in payment of party services. Thou- 
sands of dollars were regularly assessed for 
party purposes, even three times in the same 
year, upon the Departments at Washington, 
upon the navy-yards, custom-houses, and post 
offices throughout the country ; even assess- 
ments, in the form of contributions, for the 
support of the organ, the OonstUutkn. Woe to 
the unfortunate wight who rebelled ; his inde-{ 
pendence was instantly rewarded by decapi- 
tation. Office-holders were organized int' 
mercenary corps for the control of Katioi 
and State politics ; and by wholesale frauds 



HISTORY OF DEMOOBATIO ADMUTTSTBATIVB "LOOTINO.' 



99 



«l6Ctionfl — ^by frauds upon the registry— bj 
ihe issue and distribution of fraudiuent natu- 
ralization papers — ^by ballot-box stuffing and 
frauds in counting votes, enabled corrupt 
minorities to dominate for years the intelli- 
gent majorities of the great States of Pennsyl- 
yania and New York. {H, R. Q3S, first session 
mrty-siactk Gmgress.) Defaults like Isaac 
V. Fowler's, the postmaster at New York, 
for $75,000, were but bagatelles compared with 
Thompson and Floyd's grander system of pil- 
lage. The abstraction by Floyd's nephew, 
Godard Bailey, in 1860, from the Interior De- 
partment, under Jacob Thompson, of $870, 000 
of Indian trust bonds, and their transfer to 
Bussell, Majors & Waddell, upon Secretary 
Floyd's fraudulent acceptances, under a con- 
tract of that firm with the "War Depaiiment, 
and similar fraudulent acceptances by Floyd, 
as sh«)wn by the records of the War Depart- 
ment, to the amount of $5,339,335, aggregated 
a fraud of $6,137,395, to be borne either by the 
Goyemment or the holder. 

MAre Mammotb Indian bond robbertes 
under Secretaries Woodbury and Jacob 
Thompson— Even tbe (Smitbsonlan Trust 
Fund '' fiTObbled V 

Under the numerous Indian treaties, up tu 
1861, with the Gherokees, Chickasaws, Choc- 
taws, Greeks, and others, funds in large 
amounts (held under the solemn pledges of 
the nation in trust for those tribes) had ac- 
cumulated in the hands of the Secretaries of 
War, Treasury, and Interior. These were in- 
vested by Secretaries Woodbury and Thomp- 
son in nearly valueless Southern stocks and 
State bonds. Even the Smithsonian trust 
fund ($538,000) was sunk with the rest. By 
Woodbury $1,744,166.66 were thus invested, 
upon which the Grovemment had paid as 
interest, up to 1876, $1,571,708. Of thisfund, 
under Buchanan, Secretary Thompson invest- 
ed in like stocks and State bonds $1,970,800, 
upon which the Grovemment had paid as 
interest, up to 1876, $1,575,435, allin violation 
of law, and causing a total loss to the nation, 
up to 1876, of $6,862,109.66. 



PART XV. 

Imniensely Increased l^moeratic 
Expenditures— Increased Tax- 
ation of tlie People to support 
ihls system of i^holesale Cor- 
ruption, Plunder and Fraud. 

Under the administration of John Q. Adams, 
denounced by the Democracy for ** extrava- 
"gonoe and fraud," the heaviest net annual ex- 
penditure was $13,296,041.45. Under Jackson, 
under the solemn Democratic pledges of '* re- 
trenchment and reform," the net annual ex- 
penditures suddenly doubled, even trebled 
those of Jackson's last year (1836), being, 



$37,243,214.24 ! Under Polk they increased to 
$53,801,569.37; under Pierce to $65, 032, 339. 76, 
and under Buchanan, in 1861, to $72,291,- 
119.70 I 

The aggregate net ordinaiir expenditures 

of the younger Adams' administration 

was $61,671,948 99 

Of Jackson's last four years 104.061.745 81 

Of Van Buren's four yean 110,683.428 21 

OfPolk'sfour years 116.381.026 84 

Of Pierce's four years ..> 232.820.632 36 

Of Buchanan's four years 261.166.809 62 

The average annual net ordinary expenditures were: 

Under J. Q. Adams $12,917,986 99 

Under Jackson (Democratic economy). . . 26.012.936 46 
Under Von Buren (Democratic economy) 27,670,867 06 

Under Polk (Democratic economy) 26.096.256 68 

Under Pierce (Democratic economy) 68,206,158 09 

Undsr Buchanan (Democratic economy). 65,288,962 41 

A constantly increasing scale, doubling un- 
der the wholesale plunder and corruption of 
Jackson and Van Buren, and closing under 
those of Pierce and Buchanan at five times the 
figures which, under the younger Adams, they 
denounced sis evidences of extravagance and 
fraud. 

Analysis of the airsreirates aad ratios ot 
losses under Democratic and Republican 
administrations. 

During the seventy-two years of our Govern- 
ment, prior to 1861, a period mainly con- 
trolled oy the Democracy, the aggregate col- 
lections and disbursements were $4,719,481,- 
157.63. During the period from 1861 to 1875, 
under Bepublican rule, the aggregate collec- 
tions and disbursements, in consequence of 
the war expenses incurred through ine Demo- 
cracy in rebellion, reached the prodigious 
sum of $25,576,202,805.52, or over five times 
greater under the Bepublicans than under the 
Democracy. The aggregate losses under the 
Democracy in the period prior to 1861 were 
$24,441,829.32, or $5.17 in every $1,000 ; un- 
der the Bepublicans the aggregate losses were 
only $14,666,776.07, or only 57 cents in every 
$1,000. In other words, cdthough the aggre- 
gate collections and disbursements under the 
Bepublicans were over five times greater than 
tmder Democratic rule, yet the aggregate 
losses under Democratic reform were nearly 
$10,000,000 greater than under the Bepubli- 
cans, and in the ratio of losses to every $1,000 
were nearly 10 times greater. 

Under the administration of Andrew Jack- 
son, that model of Democratic reform, the 
S'ggi^og&te collections and disbursements were 
only $500,081,747.75 ; but under that of Gen- 
eral Grant, up to 1875 (in consequence of the 
war expenses incurred through the Democra- 
tic rebellion), reached the immense sum of 
$8,174,596,676.77— over 16 times greater under 
Grant than under Jackson . Under Jackson 
the aggregate losses were $3,761,111.87, or 
$7 52 in every $1,000. Under Grant only 
$2,846,192.12— or 34 cents in every $1,000. 
In other words, although the aggregate collec- 
tions and disbursements under Grant were 
over 16 times greater than under Jackson, yet 
the aggregate losses liinder Jackson were 



100 



M 



THB "SOLID SOUTHEKN CLAIMS. 



nearly $1,000,000 greater than nnder Grant, 
and in the ratio of losses in $1,000 were over 
22 times greater than nnder Grant. Under 
Van Buren the ratio of losses in every $1,000 
was over 34 times greater than nnder Grant, 
and in like ratio under all thd administra- 
tions of Democratic reform. Under the latest, 
that of Buchanan, the ratio of losses in every 



$1,000 was $3.81— over 11 times greater than 
under Grant. ISee Table of ReceMpLs, Experuk' 
tureSf and D^akaJ&OM tn Statistical Chapter qf Hw 
TexlrBo6k.'\ 

With such an adminibteative beoobd, dabb 

THB >4ATI0N again TBUST THE CANTINO D£MOG> 
BAOT? 



CHAPTER YIII. 

The " Solid Southern '' Claims. 



PAET L 

8300,000,000 of^^SoUd South- 
ern'' Public and Private Claims 
fbr Cotton, l¥ar material. Cap- 
tured and Abandoned Prop- 
erty, etc. 

The New York Tribune of April, 13, 1878, 

says: 

*'The Tribune has already published a complete list 
of all bills introduced in Congress from the beginning 
of the session down to March 18 for the purpose of secur- 
ing public improvements in the South. These public 
cltJms reach the enormous aggregate of $192,000,000. 
The Tribune has since caused to be prex>ared a com- 
plete list of all bills introduced in the Senate and House 
of Representatives from the beginning of the session 
down to March 26, presenting private claims. Of these 
there are nine hundred and eight, of which four hun- 
dred and seventy-seven ask for sums less than $10,000. 
These four hundred and seventy seven billx, there is 
not space to print in full, but their total is $1,010,000. 
Of tharemaining four hundred and thirty-one private 
bills, three hundred and twenty — more than one-third 
of the whole number introduced — are altogether vague, 
neither stating nor hinting at the amount to which 
claim is made. This very vagueness is suspicious, and 
sug$;est8 the magnitude of the sum expected. It is 
certainly &ir, however, to suppose that the average 
amount of these indefinite claims is at least as laiige as 
those asking for a definite sum. Upon this basis 
the aggregate of these three hundred and twenty 
blind asking claims is $3,500,000. There are one hun- 
dired and eleven bills asking for $10,000 or more each, 
making an aggregate of $5,747,793. The least amount, 
therefore, asked for by private Southern claims intro- 
duced in Congress fW)m the beginning of the session to 
March 26. is $10,247,793. The bills introduced down to 
March 18 for public improvements in the South call for 
$192,000,000. The South, therefore, thus teix, in a single 
session, has made demands upon the National Treasury 
for at least $202,000,000." 

^udgre Bartley's flgrures compared wltb 

those of the Tribune. 

" That this estimate is £3.r below the actual amount 
for which the South has asked, the counsel for a lai^e 
number of claimants has already taken pains to prove. 
Judge T. W. Bartley has published in a Washington 
paper a long letter in regard to three large classes of 
claims now before Copgress. He divides these claims 
into three principal classes and makes the following 
estimates: 

Amount of cotton tax $83,000,000 

Balance of captured and abandoned prop- 
erty.... 14.000,000 

.Army supply claims 20,000,000 

K Grand total $117,000,000 

" If Judge Bartley's figures are taken in the place of 



the quiet and modest estimates which the Tribune has 
made, the aggregate (1) of the claims for railroads and 
other public improvements, and (2) of private claims 
for cotton, war material, captured and alMuidoned prop- 
erty, &c., will be more than $300,000,000, instead of 
$202,000,000. 

" The list of private claims presented in each House,, 
exclusive of those in which the sum specified is less- 
than $10,000, is presented herewith." 

Here follows the long list, giving the num- 
ber of each bill, its introducer, its title, and 
the amount asked for by claimant; for which 
in full, see speech in the House May 1, 1878, 
made by Hon. Philip C. Hayes, of Wisconsin. 
It ends with the following 

RECAPITULATION. 

Sum of House bills asking for $10.00D or 
more $4,926,793 

Sum of Senate bills asking for $10,000 or 
more ; 821.000 

Total 6,747,793 

Sum of amounts less than $10,000 1,010,000 

Total of amounts carried out 6,757,793 

Least sum to be addedfor blanks 8,500,000 

Least sum called for by private bills 10,2^7.798 

Total amount of public claims 192.000.000 

Grand total of Southern claims 202,000,000 

Approximate grand total on the basis of 
Judge Bartley's estimates of private 
claims 300,000,000 



PAET 11. 

Rebel Claims demanded as a mat- 
ter of '' Justice and Rig;!!^— An 
Property destroyed by t»oth 
Armies must be paid for—Re- 
mand tliat Rebel Soldiers or 
tbeir Heirs *^be paid In Ronds 
or PabHe liands tor their lost 
time, limbs, and lives V^ 

In his speech, above alluded to, Mr. Hayes, 
after quoting aforesaid list, says: 

****** Here are demands made upon us for 
over $300,000,000. Doubtless many of these claims 
are just and should be allowed, but the great majority 
of them are not entitled to even a hearing. • * ♦ ♦ 
Having shown the magnitude of these claims. I wish 
to say that the general sentiment throughout the 
South is that thdse claims ought to be paid. Indeed, 



• • • 






THS " BOUD SOUTHKBIT OLAIK&. 



■ fuUe Soutb wUl Ml TOO tlijtt UuT'di 
BBt, bnt irlun th^ ''^ - ■'- 



Ihey teal )rc 



pan pnmeBt, 

vlU Bud thM nine ont of enrr ) 

tha Uk tlut tha OoTeminait, fC It had unr »ip«ct to: 
JoMlM, would tan ptU ttieM clalma long uo. Why 
_._ ..._.....,... ... ^Joagbtt. 



lu opaol; ia 

floor who wonld not be ovtrwhelmlnglT dal 
Uw comiDB stoctlon If bs itaonld dm to ■' 
here nod decluB thut tfaese clulmi oagbt D 
paid. * * * * No mAn c&n be electe* 

with t£eir people 

tlen to pa; thnn. TbeT go » du iw to declare thstUiB 
obilDU (or csptund and abandoned propertT. and for 
priTBta pniwrtr takan by Ibe nnloii annf Id tbe war 
of nppUM. ooDltitate a part of the war debt of tbe 

JMtae Bartler'* "Uttle iiKinphlet" BBaln— 
■nel foimKe olalDU. Ju^, ''as Jnst and 
vkIM a Ilea nixm tb* TrcAAurr «■ tbe 
bonded debtltaelf l"— only more bo. 

■■indeed. Judge Bartlay, whose little punpbletwaa 
dMribaled aoliwiT ejooag memben of thle body a 
few d^* »ga. aignee that tbe property taken tor tbe 
anJialBteiioa of the Unloa Army 



and uise Ita adoption : 


esigaati] 
Nearly 


ireofbianelgb- 
ae pnctioable. 


Foui ax a Uuouu. to Cdhoubb. 


^""-Syrls 


Maibcri 


tzsr-' 


We, tbe oltliena of tbe Onlled Statea. moet napeoE- 
fnlly petition youi honorable bodioi to enact a law by 
which aU citizeni of eiery eectioD of tbe United Slate* 
may be paid tor aU their properly destroyed tor them 
b^ tbe gOTanunBntH and aimles of Mh mm during the 



ve alH petition that al 



bile engaged in the L 
id we will ever ptaj. 



ifortunate civil 



> value o 






and nsea. anfl tL 

pnnatT an aa nit and ae valid a Ilnn 

017 aa the bODdWl debt ItMU. Intact. 

(bonld take precedence of the bended c 

beatuae that debt draws Intcreati wbll 

not. Tbe Jndgs ptesenta his case ii 

Ugbt poaalble, and doaes bis pamphlet of twenty page* 

wlUi the following ilgnlfioaDt pangnipb: 

"• The (oregDing views ate eipressed on mature con- 
■bteallon from a aenH of duty to several hundred 
dUtenaof HlIBlSBippi, Lonisiana, Arkansas, and leiaa, 
wpwMntodbytheondetBlgnedaethelPconneeL The 
pMlttOBi Bssnnud can and will be maintained, and 
■caanot be ancceaafolly controverted in 01 out of Con- 
mm. If theplalnlangnagonBodliioipreBslvootHiinB 
linllig It ariae* ilmiilr from a deep sense of the wrong 
Aadlnlnatloadone toii^ured parties, and ]■ aot in- 
teaded to be dlMWUrteoua, but In aU due deference 
•nantpeotrnl regard tor the public antboritieH.' " 

Br. J. V. Foard's rani»lil«t— Tk e woonds or 
tfett War— Tke eaiilcat and Iwst way to 
kMtl tkem Is to canipeasBt« those who 
test BO miefe In tbe conlUct I 

"Only a few days ago I leoetved a pamphlet written 
bjDr. i. V. FoanC atSartH Oanlina. in which tbe 
writer dlaoUMes this snbteet at some length, deolaring 
ttat tha Oovenmunt abcnild s*J Uuae olilma as a mai- 
ler of Josttoa and rl^t. After devoting several pages 
'ItaelUng tattk the lasts mstalnod by the Bonthem 
Saople, be naea these wads ; ' The eeriest and best 
'-■ — J them '—the vronnde made by the war— 



coaifllet.' In a subsequent chapter he sa; 
" 'Let ua go at this work promptly, t 






.0 pay all JRelMl loHse* 

an S per cent. !•• year bonds I— Ijogt 

ttaHe, lost limbs, lost Utcs. all to be paid 

Mrtomnkeupfor tAe*' LostCanse." 

The last page of bi« (FoBrd'H)book contains 

-tlwfidlowing. which will be read with great 

interest, espaoinlly by the Union men of the 

North: 

Thst D04pentlve actlcD be had in this matter, a 



PART III. 
Specimen Brick of "Solid South- 
em *' Claims— Its Bogus Cbar- 
acter and Wondernil Groivth. 

To show how some of thesa Sonthern claims 
are made np. the following ' ' specimen briok " 
is ipyoa from the New York IhiwM; of Jnly 4, 

WASmKOiov, Jnbr S.— Tbe following claim Is given 
as a specimen piodnot ol one of the great Industries 
of tbe section w country which wss lately in rebeUion : 
In 1BT3 Hn. Klisa Hebar appeared before the SonthiHTi 
CUima Conunlselon, In this city, with a bill of lossea 
and damages allaaed to have occurred on her planta- 
tion at or near Indian Tillsge. Pluuemlne Fari^. La., 
vbite occupied by tbe tnope at Oenenl Payne, She 
alleged that that officer took from her for the use of 
his men and allowed to be deatroyedpcoperty as enum- 
erated In tbe following IM : 

S,0OD bbls. com, f UO per bbl tlVUm 

100 chickens, at tl each 100 

aoo tnrkeys.at (Q each tOO 

30 hogs, at tlO each SOO 

Soieo.attMeach 100 

1 mules,' at SlMeacbV.'.'.'.'.',''.'.'"'.'.'.'.',!','.'. 900 
Unknown quantity of lamber, conalsUng of 

hogshead-siaves. pickets andposta fi.OOO 

SOO cords of wood, at teperooid 3,000 

Making a total Dt SU.WO 

Attar filing tbe claims Ura. Heber presented the affi- 
davlla of several colored pereoni. who, not being able 
to write, made their mu^ as algnaturee to tbe etate- 
menta which tbey contained The commlaalonen 
having doubts about the vaUdity and honesty of the 
claim, sent sn agent to naquemine Uriah to inveatl- 

ale tbe matter. He reported that Uie claim was fbi- 
ioni and ftandulent. and the claimant took no tor- 
thar atepa In legtud to proaecatins the claim before 
tha commission. lAter. when the Democrats cbfaUned 
coDtiol Of the Honia ot BmnseutatlTas, Mrs. Heber 
appeared with her claim before that body, but In the 

8,000 bbla, com. at t^.eo per banel tX,00a 

1,000 cords of wood at t*,e«K per cord 7,000 

1 lotoflumber. staves, pickets, &o lO/WO 

I pair cuTiage horses at (MD each 1,000 

3 riding hones at tSOO each 900 . 

1 mules at SSOOeaoh 1,300 

BOhonattSOsaeb MO 

S choloe milch oovrt. . - -.--,.....,-., 9Tfi 

30 bead ot cattle 500 

1 lotofpoolt^ 100 

FsDolng and plantation deetroyed 0,000 

TMsl »tT,9J« 



102 



THE •* SOLID SOUTHERN 0LAIM8 



Dnrinff the second sewion of the Forty>fifth Con- 
gress, John W. Caldwell, from the Committee on War 
Claims, in the House, to which committee this claim 
had been referred, submitted a report to accompany 
House bill 3293, saying "that lirs. Eliza Heber should 
be paid as full compensation for all her claims for the 
property and supplies taken and used as aforesaid the 
sum of $23,150," and the committee reported a bill 
for that purpose, and recommended its passage. The 
principal proof in support of this claim was in afl^- 
davits made by the same persons who had testified be- 
fore the Southern Claims Commission. The fictitious 
character of the claim was made known to Secretary 
Sherman by the ofBicers of the secret service, and he 
directed that efforts be made to prevent its passage in 
the House. An agent of the government was sent to 
Iiidian Village, the residence of Mrs. Heber, and took 
the affidavits of several reBi>ectable citizens, all of 
whom testified that the claim was dishonest; that Mrs. 
Heber did not own more than forty acres of land, and 
that only one-half of that could be cultivated, as the 
remainder was under water most of the time. Oen- 
eral Payne said that he was in command of less than 
2,000 infantry, and was encamped only two weeks in 
the vicinity of the claimant. He said that it would 
have been an utter fmpossibility for his men in the 
warm climate of Louisiana to have burned 1,600 cords 
of wood, or to have consumed 20,000 bushels of com. 

The bill is still before the House. 



PAI^T IV. 

$400,000,000 more— Compensa- 
tion for Slaves l^manded. 

The South is determined to have compensar 
tion for its emancipated slaves to the tune of 
$400,000,000. TheMaoon (Ga.) TOegraph and 
Meatenger — a leading organ in the Cotton States 
— says : 

"Those slaves were not cannon and bayonets and 
armed foes in the late so-called rebellion, and in no 
sense 'contraband.' They were our property, solemn- 
ly and specifically recognized as such, and duly pro- 
tected and guaranteed by that Constitution and Union 
which our adversaries alleged they took up arms to 
maintain and keep intact and defend. Moreover, they 
took no part in that fratricidal struggle, save when 
forced to join the ranks of the invader and wage war 
against their best friends and benefactors. On the 
banditti principle that 'might makes right,' and to 
the 'victor belongs the spoils' only, therefore, can 
this robbery of an impoverished people be justified. 

"We cannot but indulge the hope that when we have 
helped to extinguish the public debt, and time has 
healed the gaping wounds of the past, when reason 
and brotherly love shaU have fully gained the ascend- 
ency over prejudice andthate, even though it shall be 
the nert generation, a brave and hononbble people of 
the same blood and lineage will see to it that the value 
of our property in slaves shall be returned to those 
from whom it was wrongfully wrested. It will do no 
harm to keep this question before the people, that they 
may preserve the records and proper memoranda of 
their former^ slavest In tae event that a returning 
sense of justice on the part of the Federal Ctovemment 
may compensate them, at least in part, for the loss of 
this portion of their rightful property." 



PAKT V. 

A Brief Review of some of tiie 
Rebel Claims— Direet Tax— Cot- 
ton Tax— Special Relief— De- 
struction of Property— Compen- 
sation for Slaves— Rebel mall 



CcMitractors, ^Icc.— They Already 
Reach Three Thousand Mil- 
lions of Dollars— ^' miere will 
it end f " 

In a letter as late as October 31, 1873, but 
published, we believe, in 1876, R. ML T. 
Hunter, of Virginia, a United States Senator 
from that State, prior to the rebellion elabo> 
rates a plan by which the old slaveholders 
may evade the prohibitory clause of the 
fourteenth amendment respecting indemnity 
for slaves liberated by the war. 

How Hunter Proposes to Cet Around the 
Fourteenth Amendment and Kelmhurse 
the Old Slaveholders fbr the Lioss of 
their Slaves--JM##,#MI«< 



Hunter's sagacity is only equaled by his. 
loyalty. The fourteenth amendment abolisheB 
an "institution" of the Confederacy. It ex- 
pels the last vestige of slavery from its soil 
and prohibits all compensation for slaves freed 
by the war. But the astute Hunter discovers 
that the prohibitory clause is unconstitutional, 
and therefore nugatory ; that the slaves were 
private property ; tbtit their forcible emanci- 
pation was in the nature of seizing that pro- 
perty for public use without compensation; 
that the claim is in the individual owner ; 
that the States, in the ratification of the four- 
teenth amendment, had no power or right to 
divert it ; and that consequently the owners 
of that property under the Constitution have 
valid ot bona fide f^\x£LB for reasonable compen- 
sation—to wit, $400,000,000. 

Maryland formally asserts her claims tor 
such compensation— Other slave States 
have official lists of slaves, only awaltlnir 
Democratic ascendency. 

But a discovery so sagacious was not origi> 
nal with Hunter. As early as 1.867, in the 
Maryland constitutional convention, he wa& 
anticipated by the equally sapient conven- 
tionists. They formally asserted the claim 
under the constitution. They authorized the 
Legislature of Maryland to receive and dis- 
pose of the amounts due to their old slave- 
holding citizens when paid by the United 
States, and notoriously, in that as in other 
of the old slave-holding States, lists of the 
slaves emancipated have been prepared, and 
the claims covering their value only await for 
thdr payment the harvest of wholesale plun- 
der when the Democracy shall pass into pow- 
er. 

The "Missouri climax of rapacity— CISLlm- 
ants furnished official certificates of losses 
by rebel raids— Democracy, when In 
power, will pay them. 

But in Missouri the climax of rapacity ii^ 
proposed plunder has been reached. It is, 
however, only preliminary — only a preced- 
ent — ^for further wholesale or general spoila- 
tion. In Missouri, a State commission has- 
investigated and official certificates have been 
awarded to all claimants for compensation for 
losses incurred or supplies taken by the rebel 



n 



THE ** SOLID S017THBBN 0LAIH8, 



105 



forcet which overran its territory; and these 
certificates, as the olaims for indemnity for 
filaves, only await the snocess of the Democracy 
to be promptly honored by the goyemment. 

Bills already Introduced in Congress as 
precedents for these monstrous claims. 

Indeed, as precedents for their payment^ 
two bills, in the Forty-fourth Congress, were 
introduced by Messrs. Knott, of Kentucky, 
and House, of Tennessee, appropriating small 
amounts for property and supplies seized 
by the rebel forces, and if they are hereafter 
passed or recognized by Congress, and should 
the nation be again innicted with a Democrat- 
ic administration, Missouri and every State 
Sonth will realize the prodigious amounts 
these claims will involve. 

Tke anrreffate of rebel claims, thus far 
known. $S.98S.&&4,8S7. 
What amount these Missouri claims have 
reached we do not know, but the known ag- 
gregate so far of rebel claims actually pre- 
sented or demanded is really appalling I Al- 
ready it equals $2,985,554,827, to wit : 

fieftinding direct tax of 1861 $2,492,110 

fiefnnding cotton tax. principal and 

interest 170,180,220 

Special relief bills (Forty-fonrth Con- 

greea) 2.181,497 

JJte and destmction of property, and 

rappliea destroyed or used by Union 

tatcea in the Confederate States 2.410,326.000 

Compensation for slaves 400,000.000 

Ayment of rebel mail contractors np 

toJnly 1,1861 375.000 

$2,985,664,827 

In round numbers $3,000,000,000! A pro- 
digious sum, and still increasing! Where 
wiUit end? 



PART 71. . 

Claiiii of the College of l^lUlam 
and Mary — <Hie of the entering 
Wedg;es— Vote upon It— Oalm of 
the Protestant £pls(M>pal Sem- 
inary in Virginia— Vote. 

In the House of Bepresentatives, October 
29, 1877, Mr. Goode (Democrat), of Virginia, 
introdaced the following bill : 

"Be it enacted, dkc. That the Secretary of the Treasury 
be. and he is hereby, authorized and directed to pay 
to the Ck>llege of William and Mary, in Virginia, the 
sum of $66,000. out of any moneys in the Treasury not 
otherwise appropriated, to reimburse said college for 
tike destruction of its buildings and other proi>erty 
destroyed without authority by disorderly soldiers of 
the United States during the late war : iVovtded, That 
no moneys be so paid except upon accounts of such 
destruction, and the damage caused thereby, duly yeri* 
fled and proven." 

The bill was read twice, referred to the 
Committee on Education and Labor, and De- 
cember 5, 1877, was committed to the Com- 
mittee of the Whole. There was considerable 
debate upon this bill, and it became evident 
that the ex-Confederate element were deter- 
mined to force it through. 

Considerations of party policy 

indaced a postponement of the measure until 



after the Congressional elections, as it was 
feared by the Democrats that further discus- 
sion at that time would bring defeat to them 
in the close districts. Frantic appeals were 
made to the " Southern brethren " not at this 
time to press the bill, and Bragg, a Democratic 
Bepresentative from Wisconsin, in a speech 
dehvered May 1, 1878 (see Gongretnonal Record), 
entreated them thus : 

A Worthem Democrat's prayer to the rebs. 

"I appeal to my Southern friends on this z;ideof the 
House, will you deliberately rake the. ashes off the 
slumbering embers, and fan them into a blaze augain ? 
I believe in my heart you will not. But I am bound 
to tell you. and I do it in kindness. * * * The i>eo- 
ple of the North will never submit to be taxed to reim- 
burse your people or your States out of the Kational 
Treasury for any losses that they sustained, directly or 
indirectly, from the rebellion. * * * There may be 
men in the North — ^their voice has been heud on this 
floor speaking words of encouragement to you in pre- 
senting claims like this one for reimbursement; but it 
is no true expression of Northern sentiment; they are 
the words of a siren that lures to death. You heaod 
them and trusted them in 1860 and 1861 : will you 
trust them again now ? " rft 

Branr shows up the rebel-breedlny, rebel- 
Uon-helplny oollese. 

He showed, plainly enough, too, that the 
act of destruction was perpetanted by rebel 
soldiers, not by those of the Union; that it 
was settled by an American Congress in 1797 
*'that the loss of houses, and other sufferings 
by the general ravages of war, have never 
been compensated by this or any other Qov- 
emment" ("American State Papers," Claims, 
p. 199), and that, in any event, " the College of 
William and Mary foifeited any right which 
she may have had as an educational institu- 
tion sacred from the touch of war, by becom- 
ing herself an engine of war, an active partici- 
pant in the rebellion. She not onlv sent her 
pupils to the red field of battle witn words of 
encouragement and blessing, but she banish- 
ed the muses from her groves, threw wide 
open her gates, and made her venerable halls 
barracks for soldiery to destroy the Qovem- 
ment from which now in all humility she asks 
recompense. I do not state this too strongly; 
the report shows that before the footsteps of a 
Northern soldier darkened her halls the^ had 
been converted into barracks and a hospital in 
aid of the rebellion. The learned faculty can- 
not plead ignorance of consequences in case of 
failure, but they never counted failure among 
the possibilities." 

** Policy, me hoy, policy "— ** The vood time 
oomiiis" when Democrats lilce Bramr will 
be kicked." 

When a Northern Democrat like Bra^g felt 
impelled to talk to his Southern friends m his 
manner, it became evident enough that the 
vote must be postponed. On the 10th of May, 
therefore, Mr. Goode moved that the bill be 
passed over, and after persistent questioning 
stated that he did not expect to press the bill 
anv further at that session. This meant that it 
will be pressed again and again at a more 
favorable time until it gets through. Bragg — 
who was it declared that ''Bragg is a good 
dog?" — had a dear comprehension of the 
scope of this inoffensive-looking bill, when he 
exclaimed, in the same speech : 



104: 



THB " SOLID SOUTHERN OLAOCS. 



"It matters not if lam called a bigot or fanatic, I 
maintain that this biU is a crafty device to foist npon 
US Southern war claims as skillfully planned and as 
certain in results as the wooden horse that carried 
woe and rain within the walls of far-famed Troy. 

" The amount proposed to be given is not large, but 
the shadow it casts before it is large enough to darken 
the land." 

A scattering Northern Democrat, like Bragg, 
here and there, will of course be powerless to 
resist the behests of a Democratic caucas, con- 
trolled by Southern men in the "good time 
coming," when a "Solid South" ruthlessly 
dominates affairs ; and the only safety is to 
elect a Kepublican majority in the next House 
of Representatives, as well as a Republican 
President. 

Another attempt to pass the btll— Vote de- 

featlngr it. 

True to promise, the William and Mary Col- 
lege Bill made its appearance again, within 
two years of the previous attempt to pass it. 
JanuiJry 10, 1879, the bill— word for word the 
same — was debated in the House and defeated 
on a square vote of 87 yeas to 127 nays — 75 
not voting. Of the Republican votes there 
were 98 nays to 9 yeas ; of the Democratic, 77 
yeas to 29 nays. In other words, nearly 3 to 1 
of the Democrats favored the bill, while more 
than 10 to 1 of the Republicans opposed and 
killed the bill for the time being. 

Sttll another wecl§re— Claim of the Protest- 
ant Episcopal Seminary of Virginia. 

Within ten days of the defeat of the William 
and Mary College bill, another bill came up 
in the House for the ** use and occupation " 
of the Protestant Episcopal Theological Sem- 
inary near Alexandria, Va., as a hospital for 
Union soldiers — in the words following : 

" Be it enacted, etc.. That there be, and is hereby, ap- 
propriated, out of any money in the Treasury not 
otherwise appropriated, the sum of $20,000, in full 
payment of rent due to the j.rustees of the Protestant 
Episcopal Theological Seminary and High School in 
Virginia, for the use and occupation of their buildings 
and other property (located near Alexandria) for hos- 
pital purposes. 

" Sbo. 2. That this act be in force from and after the 
passage thereof." 

On the 31st January, 1879, a motion to strike 
out the enacting clause carried by 122 yeas to 
89 nays — 77 not voting. Of the Kepublican 
votes there were 97 yeas to 8 nays ; of the 
Democratic, 81 nays to 25 yeas. Thus the vote 
showed a proportion of more than 3 to 1 
Democrats in favor of the bill, while 12 to 1 of 
the Bepublicans opposed and defeated it. 



PART VII. 

Fraudulent; Claims of ''ItoUd" 
Southern Hall Contraetors — 
Hotv the I>eniocrat:s strove to 
Steal One million Dollars, and 
how the Republicans stopped 
the Steal — Propositions and 
Votes in both Houses. 

Until recently the following section of the 
Revised Statutes has been a national breast- 



work against which the horde of rebel claim- 
ants dashed in vain : 

" Seotzok 3480. It shall be nnlawftil for any officer 
to pay any account, claim or demand against the 
United States which accrued or existed pnor to the 
i3th day of April, 1861, in favor of any penion who 
promoted, encouraged, or in any manner sustained 
the late rebellion, or in favor of any person who, dur- 
ing such rebellion, was not known to be opposed 
thereto, and distinctly in favor of its suppression ; 
and no pardon hjretofore granted, or hereafter to be 
granted, shall authorize the payment of such account, 
claim, or demand, until this section is modified or 
repealed. But this section shall not be so construed 
to prohibit the payment of claims founded upon ccm- 
tracts made by any of the departments, where such 
claims were assigned or contracted to be assigned 
prior to the 1st day of April, 1861, to the creditors of 
bach contractors, loyal citizens of loyal States, in pay- 
ment of debts incurred prior to the Ist day of Idarob, 
1861. 

In the confusion and excitement attending 
the close of the Forty-fourth Congress, in a 
"gush of conciliation," 

An Amendment to tbe Act of March S, 

was rushed through. It provides : 

" That the sum of $375,000, or so much thereof as may i 
be necessary, be appropriated to pay the amount due 
to mail contractors for mail service performed in the 
States of Alabama. Arkansas, Florida. Georgia, Ken- 
tucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, North Caro- 
lina, South Carolina, Texas, Tennessee, Virginia, and 
West Virginia, in the years 1859, 1860, and 1861, and 
b^ore the said States respectively engaged in war ogixiMit 
the United States ; and the provision of section 3480 
of the Revised Statutes of the United States dufl 
not be applicable to the payments therein auth<nv 
ized. Provided, That any sttch claims which have beem 
paid by the Cor^ftderaie States Oovermnent shall not bt 
again paid." 

Sherman's sturdy stand affalnst fraad. 

Secretary Sherman, suspecting fraud, inex- 
orably demanded that all the claims of South- 
ern mail contractors, coming within the scope 
of this law, must first be presented and ad- 
justed, so that if, as he believed, the appro- 
priation was insufficient for full payment^ 
what there was mi^ht be paid out pro rabu 
This gave time for investigation, but gtMj 
exasperated these rebel claimants. 

Reagan's Joint resolution to let the IklefCi; 
set at the Treasury. 

November 16, 1877, in the House, a joiol 
resolution (introduced by Mr. Beagan, Demo- 
crat, and ex-rebel Postmaster Genenil) was re- 
ported back in the following words : 

*' Resolved, etc.. That the Secretary of the 
shall begin at once to pay in full to the late aMfl 
tractors of the <States of Alabama, Arkansas, 
Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, MiBsis8ii>pi, 
North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, Teaansm&b,^ 
ginia, and West Virginia, their heirs or legal i 
sentatives, the amounts due under their 
contracts for the years eighteen hun^bredani 
nine, eighteen hundred and sixty, and 
hundred and sixty-one, and the ai 
three hundred and seventy-five thousand 
made by act approved March third, eighteen hi 
and seventy-seven, shaU be immediately avsilalfle 
said payments ; Provided, That payments shsB 
made for services rendered up to May 
eighteen hundred and sixty-one, when dlBContlimHl 
was ordered by the Postmaster General, and notr 
after ; and the provisions of section tfairty»f6iurT 
red and eighty of the Revised Statutes of tbB ^ 



TBB " BOUD SOUTHBBfl' " OLAOU. 103 

n required, tn hosItIiib tbelr [ATineDta. to igns 

—mM ■-»!■■ -■- -..— _..,. ^.« _ „ _«_ t U tha United aCAt«fl ibould avflr p»j tlwm any- 

kmvUh m lianbT npMled." thisa tor Ui«a httIcsi thej ilioald nftiud It to Uie 

Oonnidanta OovemmMit. 
nie teb«l dMmantB, it will be obaarved, " All Uwm Omu, to TioIauUr In couOlet vlth Kr. 
«nB in an impetient and mandatorj mood, Eewui'i italemaiili In fbt Hmae, jw fnar™*^ 

(t«. TlMT hkd yet to leun " to labor and to balMmd— witbtbefiiitliailkatUMtatUUdato,oftlH 

nit" "Tatiy wanted the $376,000 nt onoe, oa cUinu for which he biiov nrglngBn eppropiiitloii ol 

e» nrinoipto of "flrrt come, first Berred," »ST6.«»l7tl»Un)tedStat«e.hehjdhi™iti«idWM.- 

S.ffiSt,paidinfuU,iu^..eofarasthe JS^^ SiSi SJ^-TS^,^ ^"SJS^ 

f would go, and irere qmt« willing to bwlb^o pUd." 

the nlnima remaining onpeld to fntnre 

appiDpiiationB. ^ 

Ike ■efeate— Bx-Confedentta Poatmrnater 



■st&ed 



Tlie atatement of theae facta tell like a 

The debU. wMoh follotrad (F.braary 16. !?■"'■'"" "A".?''T,ri! ■Sr''S-?'B2: 

MISl-ll. which aaaan. Eaagri (Demiiall, "e Sorth. On the 16th Maroh 1»,8 ttm- 

ST&oia. »ia Money (DeiSSt . of Mlaaii B." ■ 1™' ~olnl.on w.. yi»«edb«k to the 

atpprwete moat preiinenl in bitalf of the J"""" '"» qommillee of the mole, with 

•■2aidHma-deU»i-jointraaolntlonaloreaaid the en.clmg elnoae atookan oot 

4Si.ery.lleonK«haid.tand anbaeqnmt M^M"" (D.moomt) ha™g d.mand.dth. 

nmlatioii da.doped that on one aidTS waa jjeviooa ,o,a ,on. wh»l ™ aeeonded and 

pn»mi»ontl, 3y and d«»itlnl. "■■ »"» qn.at.on orierai the qneat.on w«, 

On the 8th Maioh, after a three waeka' op- "P"" '^^.'JB to the report 

mSmityto Terifj hi. laeH Mr. Eeaga, ,C . •"' , ™?'? <"!?':';'?*' "°"'' K T^" 

Siu.dJnp.rt,a;d nntU Se eipoSS. waa «der the .0^ by which the mun oneMonMd 

inade ntraiSd from none of hia foVmer atUa- been ordered, which motion wa. dnagreed to 

nentn, that, aa the ei-Postmaater General of by,™ yeas to 131 naya. 

SiiebelOonfederacy.hewa.weUK>ti.«edtUat Wheieopon. .ilioiit a dmiion. the report 

the ConfederaU Goiemment had paid none wa. agreed to. and tb. bill waa dead 

olthw olahnuit^had eompelled^tbem to Tb.votenpon Ml WaddeU ■ motion to re- 

loaonnt tothe United Sutea foiall the moneya eonaider ahow. two Repnblioana (from Sonlh- 

•lUlslitmpe in their po^mion npto May 31. ™ '?' border Statea) voting ye. uidlOU 

Ml. iid be aguTnrged the p.ymeitoi Eepnbhe«i. .otuig na, whde 76 Demoemta 

tkn. eklmant. fcr tbar aerriee. of to that ;"J»/.fi.""' "S'j; ^ Ea"ocml. .otod nay. 

aale an a debt due on prineiplea of morality I" "^^^ ''"*'» f""""" ■ 

and pnblio law -■■ acmnnt. for the adjaat- T«*^-Hfl«Bn, AUom, JtOam, n. p. StU, OiaiMun^ 

-nt of which, aolhori.y .bold be giren." S.Tc£S' JTSi Si.TT'i^bi 

Tbr aHtoimainiT devel»|unenti fnmi tbe gm,, ^wiita. FiUoh, Ftrnev. fVimUu. &arU, Oaue, 

reHel archlvrn — The proofi of (rum qaMi,_ CMdiivi. C' " " " " " — " 
stampeil all over ihcac claims. 

BQtithappenst^ttlieBrclii»eaoftherebel ^,„™™. ..„^„, ^™. „.. „™^, „ .,„.„. 

I flOTBnunenl are m the War DapBrtment nt RbIMiu, Ssbtru, ScaUt. ScIlIiMut. siitUy. w.E, Smttk, 

, WialiiiiEton, and Jlessre. Conger and Willits, Springer, Strck. Tbcrnbargh, ThroOcmorUm Tuctn. 

, Bepablica. rep„„nt.live, Hom Michigan. J.J Si.r»,?i£.'J"K:;"Siri!Si 

devoted the interveumg time— as Beagan ^g ». ™., ji. , ~, .,— ,r- 

might have dona -to looking op the facte H^yi-MeMm. Mdrtcb Bkoo, O. A. B«#eT. J. H. 

lonchmg these claiiiin Tfaeije foots, in brief, Btker. W. H. Buker, B>Uoa. Bmfoe, BtmOM, BkloKU, 

I wore found to be as follows: Bi»bee. s™ct, Boyd. Brow. BrenUno, Browec, Brim, 

T. U. Browne, Bnndy. B. C. Bnrchud, Bnrdlck, <^i, 

ipei^tiTelj MonUomen;. Oiiap. J. M. Cunpbell, CUiuOB, Ckswell. CUflio. B. 

1 eigned by 'JohQ H. CUr>, Oati, Pole, CeUim. Conaar,J.D-Ooi,CumiDliM, 

Ivotflmutsn.rdatauid Cutler. DuitorO. Ji. IKvIa, Deering, DenlKin. OanDeB, 

I'Uim. null m«MDgen, Dwlght. EuaM, Emtt. J. L. Emu, X. B, FMcf, Foit, 

aa •pedal ooottMto™ are roquirEd to retain In their Foster. Ftj. fMir.OiMbia.OttrlUiia.A.M.BamiUeti. 

■ — ihIoii, and tnm ovui to tli'.> Gonfedente Post- Hariaibtrgk. B. W. Hurii. Hart, UarMU. Huakell, P. 

«rO«Hnl. tbe said John H nr««ui, foe the bene- c. Hayes, Huelton, HendeiHin, A. 3. Hiwilt, HabbsU, 

' "■- "—-'—- " - -" ~— ine or mooejn H. L. Hnmphrey. Hnngerford, Ittner, Junes, J. S. 

ilierviiiaDfthe Jones. Jo;ca, Eelfer, Kelghtley. EoUey, fi. jH. £<oidfl->, 

, IMl— all msll- I.spliani,ldthrop.Undsey,lATing, ifaCit.Uush. May- 

retunpe. blank! Aaia, HcCoofc. UcElalej, JfctfoAfn, Ultchell. Montw. 

lofptMlmastirts.andallotherprop- H. B. Meale, SorwoM, OUver, O'Neill, Page. O. W. Pat- 

mnneotad with the postal aervlce. terson, T. M. Pattrrtm. PMpi. W, A. Phflliw, Pollard, 

" ■ ir.oftheContederale C. tf.I^taer. Poand.Vrlix, Bandolpb.Raei. J. B.StiOy. 




I Sampson. Sapp. Shallenberger, Slnnlckeon. BmaUa, A. 

E. Smith, Starin. Slungtr, Stewart. J. W. Stone. 3.0, 

. Bione. J. M. TbompBon.Tiplon, R, If. Tmmund.'Vui 

I Tothee, Feofcr, Wait, Wnmer. Watson. Welch, K. D. 



106 



I) 



THE *' SOLID 80UTHEBK CLAIMS. 



PART VIII. 

A Subsequent Assault on the 
Senate by the ''SoUd Southern " 
Mail Contractors, but they are 
discomfited. 

The following (see McPherson's Hand-book 
of Politics for 1878, pages 215, 216) is the his- 
tory in brief of the attack made upon the 
Senate by the ** Solid Southern" maiL men 
after their ignominious defeat in the House : 

"Pending the Sundry CSvil bill, 

1878, June 1^— Mr. Merrimon offered the following : 

" That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is 
hereby, instructed to pay according to the provision of 
the act approved March 3, 1877, the money appropri- 
ated by said act, to pay arrearages due to mail con- 
tractors for carrying the mail of the United States in 
the years 1859. 1860. and 1861. 

"Mr. Morrill moved to add as an amendment the 
words : * Provided, That this shall not be construed to 
repeal section 3480 of the Bevised Statutes/ which was 
r^ected — yeas 24, nays 29 : " 

" Ybas— Messrs. Allison. Anthony, Blaine, Booth, 
Bumside. Conkling. Davis, of Blinois. Dawes, Ferry, 
Hoar, Eirkwood, McMillan. Mitchell, Morrill, Oglesby, 
Paddock. Plumb. Bollins, Sergeant. Saunders, Spencer, 
Teller. Wadleigh, Windom— 24. 

" Nay»— Messrs. Amutrong, BaUey, Bamum, Bayard, 
Beck, BuUer, Cockrdl, Ccke, Conover, Dorsey, Eaton, 
Eustis, Oorden, Grover, Harris, Hereford, Hill, Johnston, 
Jones o/ Florida, Lamar, McCreery, McDonald, Maxey, 
Merrimon, Morgan, Randolph, Saulsbury, Voerhees, 
Withers^Tld. 

" The motion of Mr. Merrimon was agreed to — yeas 
28, nays 23 : 

" Yeas— Messrs. Armstrong, Bailey, Bamum, Bayard, 
Beck, Butler, Cockrell, Coke, Conover, Eaton, Eustis, 
Gordon, Grover, Harris, Hereford, Hill,Johnston, Jones, of 
Florida, Lamar, McCreery, McDonald, Maxey, Merrimon, 
Morgan, Randolph, Saulsbury, Voorhees, Withers— 28, 

*' Nats— -Messrs. Allison. Anthony, Blaine. Booth, 
Bumside, Conkling, Davis of Illinois, Ferry, Hoar, 
Kirkwood, McMillan, Mitchell, Morrill, Oglesby. 
PlKldock, Plumb. Bollins, Sargent, Saunders, Spencer. 
Teller, Wadleigh, Windom— 23. 

** Mr. Wadleigh moved to add these words : 

* Provided however, that no payment shall be made 
to any contmctor unless ux>on satislbctory proof that 
he hais not heretofore been paid by the Confederate 
State Government. 

" Mr. Harris moved to add to the amendment of Mr. 
Wadleigh the words : ' And the clainuuit shall be a 
oomi>etent witness to prove the fact,' which Mr. 
Wadleigh accepted. 

" Which was agreed to. 

" Mr. Blaine moved to add : 

"And every claimant under this provision shall be 
required to ^ve bond to the United States, with satis- 
fiBKStory security for the repayment of any sum which 
shall be subsequently proved to have been paid by the 
Confederate Qovemment. 

"Mr. Johnston offered this substitute : 

"But no money shall be paid to any claimant under 
this provision until he shall have given bond, with good 
security, to refund the money so paid, in case it shall 
appear that he had been paid for the same service by 
the Confederate States. This clause shall not apply to 
personal representatives or other fiduciaries. 

" This amendment was laid on the table — yeas 27, 
nays 22. 

" YsAS— Messrs. Anthony, Bamum, Blaine. Booth, 
Bumside, Christiancy, Dawes, Dorsey, Eaton, Ferry, 
Hoar, Howe, Keman, Kirkwood, McMillan, Matthews. 
Mitchell. Morrill, Oglesby, Plum, Bollins, Sargent, 
Saunders, Spencer, Teller, Wadleigh, Windom— 27. 

" Nay&— Messrs. Bailey, Bayard, Beck, Butler, Coke, 
Conover, Eustis, Gordon, Grover, Harris, Hereford, Hill, 
Johnston, Jones of Florida, McDonald, Maxey, Merrimon, 
Morgan, Saulsbury, Voorhees, Whyte, Withers— 12. 

"A motion to lay on the table, the motion of Mr. 
Blaine, was lost — yeas 23, nays 26. 

" Yeas— Messrs. Bailey, Bayard, Beck, Butler, Coke, 
Conover, Dorsey, Eaton, Eustis, Grover, Harris, Here- 



ford, Hill, Johnston, Jones of Florida, Lamar, McCrtery 
Maxey, Merrimon, Morgan, Saulsbury, Whyte, Withers 
—23. 

•• Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Blaine, Booth, Bumside, 
Christiancy, Dawes. Ferry, Hoar, Howe. Keman, Kirk- 
wood, Matthews, McDonald, McMillan, Mitchell, Mor* 
rill, Oglesby, Plumb, Bollins. Sargent, Saunders, 
Spencer, Teller. Voorhees, Wadleigh. Windom — ^26. 

" Mr. Blaine notified his amendment so as to read : 

" But no money shall be paid to any claimant under 
this provision until he shall have given bond, with 
good security, to refund the money so paid in case it 
shall appear that he had been paid for the same service 
by the so-called Confederate States government. 

" And it was agreed to without a division. 

" Mr. Hoar offered this amendment, which waa 
agreed to, without a division : 

"Provided, That any i)er8on who shall knowingly 
receive or attempt to obtain under the provisions of 
this section, any money from the Treasury of the 
United States on account of a claim which has once 
been paid, either by the so-called Confederate StatesOT 
the United States, shall be punished by a fine not ex- 
ceeding $5,000. and by imprisonment not exceeding 
five years. 

" June 19 — The section, as follows: 

" That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he m 
hereby, instructed to pay, according to the provisimig 
of the act approved March 3, 1877. the money apBK»- 
priated by said act to pay arrearages due to mail oR- 
tractors for carrying the mail of the United States in 
the years 1859, 1860, and 1861 : Provided, however, That 
no payment shall be made to any contractor unlflM 
upon satisfactory proof that he has not heretofom 
been paid by the Confederate States government; and 
the claimant shall be a competent witness. But no 
money shall be paid to any claimant under this prO' 
vision until he shall have given bond, with goods^.. 
curity, to refund the money so paid in case it uia]li9> 
pear that he had been paid for the same service by tito ■ 
so-called Confederate States Qovemment: Promded, 
That any person who shall knowingly receive or id- 
tempt to obtain, under the provisions of this section, 
any money from the Treasury of the United States ( 
account of a claim which has once been paid, 
by the so-called Confederate States or the United Stataibj 
shall be punished by a fine not exceeding $5,000 and tfj 
imprisonment not exceeding five years. 

" Was then adopted in the Senate — yeas 28, nays 

" Yeas — Messrs. Armstrong, Baily, Bamunif 
Beck, Bruce, BuUer, Christiancy, Cockrell, Coke, Conbi 
Eaton, Eustis, Gordon, Harris, HxU, Johnston, Jones 
Florida, Kellogg, Keman, McCreery, McDonald, Ma 
Merrimon, Morgan, Voorhees, Whyte, Withers — ^28^ 

"Nats — Messrs. AUison, Anthony, Blaine, 
Bumside, Conkling. Davis, of Illinois, Dawes, 
Hoar. Howe, McMillan, Matthews, Mitchell, 1 
Oglesby, Plumb, Bollins, Sargent, Saunders, 
Teller, Wadleigh. Windom— 24. 

" The section was dropped in the Committee of ( 
ference." 

[Note. — Two things are to specially ob8< 
here : First, the almost absolute unanimity < 
Democratic Senators in favor of paying *' 
Southern mail contractors' claims, and 
fact that with the exception of one Noi 
and three Southern Senators the Kepublic 
were a unit against them ; second, that 
very unanimity among the Senate Demi 
makes it probable that the House Demc 
would have manifested a like spirit but 
the fear of losing close districts at the 
elections. And doubtless this is why '1 
section was dropped in the Commiitee 
Conference."] 



PART IX. 

Conger's Proposed Constif 
Amendment Prohibiting^' 
ment ot Rebel Claims-*^ 
Thereon-The '' ^olid Soul 



THB *' BOLID SOUtHSRN " CLAIMS. 



lOT 



Oemoerati fvonld pay them, 
and so record themselves. 

On the 19th of June, 1878, Mr. Conger (Re- 
publican), moved the House to suspend the 
rales and pass the following 

"Joint resolution propoeing an amendment to the Con- 
ititation prohibiiixig the payment of olaims of dis- 

/ ioyal persona lor property injured or destroyed in the 
late war of the rebellion. 

Abtzcle XVI. 

No claims shall ever hereafter be allowed or paid by 
file United States, whether as damages or otherwise, 
lor any property, real or personal, taken, used, in- 
jured, or destroyed by United States troops, or by or 
thzoi^lh any officer, civil or military, acting under or 
lij aathority of the United States, or tcom. any other 
tune whatever, during the suppression of the late 
nbeUion in any of the States that were in rebellion 
gainst the Government of the United States, or for any 
property taken, used, injured, or destroyed outside of 
iheaaia States so in rebellion, and which belonged to 
panons residing in such rebellious States, unless the 

ED or persona owning the property so taken, used, 
3d. or destroyed were, during all the time of such 
ion, loyal to the Government of the United States. 
iDd gave neither aid or encouragement to the enemy." 

After some delay and eo^furnn^ the rules 
irere suspended, and the resolution passed 
ligr 145 nays to 61 nays. The fiEtct that only 
18 Democrats voted for, and 61 Democrats 
toted against it (102 Bepublicans voted for, 
fftd none against it), shows plainly enough 
giat the Democratic would do in the matter 
Riebel claims had they the power. 

The TOte on Conner's motion. 

IBS in detail as follows : 

[ikAB— Messrs, Aeklen, Aldrich, Bacon, G. A. Bagley, 
f.H. Baker, Banks, Bcmning, Btcknell, Blatr, Bliss, 
k, Boyd. Bragg, Bteniaxio, Brewer, Briggs. T. M. 
le. Burdiek. Butler, Cain, Calkins. J. M. Sunpbell, 
ion, Caswell, Chittenden, Claflin, A. A. Clark, B. 
Clymer, Cobb, Cole, Collins, Conger, Covert, J. D. 
I Crapo, Cumniings, Cutler, H. Davis, Dean, Deer- 
Denison, Dickey, DunneU, Dwight, Eames, Els- 
1, I. N. Evans, J. L. Evans, Eunng, E. B. Pinley, 
iT, Freeman, Frye, Gardner. Garfleld, Glover, A. H. 
t^ton, Hanna, Hardenbergh, Harmer, Hart, Hart- 
Haskell, Hazelton, Henderson, Hiscock, Hubbell, 
^Lflomphrey, Hungerford, Himter, James, Joyce, 
fer, Keightley, Kelley, J. H. Ketcham, Lapham, 
"op, Loring, *Xu/<riW, iynde, Jfoc/rey, Marsh, May- 
HcCook. HcGowan, McKinley, McMahon, L. S. 
fe, Mitchell, Monroe, Moru, H. S. Neal, Norcroes, 
r, O'Nem, Overton, Page, G. W. Patterson. T. M. 
I. Peddie, Phelps, W. A. Phillips. Pound, Pow- 
Bandolph, Beed, J. S. ReUly, A. V. Rice, W. W. 
i, Roberts, G. D. Robinson, M. Ross, Ryan, Sapp, 
' r. Sexton, dhallenberger. Sinnickson, Smalls. A. 
Smith, Springer, Starin, Stenger, Stewart, J. W. 
», Strait, A. Townsend, R. W. Toumshend. Turner, 
trney. Wait, W. Ward, Warner, Welsh, M. D. 
Itite. A. S. Williams, A. Williams, C. G. Williams. J. 
WioBW, R. Williams, B. A. WiUit, Willits, Wren- 
Ik 

ian— MessTB. Aiken, Atkim, H. P. BeU, BladAum, 
mv. Bright, Cabell, J. W. CaldweU, Candler, CarlisU, 
mmers. Cook, J. S. Cox, Cravens, Crittenden. David- 
9, J. J. DaviM, DibreU, Durham, Bden, J. H, Xvins, 
Uon, Forney, Franklin, Qarth, Oiddings, Goode, H. R. 
trris, J. T. Harris, Hartridge, Henkle, Herbert, G. W. 
podl. Hooker, House, Hunton, Kenna, Knott, Ligon, 
Wming, McKenzie, Mills, Morrison, Muldrow, MuUer, 
tdmore, Reagaai, Riddle, W. M. Robins, Robertson, 
Iriet, Schleicher, Singleton, ThrodhoMrUm, R. B. Vance, 
^jOdell, Whitthjome, Wiggington, B. Wilson, Yates, 

lot YoTiKO — ^Messrs. J. H. Baker, BaUou. Bayne, 
m^^Benedicl, Bisbee, BUmd, mount. Bridges, Brogden, 
mier, Bundy, B. 0. Burohard, W. P. Caldwell, Camp, 
B. Clarke, Jr., Cvlberson, Danford, Douglas, Eickhoff, 
IM, Ellis, Errett, Fort, FuHer, Gause, Gibson, 
rnter. Hale, B. W. Harris, Harrison, Hatcher, 




P. C.Hayes, Hendee, Henry, A. S.HetaiU,lttD.er, F, 
Jones, J. T. Jones, J. S. Jcmes, Jorgensen, Klllinger, 
Kimmel, Knapp, G. M. Landers, Lindsey, Loekwood, 
Maish, Martin, Money, Morgan, Pollard, C. N. Potter, 
Price, Pugh, Rainey, Rea, M. S. Robinson, Sampson. 
Shelley, Slemons, W. E. Smith, Southard, Sparky, Steele, 
Stephens, J. C. Stone, Swann, J. N. Thompson, Thorn- 
burgh. Tipton, M. L Townsend. Tttcker, VanVorhes, 
Feeder, G. C. Walker, Walsh, Watson, H. White. J. N, 
Williams, A. S. Willis, F. Wood, Wright— 8i. 

The soUd South '* in " for rebel clmbWB— 
A wamins to the IVorth. 

It will be observed that of the 84 *' not vot- 
ing" 34 were abaent Bepublicans, and that 50 
Democrats failed to vote whether present or 
not. The further fact that of the^ 61 Demo- 
crats who voted nay, 52 are Southern Democrats^ 
shows how solid tiie Southern States would 
stand against any such contemplated constitu> 
tional amendment, and how little chance it 
would have of getting the needed assent of 
three-fourths of the States. 

The New York Tribune, June 20, 1878, in 
describing the incident, states that '*the joint 
resolution which he (Conger) presented caused 
greater excitement than any other of the day 
or evening." • * • •* This record (the vote 
on Conger's joint resolution) will be a most 
instructive one and may open the eyes of the 
people of the North to what the ascend- 
ency of the " solid South " in Congress may 
mean. Oovemor Tilden mortally offended the 
Democrats of the South in 1876 by his letter 
on Southern claims, and now the Bepresenta- 
tives of that section have put themselves on 
the record in a negative way against placing 
any obstacle in the way of the payment oi 
rebel claims.'' 



PAKT X. 

S. J. Tilden's Pretended AttUude 
Touching Rebel Claims — His 
DupUelty— He would Pay << Dis- 
loyal'' Claims, but held that ^^>ve 
are all ioyal noi^"— Chc-Conlbd- 
erate Cabell's Ing^enlous Report 
proving the Rebel <^£ioyalty"— 
These Claims all Ready tor Ac- 
tion, awaiting Hancock's £llec* 
tion. 

It has been generally believed that Tilden*» 
letter declaring opposition to the payment of 
Southern claims made the South nis enemy. 
It undoubtedlv did for the time being, or, at 
least, the South pretended to so regard him. 
But, in view of the known cunning and du- 
plicity of the ** still-hunter," Tilden, and th& 
proverbial craft of the Southern leaders, a 
brief anaWsis of the most important para- 
graph of Tilden*s letter on Southern claims 
develops the cat in the meal-tub. Tilden said i 

"No claim for any loss or damag* inonned by disloycU: 
persons, arising firom the late war. whether covered by 
the fourteenth amendment or not, will be recognized 
or paid. The cotton tax will not be refunded. I shall 
deem it my duty to veto every bill providing for the 
assumption or payment of any such debts, losses, dam- 
ages, claims, or for the refunding of any such tar." 



L 



108 



I* 



THE " SOLID SOUTHEBN CLAIMS. 



This extract is susceptible of two construc- 
tions — one for the people of the North, and 
another for the people of the South. In the 
North it was believed that he opposed the pay- 
inent of all these claims. In the South the 
leaders at least know as Tilden knew when he 
wrote the letter, that if so disposed, had he 
ever reached power, he could have favored 
the payment of all such claims without incon- 
sistency. -^Tilden's adroitness and cunning in 
the manipulation of words is unequaled. He 
was opposed to and would not pay "all such 
debts, losses, damages," &c., "incurred by 
dUloyai persons," he said. And when he wrote 
the letter he had before him a report made by 
Mr. Cabell — Democrat and ex-rebel ofl&cer of 
Virginia— from the Committee on War Claims, 
June 30, 1876, to the Democratic House of 
Bepresentatives, which report is intended to 
show that **weareall loyal now;" that when a 
Southern rebel claimant has been specially 
pardoned, or comes within pardon or amnesty, 
under general proclamation or otherwise, the 
pardon or amnesty is retroactive, and is ^'equivalent 
to ajirmatwe pro^ that the parly never gave aid and 
contort to the rebellion,^* and, therefore, never was 
*'dixloi/al," and nence all the old rebels, except 
JefiF Davis and a few others, might have come 
in under Tilden's declaration without fear; 
and in the same manner any Democratic Pres- 
ident and Democratic Congress would justify 
the payment of these thousands of millions. 
The reports run thus: 

Tbe Plckrell & Broocks C^lalm— Report of 
the Democratic House Committee on war 
claims to pay these pardoned rebels. 

"* * * Your committee are of opinion that 
eaid Pickrell and Broocks are entitled to and should 
be paid the proceeds of the tobacco taken fh)m them 
at Wilmington, N. C, as aforesaid. Said tobacco was 
traced to New York, where sold, and from the marks 
and brands upon it. each and evexy box was identified 
and the returns made to the Treasury Department — 
oopies of which haye been received from the I>ep«rt- 
ment and examined — show not only the tobacco, but 
the price received therefor, and the amount covered 
into the Tk^asury." 

Hebel ** Inferences " from Supreme Court 
decisions— Pardon and anuiesty afflrnui- 
tiye proof of loyalty— The Govemment 
only a **• trustee " for the rebel claimant. 

'* The Supreme Court of the United States. In Padel- 
ford's case, 9 Wallace, p. 631, &c , holds that pardon 
blots out not only the offense, but all the consequences 
-ttiereof, and that the recipient of the i>ardon stands 
as if he had never committed an offense ; in other 
words, that the proof of pardon and amnesty is the equiv- 
4Ueat to affimuUive proof under the staltUe of captured 
emd abandoTud property thai the party never gave aid and 
eomfort to the rebellion. Said decision also establishes 
the principle that, in reference to property situated as 
this, the United States Qovemment stands in the po- 
sition of a trustee for the owner. Another inference 
from the decision is, that it was competent to Congress 
to have passed an act covering the proceeds of cap- 
tured property into the Treasury to be used in sup- 
port of the war, but such was not done ; therefore the 
court held that as to such captured or abandoned 
property the United States Government stood in the 
^position of a trustee for the owner. In furtherance of 
this position, we find that the Supreme Court — in re 
United States vs. Klein. 13 WaU., 128— decided that 
" the act of March 12, 1863 (12 Stat, at Laree), to pro- 
Tide for the collection of abandoned and captured 
:property in insurrectionary districts within the United 
vtstoB, does not confiscate, or in any case absolutely 



divest, the property of the original owner, even 
though disloyal. By the seizure the GK>vemment con- 
stituted itself a trustee for those who were entitled, or 
whom it should thereafter recognize as entitled.' " 

The Democratic Committee's pro-rebel 
^'conclusions*'— The ** trustee" must pay 
the rebel claims. 

'* The two decisions quoted we think are decisive of 
this case, and force your committee to the condusioii 
that the Crovemment now simply holds the prooeedB 
of the tobacco taken trom the possession of Pickrell & 
Broocks, as trustees for the owners, and that such pro- 
ceeds, less the costs attending the matter, should be 
paid over to said Pickrell & Broocks. To show that 
your committee have made no improper inference 
from the decision of the Supreme Court last cited, a 
reference is here made to the opinion of Justice Miller, 
who. dissenting from the majority of the court, uses 
this language : * If I understand the present opinion, 
however, it maintains that the (Government, in taking 
possession of this property and selling it, became tbe 
trustees of all the former owners, whether loyal or dis- 
loyal, and holds it for the latter until pardoned by the 
President, or until Congress orders it to be restored to 
him.' In this case T. T. Broocks. one of the parties 
claimant, received a special pardon from President 
Johnson, and Wilson Pickrell, an old man during the 
war. came within the several proclamations of am- 
nesty and pardon granted by President Johnson siuoe 
the war, as also within the provisions of the several 
laws oassed by Congress in reference to such matters. 
The result that we are brought to is, that the net pro- 
ceeds of this tobacco cannot be sued for by Pickrdl 
& Broocks by reason of the bar of the statute of limita- 
tions, nor can the United States obtain any title to 
such proceeds, nor can the same be legally drawn frojn 
the Treasury by any one without an act of Congress 
for that pun>ose. Your committee, therefore, report, 
recommending the passage of the accompanying bill 
directing the payment to Wilson Pickrell and T. T. 
Broocks, late partners as Pickrell k Broocks, of the sum 
of $3,624.76, the net proceeds of the tobacco taken from 
them at Wilmington, N. C, which proceeds were 
covered into the Treasury, as hereinbefore stated." 

These rebel claims still ready for action if 
Hancock comes in. 

Although this report was made at the first 
session, Forty-fourth Gongreos, it was thought 
prudent to let the matter rest awhile — as to 
press it might awaken the North to a realiza- 
tion of the dangers ahead. The same parties 
— as well as many others of like ilk — howeYer, 
have their rebel claims all ready for action; 
and if the next President and next House are 
Democratic, all such rebel claims will go 
through the Democratic Congress flying. T^e 
only safety to the country is to elect a Presi- 
dent and House of Kepresentatiyes which wiE 
put a stop to the contemplated *' lootizig " of 
the nation by the ♦* Solid South." 



.PART XL 

Tfvo Specimen Copies of BUs, 
Wliieli if CSuacted into Eiaw 
l¥ould Cost the Crovemmeiit 
9)^9410,390,000. 

Following are two bills intended to sweep- 
ingly embrace all claims for property or sup- 
plies of every character used or destroyed by 
the immense army of the Union, which dur- 
ing four years marched and encamped upon 
Southern soil. Their estimated aggieg^ates 
reach $2,410,326,000, as noted in Part I. of 
this chapter : 



44th CONGEESS, 
IsT Session. 



THE "SOLID SOUTHERN" CLAIMS. 109 

[FAOSIMUiE OF THE ORIGINAIj BILL.] 

[Printer's No., 570. 

H. R. 553. 



IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

Januabt 6, 1876. 
Bead twice, referred to the .Committee on War Claims, and ordered to be printed. 






Mr. WiLSHiBE, on leave, introduced the following bill : 

A BILLj 

To facilitate the adjustment and settlement of claims of citizens of the 
United States for stores and supplies taken or furnished during the 
rebellion for the use of the Army pf the United States, and for other 
purposes. 

1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 

2 of the United States of America in Congress assembled^ That all 

3 citizens of the United States having claims against the United States 

4 for stores or supplies taken or furnished during the rebellion for the 

5 use of the Army of the United States, including the use and loss of 

6 vessels or boats while employed in the military service of 

7 the United States, may institute suit against the United 

8 States for the adjustment and recovery of such claims in 

9 the district court of the United States for the district in 

10 which such stores or supplies may have been taken or 

11 furnished, or such vessels or boats may have been used 

12 or lost. And the district courts of the United States for 

13 the several judicial districts within which such stores or supplies 

1 14 may have been taken, as aforesaid, and vessels or boats 

1 15 may have been used or lost, as aforesaid, . sliall take and 

1 16 exercise jurisdiction in all cases for claims brought in said 

17 courts under the provisions of this act, without regard to the 

18 amount claimed. 



[uent portions of the bill refer to the details in reference to the oonrts. Suits 
to the I>i8trict Oonrts in any part of the Unioni and the United States Goyemment 
its defense by thousands oi claimants from whom no oath or proof of loyalty is 



[The subsequent portions of the bill refer to the details in reference to the oonrts. Suits 
ttn ue carried into the 
can be put upon 
required by any provision of the bill I] 



110 THE "SOLID southern" CLAIMS. 

[FA08IKII.E OF THE OBIGIKAL BILL.] 

[Printer's No., 2491. 

44th OONGKESS, VM "Wm A A^S ^ 

IstSmsioN. MM9 JS* >^004« 



IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

Febbdart 28, 1876. 
Read twice, referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and ordered to be printed. 



Mr. Riddle, on leave, introduced the following bill 



A BILL. 



I 

Directing compensation to be allowed for the use and occupation 
of property by the United States Army during the lata 
war. 

1 JSe it enacted by the Senate and House of Represent 

2 tives of the United States of America in Congress assembl 

3 That the Secretary of War be, and he is hereby, authoriz 

4 to allow reasonable compensation to all citizens of the Unit 
6 States for the use and occupation of their property by t! 

6 United States Army, or any part thereof, during the late ci 

7 war, in the same manner and under the same regulations 

8 compensation is now allowed for quartermaster stores used 

9 said Army ; Provided, however, That the affidavit of 

10 claimant, supported by the competent testimony of 

11 reputable citizen, shall be sufficient proof to establish 

12 fact of the use and occupation of such property by 

13 Army. But it is not the intention of this act to limit 

14 parties to the amount of proof herein specified; but other ai 
16 additional i:estimony may be taken to establish the fact of 

16 use, and occupation, and the rental value of the proper 

17 occupied. 



THB " BOUD SOUTH AND QITBBNAL BKVXKUB. 



Ill 



OHAPTEE IX. 

The *^ Solid Soath " and Internal Beyenne. 



'* We oongratukUe (he country upon (Ke honesty and thrift of a DemocrcUio Congress * • • and 
above aR, upon iKepromiae cfmuh a change in the administration of the Ghvemmeni as shaU insure us 
I genuine and lasting r^orm.'*^DeoUration 14, National Democratio Platform, 1880. 



PART L 

Hemocratic ^* Reforms '^^ lieg^isla- 
tion in 1880-The CarUsle BIU- 
A Big Wliisiiey <' luteal ''— l¥it;h- 

- dra^val of Whisicey fyom ^Stores 
and Bonded Warehouses— Tax 
€>olleetoble on quantity Witii- 
draii^n ! — Tlie Government Be- 
fHuided of millions of Bollars 
annuaUy! 

The last session of the Democratic "Ke- 
form" Congress distinguished itself by the 
small nomber' of insignificant laws enacted. 
A remarkable exception, however, in the mat- 
ter of importance presents itself in the Internal 
Bevenne law known as the "Carlisle Bill," 
named after the Democratic member from 
Kentucky, who introduced and engineered it 
through. Many features of the bUl embody 
tedraDle changes in the law, and were recom- 
mended hj we Commissioner of Internal 
fievenne — ^m whose office they were carefully 
perfected — greatly simplifying the collection 
of tiie tax on distilled spirits. 

Tlie Kentucky Bourbon Democratic members 
of Congress, talking advantage of the general 
desire to pass the main features of the bill, 
tacked on certain nefarious provisions, and se- 
cured their passage by a well-known trick of 
legislati(m. These obnoxious provisions are 
as follows : 

lint. — ^That which repeals the charge of ten 
oents formerly paid by distillers, liquor dealers, 
and rectifiers of spirits for each, stamp other 
than tax. Paid stamps used under Internal 
Bevenue laws. 

Second. —That which repeals the charge of 5 
per cent, per annum interest on the tax on 
spirits remaining in warehouse more than one 
year. 

7%ird. — ^That which provides for the allow- 
ance of loss on account of leakage or evapora- 
tion of spirits in warehouses. 

me Democratic stamp steal— The Ckivem- 
meiit ** done " out of $3SO,<NKI a year. 

The provision relieving the distillers, liquor 

I dealers, and rectifiers from paying for stamps 

used will deprive the Uiflted States of about 

S350,000 per year revenue. As the stamps are 

engraved, issued, and generally affixed at the 



expense of the United States, it is evident that 
the expenses so incurred should be reimbursed 
to the United States. The distillers and their 
associates were relieved from the payment of 
this money into the United States Treasury 
merdy upon the asking. 

The back-Interest steal—The Ckiyemment 
loses another $lSO,OIKI a year. 

The relief from the payment of interest takes 
from the treasury receipts about $150,000 per 
year. This was also had far the asking merely. 
The propriety of charging this interest, and 
the Democratic dishonesty displayed in re- 
pealing the law imposing it, was clearlv shown 
by General Garfield in the House or Kepre- 
sentatives, April 28, 1880. After speaking of 
other provisions oi the bill, he said : 

"Gentlemen will remember how great a trouble the 
whiskey men were in here a year and a half or two 
years ago about having a large amount of whiskey on 
hand when the price was down very low, and the time- 
was coming when they were compelled by law to with- 
draw it from bond and pay the tax on it. They were 
here in force representing to us that it would ruin 
large numbers of the holders and manufacturers if 
they were compelled, at that time, to withdraw the 
spirits f^om bond.and pay the tax as required by the law. 
Therefore, as a matter of kindness towards them, and 
to save them from ruin or ft>om trouble, this House 
passed, and the Senate concurred in, an act that al- 
lowed them to continue the whiskey in bond for a 
longer period, hvi on condition, in order to prevent the 
Oovemmentfrom being a loser, that tliey should pay an in- 
terest on the tax after the time when it was due, and up to 
the time of its payment. In other words, they were per- 
mitted to have the privilege of paying the interest 
upon the tax due insteiad of the tax itself. 

" That we regarded as a just thing, a fair help to men 
who were in distress, as well as a remuneration or 
equivalent to the United States by getting interest on 
the tax due, on the ground that the Qovernment was 
itself paying interest, and if it extended the time when 
the tax was due it should require interest on the 
money. That argument was fair and right and cogent 
there, but it is proposed to change it in this section. 
• * * * I only say on that subject, without 
any controversy, this House, believing it was doing a 
generous thing to get the distillers out oftrovible, made this 
arrangement, which they understood was entirely 
agreeable to the distillers, a little over one year ago. 
And now, having got from us the concession of bene^t, they 
ask us quietly to drop out the protection of our own xnterests 
which accompanied that benefit. All I want is that the 
House shall understand the two things, side by side ; 
and if we are to take off this part of the benefit reserved 
to the Treasury, whether we ought not also to take off 
the consideration on which it was based, and not 
allow the whiskeys to lie so long in bond." 

The leakaare steal— The Government aone 
out of $l,7S9«000 a year. 

The provision allowing "leakage " was pass- 
ed right in the very face of the estimate of the 



112 



» 



THE *• SOLID SOUTH AlfD INTERNAL REVENUE. 



Commissioners of Internal Eevenue, that the 
cumual loss therefrom to the Government vkuUI 
not be less than $1,750,000 ! 2 his estimate roas not 
questioned, ne$)erihde8s the law was passed. It was 
a Democratic measure pure and simple. 

Democratic party vote, by which the great 
steal iiassed the House. 

Of the 128 members constituting the majori- 
ty who decided its fate in the House on the 
4th of May, 1880, five only were Bepublicans. 

Northern Distillers opposed to this '* Solid 
Southern *' Democratic Steal. 

Strenuous opposition was made to the pas' 
sage of this part of the bill by a portion of 
the distillers themselves. And it was evident 
from the outset that it was exceedingly un- 
fair to a large body of distillers doing business 
in the North. 

How the Solid Sodthem Distillers work 

the Thinff. 

Most of the distillers in the South keep 
their spirits in warehouse as long as possible 
under the law, the salaries of the officers in 
charge of the warehouses in which the spirits 
are stored being paid by the United States. 
The spirits are meanwhile improved by age and by 
certain processes to which they are subjected in the 
yxtrehouse^and thus become more OTid more valuable 
from year to year. 

Testimony as to Improvement by a^e 
from year to year— The Crovemment loss 
and the Southern iirain. 

From evidence before the House of Repre- 
sentatives when the bill was passed, it ap- 
peared that Bourbon whiskey, fresh from the 
still and worth 45 cents per gallon, exclusive 
of the tax, increased in value to 70 cents per 
gallon in one year, to 95 cents per gallon in- 
two years, and to $1.20 per gallon in three 
years. Of course, the quantity of spirits de- 
creases as the quality is improved by this 
species of rectification, but for every gclUm so 
lost the United Staies loses 90 cents tax, and pays Ike 
storekeeper's salary, and the additional expense of re- 
gauging on vnihdraioal not heretofore required, while 
iheaistiUer or owner of the spirits is growing richer 
through the mere lapse of Ume^ These spirits are 
the Bourbon whiskeys and other portable or 
drinkable classes of spirits. 

Other classes of spirits have to pay the 

tax. 

On the other hand, the other classes of 
spirits which are rectified and fitted for use 
in manufactures and the arts after leaving the 
distillery, are subject to the tax of 90 cents 
per gedlon upon the original quantity, as they 
are withdrawn from the warehouse on the day 
of production, or within a few days thereafter. 

Southern whiskey distillers^ arirument— 
How Garfleld demolished it. 

The Bourbon whiskev distillers alleged be- 
fore the House that their goods were not sal- 
able until they became old. General Garfield 



in the House on April 28, 1880, answered this 
argument and placed the matter in its true 
light. Said he: 

" It is true that he (the distiUer) does not seU it (the 
whiskey) at the end of one year to be used ; but he 
does sell it to retail and even to wholesale dealers to 
be held for its growth and betterment by time. There- 
fore this Bourbon and other whiskeys are really saleable 
all the way along firom the day they are first manuiac- 
tured up to the date when they are drinkable. And. 
the man who is fortunate enough to be able to keep a 
large stock ut snch whiskeys for three years will find 
that the * outage' or shrinkage he loses upon tluet stock, 
during that time is iar more than compensated for by 
the increase of value of every gallon of it. If one Au»- 
dred gallons of this whiskey shall lose Ji/leen gallons 6y- 
' outage', the whole one hundred gallons will have gained a- 
percerUage in actual value above what it had in the be- 
ginning, which will far more than compensate for the los9 
by shrinkage or ' outage.' ***♦*♦*♦ ♦xt 
seems to me only equitable and faXv that where we keep 
a man* s property for him v/ntcacedfor two' or three years, 
we ought ai least to hone a share oftheprt^fit that comes 6y 
that delay. That profit costs him 'nothing, but the in- 
terest on the amount of his investment, and the United 
States' investment in it in the shape of the tax is n^uch. 
the larger part. It seems to me that it is only fair that 
the United States should have a portion of Ou advantage, 
and collect the tax on the whole amount of the whis- 
key put in bond." 

How the law operates unfairly In faror 
of Kentucky whiskey and airainst llli> 
nois whiskey. 

The distillers of the State of Illinois pay more than 
three times as much tax as the distillers of Kentucky ; 
yet the first complete set of reports reoeiTed 
by the Commissioner of Internal Revenue afber 
the passage of the Carlisle bill shows that of 
aVL the ienkage allowedin the United States during 
June, 1880, the period covered by the reporta, 
three-fifths vfere aUoufed to Kentucky distiUers, and 
about one fiftieth to Illinois distdlers. This sample 
of the operation of the law is suMcient to 
verify all that was claimed as to the inequali- 
ty and unfairness of its operations. 

How the law also facilitates whiskey 

frauas. 

This law authorizing an allowance on ac- 
count of leakage or evaporation in warehouse 
is not merely subject to criticism on the ground 
that it increases the expenses and reduces the 
revenues of the United States, and discrim- 
inates in favor of one class of distillers to the 
detriment of another, and, so far as the rev- 
enues of the government are concerned, more 
important class. The great fault of the law^ 
lies in the fact that U facilitates the perpetration of 
fraud. Of course, under a thoroughly honest 
administration of Internal Revenue afBedrs, 
as has notably characterized that of the Be- 
publican party during the past four fiscal 
years, in which period $467,080,885.10 were 
collected, and every cent paid into the Treas- 
ury, these frauds will not be large, because 
mainly impossible without collusion on the 
pait of Internal Revenue officers. 

But could a Democratic administration he 
trusted?— The Law thus modified a Re- 
pnhlican law, enacted for the very pur- 
pose of stoppinir^ Democratic administra- 
tion frauds ! 

The law which this leakage provision mod- 
ifies in its most essential feature was passed 



THE *' dOUQ SOti;T^ " AND IMTEBNAIi BBYBNUB. 



118 






July 20, 1868, by a Bepablicaa Congress, /or 
the very purpose (f putting an end to Jrami whick 
had beenpe^roied under an execidive amirdled hy 
Ikmocrcis, Prior to July 20, 1868, the tax was 
ooUeoted as is now provided in the Carlisle 
bill, on the qoantity of spirits withdrawn from 
warehouse, provided tne leakage in ware* 
house was without fraud, collusion, or 
neglect. But the proofs on these matters 
were through affidavits of local officers and 
others. And when— as was often the case 
during the latter part of Andrew Johnson's 
administration — the local officers were corrupt 
and in collusion with the dishonest distillers, 
there wia no lack of evidence to suhiUvfUaie an^ daim. 
The remedy which the Bepubbcan Congress 
of 1868 applied, through the passage oi the 
Act of July 20, 1868, was. to require the tax to 
be paid on the quantity deposited in the dis- 
tilleiy warehouse. This has been the law for 
nearly twelve yeiurs, until, in this year^ 19^0, 
the Democratic Congress repealed it. ''^aj; 
the Democratic Party wants, so as to complete 
its work of fraud apd corruption in tlu^ mat- 
ter, is to secure, through the election of Han- 
cock, the class of rascally officers in the Ex- 
ecutive branch of the Government suited for 
the damnable business. D^e we trust the 
Democratic party with such administrative 
responsibility m view of their pasj; record ? — 
{For Interned nevenuejigureg, sefi SUUiaticd Ch<iqiter,) 

PART 11. 

Ifloonshiners in the ^ Solid ^inal^b^ 
—Open De4bKnce.<Mr taiw.- BIckmI- 
slieil— C^iieriila l¥arilire— I¥imi- 
Iter of Stills destroyed . fuid 
moomdiiners ai*resCed in Ibiir 
i-A. Xlst of tiiekr 



murders-^mflcial Mg^^ «Mnlin- 

isbes Hoott^hlnliis ^ JV^^HM'^Msk'ft, 

nonttiiation IHc^aseiii it' again.' 

The open defiance of \th^ excise laws of the 
United States in the South has beez^ attended 
witU much blopdsji^d. and, at Umes, i^ sQipe 
Statas^has as^ume^ th.9 proportaong qf a gner^ 
rilla war. X^ me^tUx^^ arm^d resiiiti^oe. Uni-i 
ted States troopfi ^.^y^^S oeen, denied by a, 
Democifhtic ^pngpres^' ijt nas been 4^un|l nee* 
essary to anp civilian offiqers^ n\any oi who];a 
have shown great 'ootirt^eaud coolness, i^ the 
performance of their' duiies. The forces of 
the Grovemment used in, the suppression of 
this miniature rebellion have been diilfully 
directed by Gen. Green, B. Haum, Commis- 
sioner of Internal Bevenu^ who has been fibly 
asdsted by Gen. F. D. ^wall^ Chief of Revenue' 
Agents, both of whom won their military rank 
by gallant and. distinguished services ^n the 
tfnion army. This was not the first time they 
had met law-bi^eakers in arms, and their expe- 
rience in the fields of the rebellion has enabled 
them to carry on the work of subduing armed 
distillers wiUi success. 



In fo^r yemrs 8«874 stills destroyed and 
7,07S Bloonslilners arrested— Killed and 
wounded offloers, and eost In aioney. 

In these operations, during the past four 
years, over 9yS74 4aieU ttilU have been sdzed, and 
IS^^perwM arreded for being engaged in this 
unlawful work. This has not been done with- 
out a considerable cost to the Govemment of 
money, as well as the lives and limbs of its 
officers. Twentt^m officers and employees haveheen 
kdUd md fi/ly^Jm iomnded while enforcing the 
laws. The sum expended for this purpose, in 
addition to the ordinary expenses for the col- 
lection of th« revenue, has amounted, during 
the post three! yean and a 'half, to moxeiihan 
one hundred aad fifty thousand dollars. 

Erery fona of outmse reooited to toy> ibe 



The instances of armed resistkne^ bv illicit 
distillers tb the authorities of the Uhfted States 
are t6o numerous to bd given here, but they 
have been .accompanied hy every form of outrixge 
upoh fhe offichra ofUU Vnikd States dnd^ att persons 
loyal' enough to aid (hem. The intimidation df 
witnesses, burning of the houses and bams of 
officers, ahd the killing or injuring of their 
horses ahd cattle have been cases of frequent 
occurrence. .' 

WMIle 17. S. oDoeers haraibfli^d In tlie courts 
' and otherwise, only one eduvlctlon of a 
munlerous Moonslilner secured I 

It is a remarkable fact that» with the exoep* 
i4on of the conviction, of one man for the 
killing of Peputy Collector Cooper, in East 
Tennessee, no ox^^ has been punished on ac- 
count of i^e many, murders and assaults to 
murdsT coQxmitted japon Ignited States officers. 
Upq^ the> oth^ hand, innnmeiable prosecu- 
tions h^e l^een ins^itut^ in State Courts 
against United Statea .offif^ig for alleged of-* 
fences peiroetratod wtiUo i^r the performance 
of their official duties* .ni^^jUy^ H ia believ^, 
fft? ih^ purpose of obstrji>ctM>g ^ha en^oroe- 
meniof th^ laws^fOf.th« Uui^ $tates. W^ 
have only space /^ g^ve the official .list of tha 
blooidy, murdien; whicli haye been committed 
bv. ^uTnisd 'iljiioit ^istiUexp in.. the. Sonthern 
States uj^n officerp.and o]Ua,er .minoye^as 

fgiioi^A'f. , ■;, ..;.{. .* ' - . 

Af'llst '^moo^ ^intirdeirit'*' 1>t fioutlimi. 

' ntoonsUlhers. . 

'•«,.' • i . ' '111 

; l,,X^M<etiaR4Jfeintir0, pfthel^eoondlnfautiT, 
tTnitad States. Army, mur^areA on tha night 
of •Fe)i)r»arr 9, 1$77. st the Tesidauca of Ayres 
Jone^ an illicit distillerin Fannin C<^nnty, Ga., 
yhile aiding revenue officers in suppressing 
illicit distillation. 

%, Berry Sorrtls (colored), suspected oi^ being 
an informer, was brutally murde]?ed in.pres^ 
ence of his family, by a band of illicit distillers 
masked, March, 1879. He was really not an 
informer. (Walton County, Ga.) 

3. Naihanid Eason, a citizen of Campbell 
County, Gki., was called to his door on a night 
in February, 1878, and brutally assassinated 
in presence of his wife and children, by a body 



114 



THB ** SOLID 6O0TH " AND UrfTEBNAL REVENUE. 



of masked men. Mr. Eason had visited Atlanta 
a day or two pr^vioas to his assassination, and 
it was supposed he had been summoned to 
testify against the parties who had assaulted a 
deputy United States marshal's posse, killing 
two horses and wounding a guide a short time 
previous. 

4. Samuel Kmney, a citizen of Pickens County, 
Ga., residing near Talking Bock post-office, 
was shot and killed by illioit distillers who 
suspected him of giving information against 
them (October 10, 1877). 

5. A colored man (name unknown), started in 
January, 1877, to locate an illioit distillery in 
Douglas County* Ghi., operated by persons 
known as Tooker Brothers. He was last seen 
in Campbell County and has not since been 
heard from. It m now conceded by the citi- 
zens, that the ^eneially received opinion at the 
time of his disappearance tnat he was mur- 
dered, and thrown firom a bridge into Sweet- 
water River was true, and that such was his 
fate. 

6. Benton WkiUcoUon, a dtiz^i of Hall County, 
Oa., disappeared in July, 1877, and recent de- 
velopments prove that he was brutally mur- 
dered by a man named Brvant, who was a re- 
lation of ah illicit distiller against whom 
Whitecotton had informed. Bryant confessed 
the murder on his death-bed. The remains 
of Whitecotton wer^ found at the plaoe indi- 
cated by the murderer and have been inden- 
tified. 

7. In the month of Mav, a colored man, 
whose name cannot now be ascertained, left 
his home in Campbell County, Ga., to come to 
Atlanta on business. Some illicit distillers, 
residing in the neighborhood, learning of his 
departure from home and supposing it was 
his purpose to inform aeainst them, followed 
and attacked him with shot-^pms. He rah in 
order to saVe his life, but ih the eflbrt i;ras 
frightfully 'mangled with the buckshot llred 
after him. He liMde his wav to Atlanta, 
where he died from the efTect of his wounds. 

8. In Fannin County, €ku, about the middle 
of August, 1877^ Mr. W. F, If. Oreefavay, while 
gathering fruit in his orchard, was shot with 
buckshot and mortally wounded. It is known 
that Mr. Oreenway j'efndered: aid to reventle offi- 
cers in their opetstions ag^nst illicit distillersj 
and for this threats had been made which 
ware exyutjid by hia brutiy^ AssasBuiatWn/ 
The assassin concealed himsetf behind a large 
stump around which had sprung up under- 
growth which afforded him se^usion, and 
when Mr. Qreenway was reaching upward to 
gather the tmii the assassin discharged the 
contents of his gnn at him. The shot struck 
him in the stomach and he expired in a few 
minutes. 

9. Deputy ColUctor Oohnan Leatherwood was 
killed at Newgent*s distillery in Etowah 
County, Alabama, in June, 1875. His body 
has never been found, having been concealed 
or destroyed by the murderers. The circum- 
stantial evidence showed clearly, however, that 
he was shot while approaching the still-house 
by a rifle in the hands of some one concealed 
in the brash behind the fence, the ball entering 



the right breajst and coming out on the left 
side 01 his back. 

10. Deputy U, S. Marshal Kimbrewyraa killed 
in Ha&oock Co., Georgia, Sept. 11, 1878, while 
assisting in the arrest of the Ennis Brothers, 
notorious illicit distillers. One of the Ennis 
Brothers met the marshal's posse at the door 
and iired upon them, resulting in the death 
of Kimbrew. 

11. A man named SeaioeU, employed by 
Deputy Collector Moore to assist him in re- 
moving an illicit still which he had seized in 
Moore Co., N. C, March 5, 1879," was killed 
by the ow^er of the still. 

12. Deputy Marshal Barkiru was killed while 
attending the trial of a cUstiller before Com- 
missioner Morris, in Henderson Co., N. C, 
Feb. 3, 1877. Twenty armed men attaclced 
the court, ftitally wounding Harkins; the other 
officers escaped. The distiller was also fatally 
wounded. This was one of the most dating 
outrages known in the history of the "moon- 
shine war." 

13. DqnUy CdtUdor John Cooper, son of the 
collector of the district, was filled while at- 
tempting the seizure of the distillery of Hut- 
sell Ammne, in Blount Co., Tennessee, Aug. 
9, 1878. The officers were fired upon in the 
dark from the bushes, resulting in the death 
of Cooper, two or three large oalls entering 
his boay, and mortally wounding him. 

14. Thos, J, WiUiams, guide, who gave in- 
formation to internal revenue officers who 
were conducting a raid against illicit distillers 
hi lAwrenoe Co., Tennessee, in October, 1877, 
was soon afterwards taken at night from his 
house by disguised men; aAd murdered for 
rendering aasistanee and giving the inforina- 
tion as ajoresaid. 

IS^.'Jamei Spear, a former member of raidina 
fcr0e, who waa with Deputy CoUeotov J. M. 
Davis attending court in Grundy, Tennessee, 
Sept. 18, 1878, was shot andmortolly woimded 
by. a ^1 that was evUlBpitlyv intended for 
Dans. He was walking by Davis' side at the 
time wheii the shot was fired finom the brush in 
the subiurba of Tracy <2it^. Spear dMin a 
lew days afterwards. Davis was, and is. noted 
for his great zeal and efficiency in breaking up 
illioit stills and arresting offenders. 

16. Dqmfy MarshalJohi JHtnnis was Ulled in 
Sumner Co., Tennessee, in July or August, 
1876,. while engaged in the work of suppress- 
ing illicit distillation in that <y!>nnty. 

17. W. A. Ibtder, of tawrence Co., Tennes- 
see, was killed on or about the first of Janu- 
ary, 1880, by illicit distillers for giving infor- 
mation in regard to their operations to deputy 
collectors of mtemal revenue. 

18. Deputy Marshal F, K Torhd was killed 
about ten miles north of Paris, Henry Co., 
Tennessee, Oct. Ist, 1876, bv one Gi^ for 
whom he had a capias. Giles has not been in- 
dicted by the State, and no effort has been 
made by the State officers to affect his arrest 
for the murder. 

19. Tesse Vandendnier, a citizen who assisted 
the officers in breaking up some distilleries in, 
Lee Co., Virginia, on Monday, May 14th- 
1877, near sunset, while at work in his com 



DBICOPBATIO . HATBSP |Q9 UNION . SO^PLBBS. 



1^5 



field, was fired upon by a body of armed mezi 
and mortally wounded. 

20 and 21. 7\do mm, names unknown, while tus- 
sistin^ Deputy Marshal Bober^son in South 
Carolina, on or about Febi .7th, 1^77, were 
killed by illicit distillers during a raid. 

22. Ja8. Lec^ord, a guide, living neat Block 
House, in Spartanburg Co., S. C., was killed 
by illicit distillers June 11th, 1877. It appears 
that the illicit distillers had ascertained in 
some' way that Ledfbrd had assisted the rev- 
enae offioers, and he was visited in force under 
the.l^adfirship. .of Jph^i Weaver aj^d-Ba4d 
Casey, an4 literally t)Qtc}ier,ed ^ def^t^h. . 

23, Chflf, Av^ftrnt a gjaide,^ was killed ^y Bed- 
mona, a fainou|^^o^tlaw and lllici1j,disti|Ie):^n 
South Carolina,' in • March, 187^. 

21 />^t|fy Marshal Rufiu Springs^ m ApHl, 
1878, while «nga^^ with a rerenvte foroe In 
raiding upon an lUicit dLstillery neai^ GceeU't^ 
vUle, B. C, was killed- by being ahot ftom the 
bushes in the rear. 

25. A man named Qriffin,, a cattle dealer, w^s 
killed by illicit distillers, under the supposi- 
tion that he was a revenue officer, at East 
Fork, S. C, on or about the 27th of June, 
1878. 



actlMi of tlie ttDTeitoOMBt 

nonliiattiMi i«i4vt« it all otct tiM SMitta ! 

In consequence, qf the vigor with which 
illicit distilling Ixad been followed up by the 
revenue authorities, it appeared some mo^tbis 
ago that the 'amount of illicit' distilUn.^ was 
very much diminished, and^ that the illicit 
distillers were ceasing, in a degree, their xxe- 
iarioua praotioeo; but recent information X9c 



o^Yfidat t)ia Iniii^mal Revenue QfSifi^ indicate 
that, uj^der ^e s^mulus pf H^oock's npi^ai- 
nation and the e^peotation,^ of Pe^09ratic 
victory, the practice is jeviving all over the 
South. 

Wby tills Is »o— '^The ffood time eprntntf, 
boys *'— Democratic leaders' gtromlses. 

The exigencv of the Democratic canvas natu- 
rally makes the demand for whiskey very 
great, and when to this is added the promise 
of every Democratic nominee for Confess on 
the stump, that all laws against free distilling 
shall be renealedl, and every stream and water 
course in the South shall be lined with stills, 
it is no wonder that the revenue officers are 
again called upon 'tp use their utmost efforts 
in the suppression of t^s evil in their respect- 
ive districts. 

Ale^ iltf^eiis tyilipatMefs witH Hewn- 
slitiiers-Ao daea the *^iiolld Soatli.? 

Even so , moderate a man as Alexander H. 
Stephens openly declares that he. oomddera it 
a great hardship that the mouiitaiiteers in his 
section are not allowed to produce brandy and 
wbiiskey from their surplus fruit and grain 
without molestation. There eao be no doubt 
that the prevailing seniiiment in the South is 
one of hostility to all federal laws, and especial- 
ly to those relating to the revenue on spirits 
and tobacco. The record of bloody resistance 
to the execution of those laws hetein partially 
detailed, and the faqt'that lihe mur4erershave, 
in every instance, the sjnnpathy of the com- 
munity in which they live, aflbrd oondusiTe 
evidence on this poim. 



OEtAPTEB X. 

Bcaaocratlc Hatred of trnion Soldiers. 



^•.i—i*— •^^.•- 



VSaspiiqa^ Thai1K$a6ldiier$ and saUorMofthe BeptajHotUnd 1h$ iMoibs andcrpham pfikom 
%9ho &ao4 fallen m lmiiBe,.kav$ a Just daim upqn the oare, groteofiOrL and grijitUude qf their /eSoto- 
^ifff*."— 4>tnK>ffratiff M^ *^^f"^^ Pftf^'^f" '^^ ^^'^ 

*«• * * Mxperiemse prvfoee 4haL ^gkimi^i eoonomUxfi conduct cf (he governmienUil tnuwess 
is not possible ifUsoieU serviee be stAjed to change ai every eteUioni he a jgruefoughkjor al (he baUot- 
box, bi a^briif r0ward tfpeMy *eaL fnstead of poets qf honor assigned for proved compobency^ and held 
forfiieUtyinthepubacemplog,'' * *' * -ll)etaoera«io National Platfbrm of 1876. / . . 

*''Weptidgeowi^oesanewtofhedbnkti^itiona2doo6^^ 
* * * embodied in the riaJtfeirm qf thelast National O^oenHon of ihe JParty'.*^I>0teoeratie 
National Platform of 1880. 



menM:lo Ortlee7-**ClvU Service 
JRfUft^rm'^ In th^ Hause-Crip- 
liled tnioii SoltUera KYekeU <kit 
and Rebel $Ql(ijer« C^^alted- 
Pi-QposUiona and Votes /in t|ie 
House on the ISumeel. 

In the Pemocratio House, Pecember 14, 
1875, Mr Fort, Bepublican, proposed to pro- 



' •., ' ! '• .* » t.r ,. ,11. • '. • 1 

tect wcunded Union soldieni freofi tbough the 
unwounded rnn^ go. 

Fort's resolution favorlavwouMoA Ualoii 

aoMlert. 

He therefore- offered the following resolu- 
tion : 

"Buclvei, That in all onbordinafe appointments, 
under aity of the oAoen of this House, it Is the Judg- 
ment of this House that wounded Union soldiers, who 
are not disabled fix>m perfonnanoe of duty, should be 
preferred.' 

Upon this he demanded the previous ques- 
tion, but a Demoertdk House refused to second -U I 



116 



DBMOOBATIO HATRED OF UNION tfOLDISRS. 



Sunset C^x to the reeeue r— His amendment 
and the Tote by whieh the Demoemts 
smottiered the whole thlnv. 

Thereupon, Snnset Cox offered the follow- 
ing amendment, in the nature of a substitute, 
%nd moved that, the same .be referred to the 
Committee on Accounts : 

"Resolved, That inasmuch as the Union of the States 
has been restored, all the citizens thereof are entitled 
to consideration in all appointments to oflices under 
this Ooremment." 

The Tote upon reference to the Committee 
on Accounts was': 

Yka»— Hessrs. Ainnoortk,, AndmrMn, Athe, AOdna, 
B<Mfb]f, J» H. Bagley^ Jr., Banning, ^muM, Be6be, JS. N. 
Bm, Blackburn, Bland, Bliu, Bl«mU,Boene, Bradford, 
Brigktt J. Y^ Br^v/n, Bmknen & i^. Bunffkfnrd, Cabeil, /. 
H. Oaldvf€ll, W. P. Galdufell^.Candler, CaU, Cau{field, 
Chopin, Chittenden, J* B. Clarke, J. 1^. Clarke, Jr^ 
Clynier, Cochrane, O>oke', Ciwan, C&9, Ctdberaon, Cutler, 
J, J. Davit, De Bolt, DibreU, DouglcUf Durmnd, Kden, Eg- 
hert, EUis, Ely, Faulkner, FeUon, Forney, FrankHn, 

J. T,**BAWU,'*a*'^: mtrimt, mertrigjft^^HkHxeU, 
Hatcher, Haymond, Hereford,, A. ^S. Hewitt, ^O.- W. 
Hewitt, Hill, Holman, Hooker\ Hopkins, Hotue;' Hunter, 
Hurdt Jenkt; F. JoHett^ T. JU Jones, Kekr, Xnott, Lamat, 

F. Lemderst &< . if, , Zondert} Lane, X^vy, B. B, Lewis, 
Lflrd,. LuUr^, Lynde, Maish, JUcFarland, McMahon, 
Meade, MetctUf, MiUikin, Mills, Money, Morgan, Mor- 
ruwi, MiOchleh Neat, New, O'Brien, iklOl, JB. T. Per- 
sons,Fayne,JiFluips,J,F, PhiUipt, Piper, FtippUton, 
llaHdaU,'D^Mea^JUmn.JiXeaiy,J, B. Jteilly, A. V, 
Rice, J, Bobbins, W. M- Robbins, M- Ro**, Savage, M. 
Sayler, Scales, Schleicher, J. G. SchumaJter, Beelye, 
She4skley, ' StngMon, Siemens, W, E. Smith, Southard, 
Sparks, Sprvnger, SUnget, Stone, Swann, Tarbox,^ Teese, 
Terru, C. P, Thompson, P, F Thomas, Throckmorton. 

I Tucker, Tumey, J. L, Vance, J?. J?. Vance, Wflddell, C. 
C. B. Waiker, 0. C. Walker, WaUing, Ward, Warren, 
JL WeUs, WhUdUnm, WhittkeUme, WiggiiUon, Wihe, A. 
JSi, WiHiam^,if.WiUiams,J,D, WiUiams, J.N. Wit- 
Hams, WiUis, Wilshire, S. f^iison, F* Wood, Vtates, 
C. Young— ie». 

Nays — ^Messrs. 0. H. Adams, Q. A. Bagley, J. H. 
Baker, W. H. Baker, Ballon, Blaine. Blair. Bradley, W. 
B. Brown. H. C. Borchard, Burleigh, Cannon, dfksoii, 
Caswell, Conger, Crapo, Crounse, DanfoM, I^rwU 
pavy, Denison, Dobbins. Dunnell, Eames, ISvans, Far- 
well, Fort, Foster, C. Freeman, Frost, Fiye, Qarfield, 

G. F. Hoar, Hoge. VoSmfB^ s3bbSllTwiS«r, Hurlbtft! 
Hyman. Joyce, Kasson, Kelley, Ketchum, Kimball, 
King, Lapham, W. Lawrence, Lynch, Magoon, Kac- 

i>ougiaL mocwtp #. w. j<ua>ui vm^t, mouxos. Kssh. 

Norton,. OUvef, O'Neill, :^itcker, Page, W. A. Phillips. 
Pierce, Plaisted. Pratt. Purman. Rainey, M. S. Bobin- 
son, 8. Boss, Busk, Sampson,. Sinnickson. B. Bmalls, 
A. B. tSmith, IStii^weather, Sletftnkm, fitowell, Strait. 
Thomburgh, H. I. Townsetid, W; Tbwnsend, Tufts, 
Tan Vo»hiiir,Wsidr(m; A. B. Wallace. J; W.WlftUaee.Wklls. 
O. W. Wells, WheeUr; #. D. White, Whiting, O. Wilisid, 
€L Op WUIMukis* W. 3^1|rilUams,J, Wilson. A. WoocU^., 
Wqodbvjmi ,Woodwort^-408: 

A patriotic resolution, to wblcii iMith Re- 
publicans and Democrats A^r^d. 

On thd Sth'of Jafiuary, 187©— the Christmas 
Becess having intervened — Mr. Cason offered 
a ]»iGiufcaaiiiM»iel^(Hfo& - •: * 



»«.• 



♦M 



"Beit resolved, etc., ni«t'«t»iecognize the brave and 
gallant services Tendered by the loyal soldier to his 
country in the time t>f its kr^test'neeid and peril, 
and that we do earnestly recommend to the people of 
our common country, the utmost care and watchful- 
ness over the rights iind intereitts of these brave men. 
securing to each one in need of employment and to 
such and their families the necessaries and comforts 
of life; and tn all cases of public employment and in the 
besUnement of the emoluments of oMce, that, all other 
things being e4iial,fAe Mdier shaU have the preference 
over the etvUvm; <««d, as one branch of the legislative 
department of this Government, we are in favor of 



taws being enacted by Congress gMng Kberal pensienit» 
the diseased and crippled soldiers, etnd to the widoms 
and ckUdren and dependent fathers and wkcthert of Hum 
who have died from wound% or diseases contracted whiU in 
the service of the Union army, and to each living soldier. 
and to the widows and hairs of those dead, sneh boim- 
ties and homesteads as a gsn«rons Ctovemment can 
aflbrd to those who have won and preserved to the 
nation its liberty and Constitution." 

The previous question being demanded was 
seconded by 142 yeas to 9 ni^s, and the resolu- 
tion was then agreed to by Democrats and 
Bepublicans alike. 

The Democratle House sliowg Its Feck- 
salfBan hypocrisy, turns a somersaiilt, 
and refiises to carry Into practice these 
ph'ofesslons, oil the vefy same day!' 

But io test the, sincerity of ihe pvolipsG^onB 

of the De«iocrat8, Mr. Fori on. the sa^eday 

offered the loUowing: . . . j. • . 

"BcMirtd, That the deahtea Just amiQiiiioed bj the 
House in the resolution of the gentlMoaaa Doom Indiana 
(Kir. Cason;* is so wise and just that, in the judgn^^nt of 
this House, it should be fbUowed by oncers of^u Houte 
inJUling subordinate places uader their authority; and 
theU in oU suck oases they are hereby imstrueted U» giw to 
weU-<iualified -Union eoldiers pr^ferenoe over soldien of 
the Uue Co^federcUe army." 

On this, he demanded the previous qnes* 
tioiii^iriiutilie' Desftocwtio JBouaei ocfaeed <to 
seeoafl it^tby 9a<yMa tdOainaya^.l^eceapon 
Eeneoado wiood, by vay 4]t*of[itog.'>iiwiilt to 
injuxy, sneeringly move^ to refer the resoln- 
tiou to the Commiltee on Cerdennial Cdehration — 
which motidn was agreed to by 122 yeas to 
93 nays^aU the yeas being Democrats, a$ 
follows: 

yKAS— IfesBTB. Ashe, Atkins, Bagby, J.H.BagUy,Jr., 
Bland, Blount, Boone, Bradjord, Bright, J. Y. Brown, 
Buckner, S. D. Burehard, OabeU, J. H. CaidmeU, W, P. 
CaUiu>ell, CamdUr, Ckapin, J. B. Clark, Jr., Clymer, 
Cochrane, Cook; Cowan, Cox, Culberson, Cutler, Joseph J. 
Davis, De BoU, DibreU, Douglas, Durham, Eden, ^eri, 
' F^ulk$idr,\ F^lion, Forney, Franklin, Fuiler, Gaute, 
Gibifer, Cfbode, A. H Hamilton, R. Hamilton, Hancodc, 
H. R. Harris, J. T. Harru. C. H. Harrison, Hatcher, 

L. A. Mackey, Maish, McFarland, McMahon, MeUialft, 
Mittiken, MiUs, Money, Morrison, MuUMer,New, O'Brien, 
E, Y. Persons, J. Phelps, J. F.,PhiUps,Piver, PHyppUton, 
PoweU, RandoXt, D. Rea, Reagan, J. Mmiy, x:iS. Reilly, 
Riddle', J. Bobbins^ W. M. Robbink, O. R, Roberts, M. 
Rossi M. Sayler, SMeu^er, Shettkley,'SingUion, Siemons, 

' HT^jB. l^ith, Sou^ard, Springer, Stenger; Stone,'Tarbox, 
iPerr^i O* P,Thom f lMn^ Thretkmottm^ TUftker^-Tifmeg, 
J^JL.^ V^nefi, Waddell, WaUitHftW«¥^ W4ni. W^trrm, 

.E^WeUs, Whitihome, Wik€, J, WH^ntK ,J.m WiOr 
liam^, J. N, fTitftouM. Wfttit, Wilshire, vi ^wSioh.'F. 
Wood, Yeates, C. .roHn^F—l^.—^or names of 'ahnovals 
and appointm'enft, see pp. 119, 11^. 



rAjKT II. 
Pemoci^tjic ^^^vil Service Re- 

pe'mltHSratic standing tLtaeetj^o 
Apjpblntmen^ abrosateil to $M- 
iniy pemocrattc 'Oreed Ibr 
«'IS|ions^'— tJnf on Soldiers Kicked 
' Out and Confbderaie f^KdKers 
Appointed. jo .,. .> 

In 1854 the Senate Deii^ocnitic majority, 
discemilig the coming political change in the 



DBHOOBilTia HALVED OV COTON .8QU>IBIU. 



117 



organization of ^hat .body; and anxions to 
keep their friends iii 'the Tarions Senate 
offices 48, Iqivs^s i^esible,; put. t^e|r. h^ads 
together and deviseq a'pl^ which worked 
admifably "for Ih'em. ' At the' first session- of 
th«dSvd 0«kgrtes, ft s«)6et eommittee having 
been appointed to con^i^r ibft oiatter; re- 
ported the following resolution to the Senate : 

The old standlny Bemoeratlc rule ordered 
away liy a Democratic caucus, so as to 
msb RepdWleaAs out, lind liunvry Dem- 
ocrats la. 

"iBsflOfodef, H&at'the several officers and others in the 
dcfartsMsntsof tiie Heofetary of the Senaiie and lof the 
8ergeaiiilr«t*Arm9 ahtUX bo appointe4 and ramoved ftom 
office by those officers respectively as heretofore ; but 
vhen xnade during the session of the Senate any such 
removal to be first apmrove^ by the Presideat of the 
Senate on reasons to be assigXMod therefor in writing 
by the officer Tnakjng the removal, and when in the 
reoess, sach naspns in writing to be laid belove the 
President of the Aeoato on the first day of the socoeed- 
ing aeaaion, and to be improved or diaappsoiped by 
him/* 

On Jannary 17„ 1854, it was passed by a de~ 
aAye vote, ukd became a standing rule of the 
Senate. When the Keptiblicans came into 
power thej made no effort to disturb that rale» 
nor to disturb the old officers who, in tiie 
eoQsae of yesta, died out or resigned, one by 
one, ao age or other callings beckoned them. 
Thns it remained— this jDemoqratio rule— 
through all the years of the Republican major- 
ity in tbe Senate. Bnt early in 1879, the De- 
mocrats having a majority at the extra session 
of that year, and being importuned by a raven* 
ous multitade of Southern and other Demo- 
cratic place-hunters, determined— as they 
could not get the President of the Senate to 
consent to ^he removal of the experienced and 
efficient Bepublicans m the offices of the Sec- 
retary and Sergeant-at-Arme^'-to annulthe rule 
that theii* own |mrty had made — ^ta go back on 
their own p£^prii^g, as it were — in order to get 
the few ** loayesrand fishes" pertaining to tiie 
Senate ovg^iaitio&.' This was decided on ih 
caucus, and Beh^tp]^ Wallace, the chairman 6f 
thatiJ).ewQc)»tic QieQatprial caucus, uadertoojk 
to engineeBthe thing through. 

. .. , / 

Tke cancoa rea«liitlon— (i^nator fiAmunda' 
»n ic n < ia e iit ' •< ne> e< to iirotect irnion spf* 
dlera-^Wknaee's MpUdty exposed by jkr. 
ConkUnv. 

On the 17th' of* iiprii; 1879, therefore, Sena- 
tor WaUace oJETered in the Senate the follow- 
ing Democratic caucus resolution : 

" Retolved, Tbat ijie several officers aad otbeia in the 
deptftments of tbe Secretary of the Senate and of the 
Se^geoat-st-AriAs shall be appointed and removed ftom 
offi^ by those officers respectively." 

Senator Edmunds moved to amend by add- 
ing the following: 

'' But no officer or employee of the Senate who served 
in tbe forces of the United States in suppressing the 
late rebellion shall be removed except for cause stated 
in writing to the President of the Senate and approved 
by hixn in writing." 

Mr. Wallace assured Senator Edmunds 
'* that there med he no apprehmnon on thU cq^pflrently 



tender wh^ed" There would be no soldiers re- 
moved— the Demooratio nujoHty had no | in- 
tention of removing Union soldiers from their 
places as Senate omdala. 

Whereupon Mr. Gonliing expressed his 
** surpnse " at the statement, and, continuing, 
said: 

" I assert that they [the Democratic majority] have 
airoadyjM^M ^ yr\timi'im oc^whatiyie Sewtor says, i 

assert that they have alrtady removed a Union soldier — 
a man who served in the (umUes e/the Union and vku dis- 
charged because of the xmurieshe received, and yet the 
honorable Senator says it is not worth while to guard 
this because the majority may be trusted to abstain, 
much as the overseer nay be trusted to abstain £rom 
tile lash 1 * * * * I refer to Mr. Fitz who has been 
removed trom, a position in the oflSce of the, Secretary 
of the Senate, 'a position whose duties he never no- 
glecied cat came snort in,' if r. Ittx having aerved, I re- 
feaU in the armif* t^ the Union .and hox^, bten dt«- 
diarpeid hecoMMofthe ieyttry and sufering th4i Cftme tipon 
kitninthatservuie.'* > * 



Pemocmtlc votes avalnst the Union sol- 
dier nnd for tlie Confederate soldier !— 
Adoption of the rnle^A clean sweep ! 

Of course the adbptloVi of such an amend- 
ment as that of Mr. Edmunds, would defeat 
one of the- very objector of the tepeal of the 
old fule. i/nion SMkrf-wv iks very fdkfm. the 
rebd Inigadiera were "gwninq for^'* Hence, 
whent on April 25, 18^9, the amendment came 
to a vote, while every RepuhHean i}oted Jorthe 
aimnSitlmt, fvery 'PeifiiberM 90(led a^umt 

Foacr9«ia0 is the vidte in. fitU :/ 

TaM-^Mesars. AatliiMir>3«ll»Biiittdde, GMtniMa of 
Pennsylvania, Carp^ter, Cbandler, Cpnkling, Daw^» 
Edmtnrd8,Teltty, Hin of Cblorado. mg&!Is,iydne^ of )7e- 
vada, Kellogg, Kirkwood, liOgan, McMillan, Morrill, 
Paddook, Ptett. Plumb. SoUihb, Saunden, Teller— a&. 

Nay&— Messrs. Bailey, Beck, BtUler, CockreU, Cake, 
Eaton, Garland, Gordon, Grover, Harris, Hereford, JffiU 
of Georgia, Hougton, Johnston, Jonas, Keman, McDonMd, 
Msueey, Morgani FtudieUm, Uomdolph, Jtansom, SauMury, 
Slater, Thurman, Vance, Vest, Voorhees, WqXker, W^Moce, 
Withers— 31. 

Whcreii|)on Senator Cai^enter inoved to add 
the following: 

"But no oAce em emptoymoni made« vacant by the 
wmovBl or diamJaiBl of a.panbn vJm> aeervad tn the 
forces of the Union, during the late wax aball be filled 
or supplied- by tba appoinfement or amploym«ait of any 
peisoB who Jienred in th« Conftdeiate army at any 
time during said war." 

. Of course tha^ also was voted down^ryeas 
26, nays '34,— all 'Bepublieans YOling lor 
the amendment and all Democrats '^gainst it, 
as follows: 

TxAB— Messrs. Anthony, Bell, Buroslde, Ciameilon of 
Pennsylvania. Cameron of Wisconsin, Carpenter, 
Chandler, Conkling» Bawes, Edmvnds. Ferry Uandin, 
Hill of Colorado, ungalls. JOnes of Nevada, Kellogg, 
Kiikwood, Logan, McMiflan, MoirilK' Paddock* PliMft, 



Plumb, BolUns, Sanaders, TeUer^20, 

Nats— Messrs. Bailey, Bayard, Beck, BuUer, CgiU, Cock- 
retl. Coke, EaJton, Fdrley, Garland, Gordon, Grover, Har- 
ris, Hereford, Hill of Georgia, Houston, Johnston. Jonas, 
Kernan, McDonald, Maxey, Hergan, Pendleton, Randolph, 
Ransom, Saulshury, Slater, Thurnum, Vance, Vest, Voor- 
hees, WaXker, Wallace, Withers— 9i. 

Whereupon Wallace's rule was adopted by 
a strict party vote. Having thusremoved the 
only legal impediment to the expulsion of the 
old employees, the Secxetary of tiie Senate 
and Sergeant-at-Arms at once began the work 



a 



118 



DKMOOBATIO HATBKD 01< VHtOH SOLDDUtS. 



of pRMMfiptioii. ''To the Tidors belong the 
Bpoik." Loyal employees, maimed solaiers, 
and effident and experienced officials were 
indiacriminately 8we^ fiom the offioes of the 
Senate—many of tneir places supplied b^ 
Gonfedexates, and all by raw and mexpen- 
enced persons. 

naee hmm toat CJonfetfeiwtes en ffoam t 

And the proscription of Union men and 
soldiers which has thus characterized the 
Demooraey in the disposition of the offices of 
the two Honses of Ck>ngre88, will, if they sno- 
ceed in capturing the Presidency, be carried 
into the Executive Pepartments. jEvery Union 
soldier, every loyal man and woman in office, 
will be proscribed, and their places be given 
to the msloval enemies of the nation. Their 
slogan will be — "Place none but Confederates 
on guard! ** 



I. 



PART m. 

The V¥»tMkagUm MetropoUtMi 
Police — Heretoibre none but 
Union (Soi«iieni apd ttoilom ad- 
milted to it-l^ow tt can be Oiled 
up ^villi Conl^deraieft— Senator 
Beeic's diatrilie— Tlie solid Bem- 
oeratie vote against tbe Uniim 
Soldier atui i^r tlie OonfMeral;et 

/une 9, 1880, in the Senate, pending the 
bin (S. 1394) to increase the poUce force of 
Uie District of Columbia, the following amend- 
ment was repotted from the Committee on tlie 
District of Columbia: 

** Sso. 2. Tliat so much of Mction 354 of the Bovised 
8«»tiitMof'«ho Voitwl BlaM0» nMing to tbe IHstHot 
of GolambU, m requires that ' no pereoQ- BbaU be a]^ 
pointed Ml policeman or watchman who has not s^ry- 
ed ia the Axnr or Uttrf of the United States and re- 
ceived an honofalilo dlacha»|pe/ be^ aad the same 
is hereby, repealed. 

" And agreed to-~yeas 26, aasrs 16, not voting M. 

*'Tba8 — Messrs. Beck; Brown, C^ekrtll, Gntome, 
Hampton, Harrii, Hereford, HiU, ot Georgia, J^ntUm, 
Jonoi, Kertum, jMmar, McDonald, Morgan, Pendleton, 
Prior, Ban$om, JSknMburf, Slater, Vance, Veal, Walker, 
WaUofie, WiUiama, IFiM«r«->aft 

«'|UiC9— Messn. AlUson. Anthony. Baldwin, Bum* 
side, Cameron, of Wisconsin, 1>avi8, of Illinois, Ferry, 
Ingalls. Kirkwood, McMillan. MorriU, Paddock, Flatt, 
StoUiM,. q:^Ueiv^l6." 

The proposition had ori^naliy passed the 
House. In the debate which ensued in the 
Senate; the :BepubUcanB resisted the repeal 
on the ground that the time had not yet come 
when the Union soldier should be set aside 
for the Confederate soldier. But Mr. Beck tn- 
8i9ted on the repeal^ and ajvnounced the estltting law 
exduding Cbn/ederates as the meanest vengeance 
towards a political opponent (meaning an' ex- 
Confederate), or the lowest demagogy, and 
it was praotically announced as the future 
policy of the Democracy, in all matters of ap* 
pointihents, that the Confederates were to have 
at least an ** eqnak chance." 



PART IV. 

lAfst of CanJbdemle Soldiers Ap- 
pointed to Ollice and oi' Union 
ikdcUem B^mowed by the Cnnt- 
in|( Democrats. 

Every Union soldier should remember this 
damnijig Pemocratiio record, and vote <uAe 
fought, 

Vnloa aaldters jrom^Ten* 

List of the names of 76 Union s<4di6r6 dis- 
charged from the United States Capitol by 
the Democratic officers of the House and 
Senate since their capture of the houses of 
Ck>ngre88 : 

Henry Slienrood, lost a log. Louis Boinbdiy. 

J. T. Wilson, lower jaw- H. D. Warton. 

bone shot away. E. R. Ghsssey , woimded. 

J. Tlwmas Miller. Wm. De PUtch. lost a leg. 

Levi Jones. A. H. Remmington. 

A. T. Bhtiumn. John Oxady. 

F. A. Wardell, wounded. Harrison 8. Linker. 

G. W. Dniiu, six months X>. Small* 

in AnderMonville J. H. Bft^er. 

W. H. Harding, woonded. E. H. Brown. 

J. E. W. TlMmpson lost a J. B. Sinunons. 

leg. H. Xorops. 

John SerllL J. K. Hertz. woondeO. 

J. 0. Olark. J. B. Chu-k. 

J. O. Bonetoa&e. 8. S. Blaokf6rd,- woandod 
G. w. £irk, wounded. twice, lost an arm, 

A. H. Legg. F. A. Wood. 

B. 8. McMlchael, wounded, C. H. Uannipg. 

lost an eye. G. G-. Thwing, disabled in. 
D. A.- Bnddy, wounded. Ifett arm. " 

ap. Bundiok. G.Be^. 

J J. G. Bim, lost an arm. P. A. Baboock; lost one 
W. v. CKbton, lost an arm. eye. . 

0. 8 Bisinger, lost a leg. G. H. LUlebrldge, wtnmd- 
P. W. Coleman wounded . ed. 

Wfowr timm, loU on, ana. B, W. Simsuans, d^bashled. 

. F Fitch, lost a leg. G. J. BaJt 

J. A. Traveroe. lost a leg. Ed. Town. 

H.ClilI.loskaleg. H.E.Fits. 

Hudson I>e6ker. disabled G. H. Smith, in Ubbef 

in both hands. jurison -six mcmths. 

IC. J.Bunnell, shot through W. E. OrearSFi wounded. 

both ungs. J. W. Mmm(»i4, wounded. 

J. B.EngaDS4lostan aim. 8, L* WUamti^ io$t hath kft, 

W. ShrtTsf, tost an aim. CSuuw BrMgsa. vouadsd. 

B. P. Bishop» |opt an acm. J* W. Wbeeloek* 

J. E Hammond. '^'4P' Banks. 

J. W. Buner. 0. B I^iemar, weuaded/vr 

J. Hunter. • tinsasb loel an mrta. 

A. Dole. J. IC. Oommona. 

Willis Springer. W. K, Taylor. 

Wl HttMhinsdn. ■ ' aBJaaftiey. 

J, W Onwllk. '. ,' A. 9 Btowa^dteUfsd. 

A-J-Wopd.,. , q,p,8e?r«U,w«iad«lr-.7». 

A. BameA. 

Rebel soldiers eipiOoyetf* 

List of the pames of 88 rebel soldiers who are 
or have been employed at the U. S. Capitol, 
by the Democratic House and Senate since the 
capture of the Capitol' by the Democracy : 



OoL Z, H, Fittkugh. Tex., 
ex-Doorkeeper, House. 

Col. John W. PoUc, Mo., 
ex-Doorkeeper, House. 

MaS.J. M. Stewart. Vir., 
Postmaster, House. 

E. Snowdon, Vir., Asst. 
Postmaster, House. 

Gen. C. W. Field, Qa., Door- 
keeper, House. 

Col. J. C. Burch, Tenn., Sec- 
retary, House. 

Maj. F. B. Shober, N. C, 
Chief Clerk. Senate. 



Col. H. S. i\iyeo»,yir., Bx- 

aoutive CleiA» Senate. 
Mai. L. ChaXtMTt, Miss., BiU 

deik. Senate. 
Capt. J, A. Newton, Hifis., 

ex- Asst. Finance Clerk, 

Senate. 
Oen. C. M. Wilcox, West 

Point Messenger, Senate. 
Maj. A, D. BanA», MlSB., 

Stat. Keeper, Senate. 
Ckn. Morgan Bawls, Ga., 

Supt. of Clerk's Doo. 

Boom, House. 



BOtJMma ^JiD FSNBIOMS. 



j.a'.Mifii.' 




K.C.OIatt. 
a. W. Kancdt. 
J. L. KnttSt. 



a.lVrr. 

B.M.Cnm%Ma. 




a. T. Sopr,. 
Jf<V. C. M. M 



OHAPTEB XI. 
Bounties and Pensions. 



1 nauorm, is/a. 
"L^Om Fiderid Bngadien lake back teat* in Oie work of reiloratiim. The BepMie hits no farOur 
mfor the UmxilnhCreangi. By Uie taay, Yankee$^dot>t't tt maka you fe^^ueer lo think Ihal v^ne 
fWtod you/tfoiM AfTEB tr,i' ajid captured Ihe eajniol t" — OkDlaD&, Hiai., SouOiem Blalei. 



PART I. 
Ww Bounty Quefltfoa—How tbe 
Democrats obstruct pttyment— 
CoOtroOti'm canting ResolutlfHi— 
Seeretury Mhemuui's Reply- 
Hie O Mpa uB i bMl ty IhsteBed on 



■ Inunedbite Payment, stricken 
oat by the ConftdenUe*— An Ex- 
' mebet AptUta Otr Bounty I 

In order to cmrj &vot irith th* Union sol- 
dian mad cateh totsB at ths Preddentisl elec- 
tion vith their lying lait, the Demociatie 
leaden endeavot to distract 



y-paTinents by at- 
reBponsibility iipoi 
I an old dodge tha 
«ill not gull the Union soldier. Mean, littli. 
H« will not affect the soldier vote. Whales 
ue not to be canght by gad^aoua. Let ns 
(ramine the history of this bnsmess of delay 
inpayment of boantiea. 
fNHvUtode of RqmbUemns to forward 

pkyment of bonntles, etc. 
' On the 30th of Jnne, 1869. at the oommence- 
nent of President Grant's first administration, 
thei^ were on file in the Treasury Deparliuenl 
tt,I88 daims for pay and bounty. Between 
that lime and the 30th of Jane, IS74. there 
ware raoeived 134,661 additional clainm, ma- 
king a total of 21X1,847. The settlement of this 
Twtnomberof claims was one of the duties 
imposed on the OfBce of the Second Anditor 
oftheTreBsary; andsoenei^tia werethemeas- 



ores taken to adjnst the does of soldiers and 
their heiiH, that that offleer was able to report, 
on. the latter dote (June 30, 1874), that but 
25,038 elBius mbained on hand out of the 
two houdred thoneand; aeven'eightbB of the 
entire nomber diapoaed of. Of conraa this 
result was largely due to tbe readiness with 
which the £epab1icaa Congreas of that da; 
lent its (id to the work; tot the party that ' 
had stood by the soldier dnring the rebellion 
did not deaeit him when gratitade became its 
daty. The appropriations asked for were 
voted ptompUv and cbeetfiillj; Iwislation to 
amoolh tbe dUBculUw in the way of deserving 
claimants, and to extend the o^ration of ex- 
isting laws to inclnde meritonons cases not 
provided for, was perfected without delay; in 
fact, Uie eiecntiva and lesislativa branchea of 
the Ctovenunent vied wi^ each other in for- 
warding thcee acts of national gratitade and 
justice. 

On the aOth of June, 18T4, Congress at- 
tached to one of the appropriation bills a sec- 
tion requiring all balances that should 
remain unexpended for two years to be 
turned into tha Treasnry at the end 
of evMy fisoal year. This meaanre was de- 



hdiately under Oongreaaionai 
Buparvision and control. Thnt it was a wise 
precaution, no one will doubt, who knows 
anything of tha reckless manner in which ap- 
propriations had been handled under the 
Democratio administrations before tha rebel- 
lion. Bnt in order that tha public business 
mitfht not BuECsr from the withdrawal of these 
funds from use (ainoe. after being turned into 
the Treasury, they could be drawn out only 
by an aot of Congress), a provision was in- 
serted in tha same aet^on requiring the Seo- 
retary of the Treasnry to report to Congreaa, 



ISO 



BOUNTIBS AIT0 PBHBIOS8. 



at the beginning of esch Bession, what Mooimbi 
idf Uiesa moneya were ueeded to pay accniing 
obhgatious, so that the rei^oiaite amna tnigbt 
be re-appiopriated ; and m order that the 
settlement of soldiers' claims should Buffer no 
delay or detriment, one of the last acts of (hat 
CoDgresB waa to re-appropriate, on the 3d of 
March, 1875. $534,147.23 for the payment of 
•'bounty to volnntoera, their widows, and 
legal heirs," and »597, 438.40 for •■pay of two 
and three-year volunteeiH." Did thia appro- 
priation of over a million of dollars for these 
purpoBes look like an intetttioa of delaying or 
hindering the settlement of amonnta due to 
the nation's defenders? And in the next ses- 
sion, when the Democrats, having obtained a 
bare majority in the House of liepiesentatives, _. . . , 
knew that their power was trembling in the , oted 



granted ; indeed, some acddent of l^falaUon 
aay carry it over to th« next session. Under 
ordinary cironmstances the next 30th of June 
is close at hand ; in fact, in case of n long 
sBsaion it may have already passed bsfore the 
r«-appTopriatiOD is credited on the hooka of 
the Ireasnry, so that it can be drawn npon 
for disbiuaement. The ridicnlonsness of 
torowing on the accounting officers the odium 
of delays caused by Democratio leraalation is 
manifest. Mmng contrived to tcilAiwM tit frntdt, 
lJ\e iimoant Drmocracy atk why pagmoUt an 
ddaynlf 

In accordance, however, with the reqnire- 
luents of the new law, the Secretary snbmltted 
iLieport to theSpeaker on theieth of January, 
1879, and the somaaaked for were appiapri- 
.,irtj rth u^g 2^ q£ jjarch, just a* *^^ ««— ■rtr. 



balance, and they dared not raise the voice of | tras expiring. Tkuifor agkt numthi clainu had 
oppoaition, U\e HepAlicant earned a n-apjirofrio- j bten moifliig, (rfUr being odjiulcrf, for tht Jfemo- 
(ton if S609,946.79 for the p«y of Tolnnteers, \ rratk Tmijorits to ^vt !ht word to pay. 

.;_ .v-...^u _»^i. On the J6th January. 188U, a seoond report 

as made by the Secretary to the Speuer. 
'Ihtee months elapsed without a thing being 



right in the teeth of the enemy. 

BathkrmBchcs tf CMnsrow In tke hMudaaf 

"— " ■- - the CMtfcdcrate brtn- 

"ir union 



^,: me ^sHtvocrmHT n 

dlers hesln m aliaw tbelr hat« ror i; 

But after both branches of the national 
legislature had passed into the hands of the 
Democracy, the party of the rebeUion began 
to feel itaelf aumoieutly strong to ouib the 
unstinting gratitude and patriotism that were 
willing thus to pour vat millions to keep the 
Tstraanaandtiieir families bom suffering. It 

gated on the feelings of the men who had 
oght behind lebel entranohmMits oc voted 
for saoeMion oidinanoes, M>d who now sntersd 
the legislative hall to renew the reign of plan- 
tation arrogance and sow new discord betweem 
tha States, to be obliged, for fear ot displeas- 
ing Northern voters, to sanction tha di»- 
botsement of poblio money to the npholdera 
of the Union. This fumiaheti the key to the 
Buhsaquent legislation in regard to bounties. 

On the 11th of Jane, J8TS. the act ESqitihng 
tha SaoretAjy of the Treaanry to report to 
Congress the estitnates foe needed re-appro- 
priations, was. repealed, and in lien thereof it 
was made the dntjr of the acoonnting ofQoen 
to continue to receive, examine, and consider 
the justice and validity of all olaims under 
appropriationa of whidt- the bdanoeB were 
^hansted or turned into the Treasoiiy. Tha 
BOOonntinK oScera were directed to certify 
the Bums due to the Secretary of tb.e Treas- 
nry, who was to report the amount due each 
claimant to the Speaker of the Bonse of Bep 
reeeutatives at Uie commenoement of eael 
session, and the Speaker wa* to lay the report 
before Congress. 

The evident result of thia measnre could 
not be other than to delay payment 
nnfortonate claimants thus thrown uu tu« 
tender meroies of the crafty Democratic 
majority. The Sacal year oloeea on the 30th 
of June ; Congress does not re-assemble till 
December ; than the matter mast be referred 
to a committee and await its action ; then fol- 
low fnrtbar delays during the prolonged dis- 
ousaion that always ooour upon appropria- 
tion bills, so that usually it is only at the 

close of the session that the tardy relief is 



done bv the Danocratic Congress. Then, 
i-nddenly awakenii^ to the necesaity of put- 
ting the blame elsewhere than on tneir own 
shoulders, where it belones, the Democratic 
Bouse, on the 26th April, adopted a ''J'P'*" 
critical reeotation, offered by Chairman Coff- 
roth. Democratic chairman of the Conmittee 
(in Pensions, asking the Secretary of the 
Trewury iriiy he p«mitted these eUms to 
l>e nnpMil so long t 



iSKIS 

"Utatatlmt, TbUthaBKn. 

uid IM batettf 1^ rtapectAiUynaDfitsdand. 

iatarm tlia Bodw of BspTeaenUUna tba Eame efdiltr 
InpBTliuthe boDntTand back imj ImaiAlohttatui 
the tdutn sad oUmi perBOi enttOed thcnio; uA 
wbr It is tlist ha pomlu tlma clalnis to nmaln na- 
ntla Inim BiK to twttve mootb* tiafDTe Im wOu Omvtm 

" In reply tbeteto. I have (hs bgUDr to mbmlt tha 
folloirlDs HtMem«nta beuing npoo tha bcU In th* 



ippioprlaUon of »«»,»«.» Sir Uu 

pay of two md llireii-ye»r volontean.' 

" The Sth KctloD of tha act of Jane aO. 1S7< (ISSMt, 
110). r8quil« ^Tbat fTDBUm-' -"— "■- — — - " -'- 



M the flrM d^ of July, 



aoeipended baUuoe* o[ approprUtiotu. which aha 
haTa rammed apon tha book« of the treaaiLr; for tn 
fiacal 7«iii. to be carried tu tbo suiplua fund and co 



BQIItrniS. AND PSi|U8|OH8, 



121 



" The section of lav Just referred to also proyides that 
the Secretary of the Tteaistirst diall, at the Deginning of 
eachfleBsloiip report to Congre^any balance^pf 19- 
pnprlitkmfi for «peclild' «ft^^3ts liffected fheteby tlict 
may need to b» approivlstod. Tbti p^yisioii was re- 
pealed by the 4th section of j^e act <^ Jiip^>U. 1878 
(20 Stat., 130), and in lieu thereof it waa made the duty 
of these vend accounting officers of the T^reaaury to 
continue to receive, ejcamine, and oona&der the Justice 
and validity of all claims under appropriations, the 
iMlances of which have been exhausted or carried to 
the surplus fund under the provisions of the act of 
Jane 20. 1874« and certify the same to the Secretary of 
the Treasury who shall report the amount due each 
claimant at the commencement ol each session, to the 
Speaker of the House of Representatives, who shall lay 
the same before Congress for consideration. 

" The reports required to be made by thissection were 
tnmsmitted to Ck}ngre8son January 16, lb79. and Janu- 
ary 10^ 1880 (see House Executive Documents No. 30, 
Forty-ftfth Congress, 3d- session, and No. 29, Forty-sixth 
Congress* 2d session). The amounts embraced in the 
lionner report were appropriated for at the last 8esai<m 
of Congress, and have been paid by this I)e|>artment. 
Upon the latter report no action has yet been taken by 
Cbmoiess. 

" Having striotly adhered to the requirements of law 
in these matters, the Department might with propriety 
have gone no further, but anticipating that dissatisfac- 
tiott and complaint on the part of claimants would 
inevitably follow the suspension of payments on ac- 
count of arrears of pay and bonnty , the Second Auditor^ 
in whose oBUse these a^Boounts are adjusted, was in- 
stracted to submit to the Secretary of War, as the pro- 
per oiloer having jurisdiction fn tfaepMmises, eMImates 
of amounts that would be required to pay additional 
claims as fallows : 

" On Ifay 8, 1878, for payment of claims to be certified 
npio June 80, 1880, $420,082.48. 

" On March-20, 1879, fov payndtent of daims tobe certi- 
fied up to June 30. 1880. $225,000. 

** On liarch 27, 1880. for payment of claims tobe certi- 
fied up to June 80. 1881. $265,000. 

"These estimates (copies of which are enclosed) were 
duly transmitted to the President of the Senate and 
Speaker of (he Houae <tf Sepresentatives en Hay 10^ 
1878, AprU 21, 1879, and April 1, 1880. respectively and 
were referred to the proper committee. They were 
also j^rinted by order of the Senate, and are to be found 
in Senate ExecutiyeDpocuments No. 76.:E'orty-flfthOon* 
gress, 2d session ; l7o. 17, Forty-sixth Oonsress. 1st 
session, and No. 136, Forty-sixth Congress. 2d session. 

" A» Congrtt* hat taken no action ms Uiese fstimatet, the 
tnoutry as to the cause of deHay in paying the bpnnty 
and biMck pay i^ound to b« due to the soldiers and other 
persons entitlfid thereto vi^uld $eein ,to be sufficienUy- 
annoerfd. , j 

" Very resp^tfully, JOHN SHERl^N. 

... :• . " JS(cretar^.'f 

It will thns be seen th^t the 4ela^ gromsfortk^ 
out of a Dejnocrittic hw^ passed by a ^mocratio 
Congress, whicb ibe Secietiuy 4are not at- 
tempt to set aside,! ami /Mrr%i9 (hemacdon qf 
^ JJemocroLic Qmffrtu on ihe. estimate, 

Store DemodraHe 4 elay— The eas^ in a nut* 

Yet, after all ttdd, it \'fm the 16th of June, 
1880, vrhen the approp^riation 'was at last 
passed. Thus, owing to the peculiar provis- 
ions of this Bemocratio law, and the sluggish 
action of the Confederate Congress, the delay 
in this case covered nearly one year ! To restate 
the case. in a nutshell : 

/lr«r— Congress enacts that all moneys re- 
maining on hand after two years shall be 
turned into the treasury by the 3uth of Jnne; 
a wise and salutary measure. 

Second — The Democratic majority legislate 
so as to cut off the twd years' use allowed by 
the former act; so as to leave the Secretary 
without a cent available for bounty payments 
after the 30th of June. 

Third — ^The same Democratic majority re- 



quires that, instead of paying without delay, 
the. Secretary shall send the list of amounts 
due to Congress, to await the slow action of 
committees, the drag of protracted debates, 
and the uncertain ohanoes of final oonsidera- 
tion and passage. 

Fourth — ^Having thus contrived, by an in- 
genuity worthy of nobler ends» to insure a 
delay of from eight to twelve months before 
the money can be paid, the same Democratic 
majority come forward, and through Mi. Coff- 
roth as their mouth-piece, want to know !why 
the Secretary " permits these iolaimB to remain 
unpaid V , 

OoilHitli's Deiiiocfwtlc ^^etaxt*^ exposed— 
The delays all Democratle. 

Perhaps the most outrageous thing in Coff- 
roth's canting resolution is the imputation of 
a delay, assumed to be willful -dn the part of 
the Secretary, of fxom six to twelve months 
before asking an appropriation. Nobody knew 
better than Mr. Cofiroth, thai between nie 3bth 
of June, when the fiscal year expires, and the 
meeting of Congress in December, a delay of 
five months miwt ooonr by the very terms of 
the Democratic law ; that scarcely does that 
body come together and organize its commit- 
tees than it adyoumsover the Christmas holi- 
days, BO that it is usually the middle of Janu- 
ary before the legislative work is actually be^ 
gun ; and on the 16th of January; 1879 and 
1880, the Seexetary laid his reports before the 
Speaker. Thus, at the least calculation, be- 
tween the "Democratio law's delay" and the 
tardiness of Demociatic Congressional busi- 
ness, nearly Moen monUu nmti elapse before the 
subject gets before the proper committee 
(this year it was referved on the 26th of Janu- 
ary); and, after that, it is usually the e^d of 
the session when it isdisposed of. The delaj^ 
duzing the recess, forced on the Secretary by 
Democratic law, is thvs continued by Demo- 
cratic CongiessioBal inaetion till nearfar or 
quite a year has passed sinc^ the soldiers and 
widows' olaimshave been audited aadaUotfed.- 

But to complete the story of Demeemftio 
responsibilitv, there. is more to be said-: Early 
in Mfi^r 1^78, while the Democrats in Con- 
gress were matuiing the plan for cripp^g 
Uie bounty paymento, and more than a month 
before the aictwas pasaedv Secretary hhennan 
directed the Second Auditor; whose business 
it is to settle and pay boui^ olaims, to sub- 
mit to the Secretary of ^ar estimates df 
amounts that would be required to pay addi- 
tional claims, it being the province of the Sec- 
retary of War to submit such estimn^tes to 
Congress. The estimate ($420,062.48 to pay 
claims certified up to June 30, 1879) ^v^iua duly 
transmitted to the President of the Senate 
and Speaker of the House of Representatives 
on the 10th of May, 1878. 80 that when Con- \ 
gress passed the act of June 14, 1878, it had 
all the facts in its hands, and the Democratic 
majority was without excuse for its action. 
Nor is this all. Twice since have similar es- 
timates been sent to Congress : one on the 
2l6t of April, 1879, for $225,000, and one on 
March 27, 1880, for $265,000. Thus, three 
times has Secretary Sherman, though, ndt re- 
quired by law to do so, called the attention of 



122 



BOUirms AND PMMSIONfi. 



Ck>ngr6B8 to the neoeaiitiM of the case, end 
asked for the veqnisite appropriation to pre- 
Tent that yery delay, which GongreBsman Coff- 
roth attempts, by hisconningly^eYiBed reso- 
lution, to saddle on the Seoretanr's shoalden. 
And whai has Congress, nnder the sway of the 
Democracy, dime with these estimates? They 
have been refined to committees, and the 
Senate has actually ordered them printed ! 
The soldiers and sotdiera* widows and orphans 
ask for justice, and the answer is a printer's 
bill I They clamor for bread, and are fed by 

a resolution ! There the estimates sleep 

in the committee rooms^, while Congressman 
Cofiroth, uttexin^ the yoice of the. I>iratio<»raoy» 
wants to }aum wny the Secretaj^ of the Treas- 
ury doesn't ask for appropriations ! 

How $114,87il« asked for to meet already 
aiUiMted dams was omitted by the Hloase, 
eusdawn to ^M99^m9m in the semite, ami 
atmek out by the Oemoeratle Conference 
Gonmilttee lutovetlier I 

A curious instance of the pretended solici- 
tude of the Democratic leaders in Congress 
for the well-being of Union soldiers and their 
heirs, occurred during this very session, 
shortly after Mr. Coflroth's insincere resolu- 
tion was presented. On the dd day of 
June< 188Q, the Second Auditor reported to 
the Secretary- of the Treasury that the sum of 
$114,879.83 was needed to meet claims adjust- 
ed since the let of January. The Secretary 
promptly laid the matter before Congress, end 
it was referred to the apprepxiation commit- 
tees. The House committee omitted the ap- 
pxo(Mriation from their report. Jn the Senate 
committee the amount was curtailed to $100,- 
000{ and the bill being ik&ally submitted to a 
conference committee, of which Senator Beck, 
of Kentucky, andBepresentative J. H. Blount, 
of Georgia, were the chief managers on the 
part of the Senate and House respecdvely, 
was reported for paasM^e with the enthe turn 
aahedfor dnulc out i And this, it appears from 
Senator Beek*s remarks in explanation, was 
done at the instance of the managers from the 
House, Whose chairman was Oeneral Bloxmt, 
of Georgia, one of the rebel generalawhom 
clemency and the shot-gun policy of the 
South have placed in oontml of the legislation 
of the loyal American people t [CiMu^/'emotuU 
Beeord, June 16, 1880.] 

Application of an ex-rebel soldier for 

bomty I 

On July 16, 1880, Bobert Hanna, an. ex- 
rebel soldier, who had previouely filed his 
application in the Pension Office (see part of 
this chapter for a verbatim copy of it) for a 
I pension, made application in due form to the 
Second Auditor of the Treasury, at Washing- 
ton, for bounty under the bounty acts of 1861 
and 1866. He certifies that he is the identical 
Bobert Hanna who was a private in Company 
G of the 15th Begiment South Carolina Volun- 
teers, Confederate States of America, and was 
discharged at Lynchburg by reason of wounds. 
The appUcatidn bears the signatures of wit- 
nesses and the official signature and seal of 
J. H. Keels, deck of the court of Williamsburg 
County, 8. 0. 



PART 11. 

PeiMiom — Bemotsratlc Opposi- 
iJon — Representetives Beltz- 
boover and Ryon prove it. 

There is considerable complaint all over the 
country because of the length of time between 
the miudng of applications for pensions and 
action upon the same by the Pension office— 
whether the esse be for invalid pensions, ar- 
rearages, or what not. This delay, also, as in 
the matter of bounties, heretofore referred to, 
lies entirely at the door of a Democratic Con- 
gress, which will not grant the necessary cleri- 
cal force to put the business more rapidly 
through, nor the money wherewith to pay 
them. The plain truth of the whole matter is 
that the Democratic Congress has inhefited a 
legacy of hate for the Union soldier, and while 
it would pretend to love him just before an 
important election in order to catch his vote, 
the moment it is over — should Hancock be 
elected or counted in — they would fling him 
aside like a piece of waste paper. It needs 
but little evidence, in addition to that already 
given, to prove this. Takefbr instance the * 
Democrmtic opposition to the bill votliiff 



This bill was introduced April 2, 1878, into 
the House of Bepresentatives, in the second 
session of the Eorty-fifth Congress, by Hon. 
Henry J. B. Cummings, of Iowa, imd in the 
same session, June .19, 1878, it was passed in 
the House— yeas 16i, nays 61. The negative 
vote was exclusively Democratic and, with 
three exceptions, Southern, as follower 

Natb — Measn. Adelen, Aiken, H. P. Bdi, StacHbttm, 
BUmnt, Boone, Bright, CabeU, J. W. CaldweU, W. P. 
OeUdtoeU, Candler, Carliile, J. B. Clarke, Cook, Crowns, 
Crittenden, Davidson, J. J. Davis, Dibrdl, Durham, Biek- 
hoff, Blam, EUis, J, H. Bvins, PtUon, Forney, Oarik. 
Oause, Oibson, €fiddings, Cfoode, tf. R. Harris, J. T. Har- 
ris, Herltert, O. W. Hewitt, Hooker, House, Hunton, J. T. 
Jones, Knott, lAgon, Maykam, HeKenzie, Mills, Muldrow, 
Phelps, Pridem&re, Reagan, Riddle, Bobbins, Soalet. 
Sehleieher, O. R. BingUion, W. B. Smith, Steele, Throek- 
morton, Vance, Whitthome,J, WHUatns, A. 3. Willis, 
raUs—€l, 

And to show that that legacy of hate con- 
tinues to the present moment, witness the 
thorouMy proved up letters written by two North- 
em Democratic Bepresentatives to Pennsyl- 
vanian constituents, in which one of them, 
the Hon. F. £. Beltiehoover, Democratic Con- 
gressmim from, the Ninteenth CongnoBsion* 
al District of Pennsi^vania, declines (April 
23, 1880) to introduce and urge the passage 
of a Pension bill, "^because, '*with the present 
Democratic Houee pension biUt do not have muck fanor 
o o m and the rebel general who is at the head 
of the Pension Oommiitee in the Senate is stiU more 
averse to allowing any such Wis topass ; ** while the 
other, the Hon. J. W. Byon, Kepresentative in 
Congress from the Schuylkill District of Penn- 
sylvania, also declares in a letter to the same 
person that ^* the present House is averse to allow- 
ing daims for services rendered in support <^ the 
United States during the late vxir. 

The BeltdiooTer Letter to BIr» C^nrrMen. 

Following is the letter of Bepresentative 
Beltzhoover : 

" HOUSS OF BSPBESEKTATIVXS. ) 

"Wabhinoton, D.O;, April 23, 1880. J 
"DsabBib: Yonr iSKVorwaii received. I would moit 



f 



BovirrmB juio imttmouB. 



123 



tkeerjktty iniroduee and wrge the puMge of » bill aaoh 
IB JOVL goggest, but vriih the preunt Demoeratic Houte 
penrion biUt do w)i have much mvor. It liM beepine-«l- 
most impossible to get consideration of such a bill at 
att, tad when considered Its chance of psfsing the 
House ia vety remote, and pte rebel general toAo it at 
the head of the Pennon Committee in the Senaie it ttilt 
wure averse to allowing any such bUls to past. It wonld 
not be at all probable, therefore, that the bill will b6 
got through. I will confer with your brother. If he 
thinks there is anything in the matter, I will very cor- 
dially act in the matter. Very truly, 

** F. E. BKLTZHOOfyBB. 

'* K W. CnBBZDKN. Esq." 
Another BeltzliooTer E«tter to Mr. BUnnlck. 

Following is another, like unto the first : 

•' CABT.TRT.K. Poun., August U, 1880. 
"Mb. J. A. C. ICiKNiox. York, Penn. 

** The bill of Mrs. ifl pendihgheforethe Commit- 
tee on Pensions of the House, i do not think the 
eJaim has been finally rejected by the Pension Office. 
The bill Witt be finaHy* usposed of next session. I'he 
Uut one VKU a very bad one for peTuions. 

."Vesy truly, F.\B. Bm.t^hooveb." 

SepresentatlTO Ryon's Ijetter to Mr. Mln- 

lUok. > , . 

Following is a letter from Mr. Minnick, ad- 
dressed to the York (Pa.) BDiftmff DiquOck of 
September 6» 1880 : 

**Why it is that th^ publication of letters ftoQitfae 
Hon F. £. Beltzhoover. with reference to the difficulty 
of obtaining fovorablo action in Congress on pension 
and ether militaiy oiadnw in behalf of the late Vnion 
soldiers or their representatives, should cause such a 
stir among Democrats, is a question that every loyal 
veteran should ask before he'makociop hia'mind to 
vote in favor of the < change ' asked by that party. 
'" The honcmbl^ mezi^ber ffom. that district is not the 
only one of nis party that has samitted thos^" fetcts. 
The Hon. J. W. Ryon, fTom the Schuylkill District, in 
a communication sent me after his failure to have a 
meritorious measure in behalf of a soldier passed, ad- 
mitted that *ih€ pretent Houu-it avevsM lo alUnping 
daimM for tervice* rendered in support of the United 
Stales during the late war,' although he favored and did 
sU he xiould in support of the claim, whieh was sub- 
stantiated by conclusive evidence of some of the best 
citiaJans of his district. 

"In a communication I received from ttr. Beltz- 
hoover on the 19th ult., in reference to a claim for 
pension now pending, he admits ' that the last session 
was a very bad one for pensions,' and such fhuxk ad- 
missions, or the publication thereof, are certainly 
more to the credit of those gentlemen thjVA against 
them, although not so with the minority dt their ool- 
leacoaa on tho Bainio;ii4e of the House. 

" J. A. C. Mnoncx. Pension Claim Agent.*' 

In tile New Yoik IVt6iiiM^ September 10, 1880, 
faesimiUa and affidaTits of the genuineness of 
these letters plaees the proof of their anthen* 
tid^ beyond all qnestion, 

There are, at this moment, httzidreds of sach 
pension bills held back in .thj% Confederate 
committee rooms of both Houaes of Congress 
wifhcmt Action. 



PART Itl. 

Demojcniilc liove nnr the Rebel 
Sddicfr— Attempted Ijekfslatton 
in his Itehair-Rebel Midlers 
Applying ibr Pensions, etc. 

Not only have the Confederates in Congress 
tkua sbawn. their hatred '<»f the Union soldier, 
but in more ways than one have they shown 
their love for the Confederate soldier. 
Confederate threats. 

Blackburn, of Kentucky, said truly as to 
the inteMktMt at leaeir of theConfedera!teDem-> 
ocratio party, in a speeeh-made in the House, 



Apnlt 1679: " It ia this organization (the Dem- 
ocratic) that has come buck to rule^ and that 
mearu to ruU,** and again: ** For the first time 
in eighteen years past the Democracy is back 
in power in both branches of this Legislature, 
and she proposes to signalize her ' return to 
power, i^he proposes to celebrate her recov- 
ery of her longrlost heritage by tearing off these 
'degrading badges, e • e o We do not in- 
tend to dop unttl we have atrteken the lasl vettige of 
)your voaar meamresfrom ike HattUe hook.** 

Attempting td iint rebels In the army ami 
t9 vay pensions to (yonfederate soldiers. 

Referring to these threats, Hon. Wm. Mc- 
Kinley, of Ohio, April, 18, said: 

" They have already entered upon their unholy work: 
they are engaged in it now. Only the other day, and. 
whUe the Anny bill was being ponBideted, the gentle- 
man ttova Vi^inia [Mr. TaiHcer], one of the able and 
distlngui^ed men of thia House, proposed an amend* 
BM&t, npeaMug 9ectioa 1318 of the United States Stat- 
utes. WYiAi is the section the repeal of which he 
•clemands? Letmejraadit:. 

" ' No persons who have served In any capacity in the 
z^ilitary, naval^ or civil jservice of the so-called Con- 
federate Statb^. erof either '«rtha States ta Insurrec- 
tion during the late rebellion, shall be appointed to 
any position in the army of the United States.' 

^'The army list Is to be opened itnd revised, so tUst 
men who served in the Ck>nfederate army, who for 
four years ft>i)ghfti to destrojr thi/i iQoyemment, shall be 
placed upon tnac list as commissioned officers.- Ay, 
more, the men who w^re in our army before the war 
aaoomsiiaiioned. officers, who vrere educated. at the 
public exi>ense, who took an oath to support the Con- 
stitution of the United States, and when the nation 
w&s threatexied with danger reeiguctd'tlfetr oommis- 
sions and forsook the flag, are to be eligible for re-ap- 
pointment to i&a*: army again, iie' we quite toa^ 
for this? 

" This is<A0t 411. On the Idth of February, 1878. the 
Chairman of the Committee on Invalid Pensions of the 
Forty -fifth Congress [Mr. Bice] reported to the House 
with the sanction, of a msjority of, that committee, a 
bill repealing Section 4716 of the United States Statutes. 
Let me read the section to be repealed: 

" ' Ko money on account of pension shall be paid to 
any person, or to the widow, children, or heirs, of any 
deceased person who in any manner voluntarily en- 
gaged in or aided or abetted the late rebelUon against 
the authority of the United States.' 

*' And the same bill contained the following affirma- 
tive legislation: 

.'* ' ^9f\ 7. That the Secretary of the Interior be. and 
is hereby, autnorized and required to rcwtMe to the 
pension roll the names of all Invalid pensioners now 
living wlio were stricken {heMlktnn on aecoan* of dls* 
loyalty, and pay them pensions from the 26th day of 
December. 1868» at the rate ivdrioh they vould have 
been entitled to had they not been dropped fh>m the 
pension roll.' 

" These sie some of the war measures which are to 
be ^ vipod est '• ftvm the statute book. Tl^ese a,;ce 
s )me of ti&e degrading badges which are to be torn 
off." 

Gonfeilerate spUllers already. amdyUiff for 
pettsMns. As well ' as lio«iify--4iiiNMaMU 
awaltlnff the election of Hancock— A 
speelmen applleatlon. 

, Blerewith is an exact, aad as far as possible, 
a fac-simile copy (omitting the Acknowledg- 
ment before the Cleik of the Gonrt, and Uie 
File ji^ndorsement, which appear on the Itack 
of the original) of the appucation recently 
made to the Pension Office by a rebel soldier 
for a pension. There are thpnsands of snch 
applications, involving milhons of dollars, 
already made out and in the ^aads of pension 
claim agents at Washington, only awaiting the 
electiGH, of Hanoock, • w|u^ the rebels are so 
sure of. . 



124 BOUNTIK8 AKD PKN8ION8. 

[FAC-aiHIIA OF ORIGINAL COPY.] 
49- SEE mSTBUCnONS AT THE ' BOTTOM.-®|L 

"A" Declaration for Original Invalid Pension. "A' 



■ ^ 



STATE OF <^4,uM ^^i^i^<i, 

^ s s 

COUNTY OF ^4://t€i^n^'^u^^, ' * 

On this ^£^A day oi&€^t^, A. D. one thousand eight hundred and ^^om^^ 

personally appeared before me, <^ JjQ. IZme'C'Cd^, Clerk; the same being a Court. oj 

Record of the County and State aforesaid, c^^i^-^ ^^#f^€i^ a residait oJ 

County of ^^i^iMw^^^*^^ State of ©f ^.^ who being l»j 

me duly sworn according to law, on his solemn oath, deposes as follows, to wit: 
*^I am the identical S^'^et^ Jj@€i4i/H^ who was enrolled on thu 

day of oA4^ud/, y//<, in Company J^ of the ^s Reg't of ^/i^u^ 9§€U^/^ 

. ©f O^. YoPs., commanded by Captain GV^c^u^oXe^t, and I was honoiiblj 



discharged at ^y^c^^u4^, W-ei,, on the s day of cS^., ^t4s, and my ags 

is now Si years. While in the serrice aforesaid, and in the line of my datj, I 
receiTed the following disability, to wit : 

Cy '€€i€td ^Cte€L€^'Cc €i,'C ^jUAt^A.'vUu^ -n^^d^^^<Ca€. 

I have never been employed in the Military or Naval Service of the United StitH 
otherwise than set forth above. Since leaving the Service, I have resided tt @f ^y 
and my occupation has been d<^^4. A€4^e4,, before my entry into the Service afon- 
said I was of good, sound physical health, being at enrollment ^Ja4if^^, and Iim 
now 'Cfr^^ ^MM«^ disabled from obtaining my subsistenee by manual labor bf 
reason of my disabilities above stated, received in the service of the Unit^ SMUi IbA 
I make this Declaration for the purpose of being placed on the Invalid Pension BoH of 
the ITnited States. I hereby appoint and empower, with full power of substltiitiflii, 
Nathan W. Fitzgbbald, of WAsuiNGtoN Crrr, D. C, my true.v^ lawftif JUtabi!^ 
to prosecute my claim. My Post Office address is J^4,€iAtt^f% X <S^^^€U^ Ooontyof 
^^4^'€ii'nd'du'i^, State of ©f ^. ^ 

Attest : \ -^^«^ JfacoOd^ (OUImsnfi Bignatura.) 



Two Witnesses. "^ 



This Declaration MUST be made before aome Cleilc of a Court of Reoorcla If aokiMWledge^ 

before a Notary or Juatlce, It will be wortlile«a« 



BBOSNT ODTRAOBS ItT THB "80UD BOUTH/ 



186 



CHAPTEE XII. 

Becent Outrages in the ^* Solid SonUi." 



<*JI u this organiwation {(he Democratic) that has come back to rule and thai means to nUe^*- 

Hon. J. C. BiaokburD,' Ky. 



PART 1. 

Political AsMUMlnalion In the 
8<Nith— Ghastly Itecord ofT wen- 
ty Thomand CHmes— The "wmy 
a **Soild South'* ivaft secured. 

The oonntTy is fiiiniliar -with many of the 
most infamous occnrrenoes in the Sooth, dur- 
ing the peziod from the cloBe of the ^ar to the 
last Presidential election, in which it has been 
shown by offioial inyestigation, that twenty 
thousand person* < — mostly colored — were 
killed, maimed, or crmelly beaten, for the 
purpose of intimidating them from the exer* 
dse of their citil and ]^!tics£l rights. 

Demoomtle *^ excuse" tot these cfUbm. 

While the Demoratio party at the Ronth, in 
whose service these crimes were committed, 
claimed that this wholesale killing and whip- 
ping was necessary, the Northern wing denied 
their comoiission until denial was no lonser 
possible, and then "exctised" them on the 
groimd of the i^atnral indi^iposition o( the 
resped6Bi)le'pedpre oltfae 8dutlito'bebntT0t&d 
hy '^shalaxrags, cax^Mt^Uggess eahdalgMfs." 
Ibwas;flttidtlMit li^ ihn r^wiMy^ AhOild 
get control of the OAxeiT)^!^ qf.)air j^he 
Sonth^m Staies,^all oiitro^es wonl^ cease in 
fb^ SSid *tlfe 'cMO^d people w'btiTd'be petled 



uK 



f: 



.1-.: 



.^^^•yhe SqIJ^iI 8ovtb.fecurei|« 

the situation, because it was to the interest 
ofDemocamiio poUtioishst<yYnisrepi^sentand 
exeuse it, at last became wearied of the 
matter, and tacitly floqiiiesoed in the Terdict 
of tiie shoi-gnn, "by withholding ihe support 
that was necessary to maintain the laws dfthe 
Bepublioaa administrations South. The solid 
South was acknowledged as a nck^essity in 
1877, with' the hope that the promised refor- 
mation of its methods of intimidation wo^jld 
he accbmplished. 

The South on Its honor. 

The South was on its honor. Its white rul- 
ing class had no near danger to fear from the 
▼otes and opposition of its few white Bepubli- 
cans and many blacksl The question uppers- 
most in the minds of the l^orth was:— How 
would the South use its newly-gaii^ed powec? 



PABT 11. 



Assassination and Intimidation 
In 18T8— The massacres In 
EiOuisiana— Five men Hung In 
one loC for Attending a Bepub- 
ilean Ouh-^^v<^nty or Eighty 
Colored men Killed fat one par* 
Ish— Reducing Repuhlleim ma- 
jorities. 

It was suppcrsed that the possession of ab- 
solute power in the State, accompanied with 
tho great poweia of the executive and legiela- 
tive brancnes over local matters, would render 
bulldozing unnecessary in Louisiana after the 
accession of the NichoUS* administration. But 
the dominant party in the South was not will- 
ing that the Uepublieans of parishes, where 
they were in overwhelmitig majority, should 
fill any of the few elective offices to which 
tfatjjifwere e&title<l, nos bis (repfesented- in 4he 
State Legislatme, or.iaCk>iigi)efa,.and the shot- 
gun and whip were accordingly, in Jlfi78, again 
brought into service. 

nulMoslns in Point COupoe Parish. 

*rhe investigatiou made by the Senate Com- 
mittee showed that neariy all the active Re- 
publican leaders in this pieirisfa were whipped 
or run off before the election ; that one col- 
oved man, in response to a demand to change 
his politics, said ** he wy>uld vpither die th&ti 
ihrow a Democratic ballot;" ioat taken oui of his 

VlTO Meu/hnnS' t0jMnroaesroes» 

A ^tiix^ber of colored men were accused of 
attending Kepublican dubs, and the son of a 
Democratic candidate said to have been shot 
at The Senate cc&ttiiitee' skys of this : 

'*lSiere wm noevtAesce «f thetratii of theae reports, 
either tm t^ the fktina or the meetinsa. But five blaek 
men were seized, tried by lynch ww, and although 
such Juries never give the prisoner the faenefit of a 
donbt, as they are organized to convlet. thdre were 
aeverad of them who veraaed to oonenr in the aetftenco 
of death; nevertheless the five unfortunates wete 
bauged. ' The next morning.* says Randall McQowan, 
* Mr. Lewis said there were five men bung. I asked 
him what for? and he said Thomas Williams, a leader 
in the fourth ward, was about to organize his club; 
that it waa about time for us to go into the oampiJgn; 
and those boys appeared that night • • • They 
said they did then tkingi to tcare the negroes^ to that they 
might carry tN€ elteUtn.* "-^SenaU Meport, 896, 1879, 
page 19.] 



128 



BSOBNT OTJTBAaBS IN TBE ''BCXLLD SOCTTH.' 



Six men hnnff in C^neordla Paiiah. 

Armed bodies of men rode through the par- 
ish, whipping and hanging enough to *' seare 
the negroes. The coroner testified that he 
held inquests <m the bodies of six men, who 
had been taken fcom'th'ehr homes-and hanged; 
and there were several others who had been 
hung and killed who were not thus officially 
recognized. 

Wholesale mnrder in Tensas Parlsli. 

This parish was oyermn by Ku-Klux parties, 
often from adjoining parishes, as it was 
necessary to wipe out its vote to save the 
Congressional district. The following is 
from the official record : 



'* Alted JUrttt ttredtiMS VrtMrpto^ ttt 4hsW«mr 

jwrt of th0 pariah. • On Satpfday ni^fht, ab(»t 8 or 9 
o'clock, aMnd of armed niem. Variottsly eaamatoa at 
tnm. tweaty-flTe to thirty, wmni to thp kmuw of ASsfio. 
TlieT wena under the oommand of ona J. 8. Peck, who 
Htm la theOoagiMaioiBaldlatriet. ontnotinthe pariah. 
▲ portion of thAfoNo wmainad Utbaroad, andBsok 
«nd a few others inraded the honae of Faixiax, who, on 
tbairantMBM, flbdontof ttolMek dadf'fMlowed by 
buttatsltonifMk'S j^latoL' Ayoiuw coloiwd nan by 
the name of SInglet6fr. wh'o was in rae hoaae, was diot 



"by Peck ; and aa he lay on the floor aeyeaal oHMmahot 
him also. He snbaequently died. A man by the name 
of Blanch crawled vnder the bed, but waa pulled out 
«nd shot through the arm and in the back. Be waa 
before the committee, and wiU be a cripple for life. 
One Kennedy, who ran to the window, waa ahotflrom 
tho outaida by bsokahot and dansenmilly wounded. 
6eTeral women la the houae made their eacape. It 
Appears that when the firing began in the house the 
men outside fired into the house through the windows. 
Peck, during the excitement that followed, went out of 
the houae, and was killed, aa near aa qan be ascertained 
on the ffallery, by his own men who were firing in the 
houae/^-^SehaU Report, 1890, p, l4.j 



fire InuidTCil Hn* 



iClna>-4iieTenty ta dslity 
men killed* 



"It was in'Atldeace b«flore'the committee that not 
less than 600 armed white men came into Tensas parish 
i!rom Franklin, Catahoula, Concordia, and other par- 
ishes llafewae* the lltil of Ootdbec Bank deetUm 4ky. In 
addition to these, a company came ttom MiBsissippi, 
hringin^ ^th them a eannon ; but'^aioompaByap- 
pears not to haT6 been entity of any outrages. 

" While these armed nodiea were raidina the parish, 
the colored people were greatly excited, ana very many 
fled to the woeoa. One witness swore that four men 
ttom his plantation died fifotti Skpesufe In the awamps, 
and that oil Mc ca^ond Mar «Mw/of a Umt olm^HMitUu 
to the pton/cTf. It ia «'mpaisi6le to fay how fMnv colored 
ptopleloH thetrttvetthrSuoh this campaign. One witness 
gave the names of fifteen xiUed and two wounded ; and 
this Ust did not include those who died from exposure; 
nor doaait.lMSMlvtMi'kaleAta'lh^ a4K>lnlkit parish 
of Ooncordia, which OoTemor NichoUs says was eicht. 
One witnese swears- that he tMnks s^Tanty to c^&^ 
ware kUlad."— {P. 16, fa«M r^^orl,] 



Tbe c::aled,onl» wMacreb 

At Caledonia, Oaddo pariah, the colored 
people turned out largely in spite of the pre- 
vions bulldozing in the parish. On the pre- 
tenjse that there were arms stored in a house 
near, belonging to a colored man who was 
distributing tickets at the polls, an attack was 
made on the house when xlo one was in it but 
the man's wife .and daughter. A general at- 
tack was then made on the colored people, and 
during the day and night twenty colored peo- 
ple were killed — no wounded and nopritonen, JVo 
vfhkea killed, Yet it was called the ** quelling 
of a desperate riot" 



U. S. witnesses mnrdered. 

Two men vho had witnessed the opening of 
the above massacre, were subpoenaed to attend 
the U. S. Court to certify in regard to it. On 
the 2l8t day of December, whi^, in obedience 
to the fttibpOBtias, they toiok the steamer Dan- 
ube for New Orleand. The next morning, 
when some distance below Caledonia, the 
boat was run into the shore at an unusnal 
landing-place, and a gang of armed men came 
on the DORt and, under cover of a warrant in 
the hands of a negro constable named Je£ 
Cole, took the witnesses, White and Clark, 
from the boat. The warrant has date Novem- 
ber 12, and was Issued by a justice of tbe 
peace at Shreveport. The two witnesses were 
taken off of tl^e l>oat in ^^ maim^ befcyse 
stated; and t!he sequel can be ]^eli;er t'did' i& 
the language of the constable, who made an 
afidavit befoiw the U^ied States ' eonsais- 
sioner> 9e»s»ys, -aft^ detailmg' the asrest 
(page 605): " At a point near Tone's Bayou, 
in tae woods, he was met by a party of acmed 
men, masked and without coals or shoes, all 
of whom were unknown to him, who told him 
to leave the xoad, which he did. He Uftihe 
priaomerB wiih them, and doee not knout what bedmeof 
them afterward," Ifalkmg hat teen heard of (km 
mm emu that time, — [/&, pp. 9, 10.] 

The elltoet on the vote. 

In Caddo parish, where the Bepublican ma^ 
jority vote Md been over three thomand, the 
vote was, under these circumstances, only 279. 
There wai? a similar reduction in the other 
bulldozed parishes. 



PART IIL 

Ouirmstm Burins 189^Intimi- 
dulton In A lnlianMi— Even liVhito 
OpposMfMi to I^emocmey not 
to be iTolenited — Greenback 
Speakers fi^ultfeeteil to Violence 
— Republlean lUfnibiftw Jferoken 
up— Jflasked men luid Ku-Kbn 
Outrages In Georgfia— Ttolence 
and Bloodshed in HUssissippi. 

The newspapers of the South have ffeneiv 
ally stopped publishing the details of on&> 
rages on the ccdored people, and the suppses- 
sioA of public xneeUngs, and the newn of 
what is going on in that section mainlj 
dribbles through the chance statementa of 
persons from there, and letters from individ^ 
uals to friends or papers in the North. 

Sapiiresslon of irahllc meetlnirs In Ala- 



The first Bepublican meetivig in Mont- 
gomery, Alabama, to ratify the nomination 
of Garfield and Authur was broken up by a 
mob. Afterwards another meeting was called 
for June^26, at which Ex-Senator Warner. Ex- 
Governor Parsons, and other distinguished 
gentlemen were to speak. General wamer 
writes of it as follows : 



n 



BEOENT OUTBAOES UT THE aOXAD SOUTH. 



127 



"While General Borke w»s speftking the hooting 
and howling began, and the following speeches of 
MeaacB. Pareons and Beid, and the reading of the 
isolations were rendered inaudible to nine-tenths 
^ of the people present, and by the most vocifszous 
hmrling and yelling. Eggs were also thrown but 
ftiled to reach the stand. The Domociatio Sheriff 
of the county mounted the stand and appealed to 
ItiB Democratic firiends to desist, but his appeal had 
iitUe effect" 

C^reenliackera mobbed. 

Gen. Weaver, •greenback candidate for 

&e presidency, wlio made several speeches In 

« iJabama before the election, on his retani 

vas interviewed by a reporter at Wheeling, 

^th this result: 

'*He (Gen. Weaver) said that in the storiea of bnll- 

doiiag Mid ftsuds in elections in the Bonih the half has 

not bean told. He says that Geneml Wset, of lfisai». 

sippi, told him at Selma that if G m ur M Htmeoeh were 

dedei tuek an impettu would be given to the ^rit of haired 

, and veMaremoefor SamMiMiu in the South, that he (West) 

I did mdbetieeeheeaiddiiee in Mieeieeippi • daijf, A week 

' before General Weaver spoke at Mooitfomefya Bepub- 

^ licsn meeting bad been brtdcen up by a mob, and after 

I the ^eakevs, one of whom was General Burke, Collector 

, of Customs at Mobile, had been driven ftxnn the stand, 

I the Democmtlo Solicitor of Montgemery mounted it 

and shouted: * G— d d^n them, they eon oul-vote ta, but 

tee wiU cnuni them out eeeiy timeJ Thie infarmoHtm 

Gtnerol Weaver had on ummpeachaMe teetimon^,'* 

#nlend evt of tvwn, 

Hon. J. H. Bandall, who had a number of 
appointments in the State, had some of his 
meetings broken np by mobs, and was him- 
self threatened with death if he did not leave 
town. The following note was served on him 
at Shabnta, a small town on the Mississippi 
line. We qnote ftom Mr. BandalFs statement 
in the JV<B^iona/ View: 

" We took the note, written on a leaf torn fix>m a 
pocket memorandum, and read as follows: 

"August—. 1880. 

" BxAX Sim— We will give you and your pard thirty*, 
live minutes to pick up your duds and ^t (mt of this 
town. Tours to death, 

'* Tmc BoTs OF Bhubvta." 

'•'DoTQU mean to teU..mft that an AtapriOMi JawvJ#4- 
ing citizen on the way to attend to»kfBomiiiess can net 
8|ay In this town to take the ilrst train of cars going 
South ?" 

M. B.-I>. — " We know you, and you can't stay. You 
must go to t»e swui m biiei i V • ' r. .« .. 

" Whoffives this order ? " 

H. Bl-D.— ^The Bojrs 6f ShubUta. iTour time is pass- 
ing. You'd better get right alsng^ or you'Uoatdi hellt" 

" Yon don't mean that they wilTlay . romih hands on 
iue, a peaeeable eitlten ? " 

M. B.-I>.^"r««'d better gel out of here vfhile you have a 



Mr. Randall also says, writing of Alabama: 

** Ood help this cbuntiy. if it cannot be rescued from 
kflhr buBdoeing and domineering sway t One of the 
€iil«eite of Butler, a peaceable man, escpressed an opin- 
ion agpi^bruit voting ror th6 Sherill^ the pt t e o nt incum- 
beat^and a Democrat, when thait gentleman and another 
attacked him, and gave him euth apoundina at hoi reiu 
dered JMs» tn\fUfor butinessfor teveral days, 

UpMlffi* eUcneeil for referring t& the in* 
ftummn Hen laws. 

Hon. Winfleld 8. Bird, of Green County, 
Alabama, Chairman of the Bepublican Com- 
auttee of the Sixth Congressional District, 
writes to the Oincinnatti GommerdcU : 

"On the 10th day of July. I went to the town of 
IlfiMant Bldge, in this county, to make a Bepublican 
jpeech. Boon after I began a crowd of white Demo- 



crats, several with open knives and large sticks in 
their hands, came up and immediately began to inter- 
rupt me, so that I could scarcely utter two sentences 
without interruption. I remonstrated, assuring them 
thattHey were izijuring their own cause by such a 
course, and distinctly announcing to them that 
I did not desire to array one race against the other, 
but simply to break down the white line race 
issue raised by the Democratic party. And yet, 
while reading a letter, published on the 14th 
of August. 187», in the Eutaw Whig (Democratic paper), 
/ \jDax stopped, forbidden by them to read said letter, and 
cursed and aJmsed repeatedly in the vilest terms. And 
on^ of thpir pajjjty d^clamiil that thiey were all Demo- 
crats, and' that I should not abuse the Democratic 
party. The accuracyof tMs ttstement is admitted by 
the Eutaw Mirror, aupther Democratic paper, pub- 
lished here, on July 20. 1880. But this is notaU. 
They cursed my little seven-year-old boy, who stood dumb 
withfrig^ before tkem. Moreover, I was obliged to de- 
sist in my eflfort to speak, and. was asauirea by Mr. 
Horton, an aged gentleman, that I was in great per- 
sonal danger, and but for his protection, x am fully 
satisfied that I should have sustained smota, i^not 
faXal, injury. The aforesaid newspaper, the Mirror, 
in commenting on the afEUr. says: 'That which 
seems to have given most offense, was a statement 
Mr. Bird is said to have made, to the effect that the 
Democrats lay in the shade all the year, and then 
cueated the negroes out of all they made.' Thereupon 
the editor indites a long leader, calculated toinfliune 
the passions of men. But the charge against me is ^ 
miserable untruth. I simply read l^m the Eutaw 
Whig the following senteuoe: 'The effort seems to 
have been, with every ree^it I/egislature, to so per* 
feet the laws touching agriculture, that the monied 
man could shut his eyes and sleep the year out, and 
then gobble up all the laborers made." '* 

Horrible Ku-Kluxins In GeorvUirrBoy and 

fflrl kUled. 

A letter from Atlanta, Georgia, under date 
of July 31, 1880, gives the foUowing acooant 
of a recent case or Ka-Kluxing in that State : 

" About a year ago Joe Thompson, an aged and de- 
crepit negro, was, with his family, employed in Fay- 
ette Ck>unty', Ga.. on the cotton plantation of Jolm 
Gray. Thompson's son, a negro of sixteen years, was 
accused by his employer of the theft of a plow, and 
Gray, disregarding the ordinary and slow fonns of jus- 
tice, one day administered a horrible whipping to him 
in the fields. Thompson had Gray arrested on a charge 
of assault and battery, and so strong was the teeti- 
ViQfi7 against him, and so conclusive the evidence 
tkiKt'theyoung.aeigre'Was innocent of the theft, that 
Gray was found guilty, even before a Georgia jury, 
and a fine of one hundred dollars was imposed upon 
this castigator. Gray now threatened Thompson and 
his family with death, ai^d. the opor negro was, with 
his family, forced -to leav« ms unharvested crop and 
flee to an adjoining county. He settled on a p&nta- 

tioatYO,9^«ci'l^P^ 'SMyBbqna', in. C^taion ctmutyk 
and up to night before ttst lived then hnmoMistea. 
w^t&g £ov himself in the f^ynmiml^ A««pyuti^n 
for nonesty and indusfry. In the aoove fkcts, an out- 
Me in thevkMlvee, is f oonf t^oo^y mubgo^ f MtMi d 
outrage, one of the most horrible of all those that have 
ecfyted in to Bonth <lfloft th^ ew w iy i ^m tlpa. .. 

"In a rude log cabin, about twelve feet square, niffht 
beforet.i^» 'oe Thompaim «ii4'l«i/tei^r-e wife, 
son, married daughter and ner two childxen— huddled 
themselves together for a night's rest About mid- 
night the inmates of the rude cabin were startled from 
their sleep by the crashing in of the door. A score of 
armed m«n, with painted faces, hidemu in disguiset beeu^ 
ing torches made qf rags,.gaiurated wilh kerosene, yelling 
like demons, Vironged into the door. Four seized the 
aged father by arms and legs, threatening : * G- d d— n 
vou. we came here to give you a good thrashing,' and 
bore bim towards the door ; four othom seized the son. 
The daughter, sleeping between her t%oo children, raised i^ 
in bed, but a buUet went crashing through her skull, afM 
she fell back a corpse, her warm blood spurting out in the 
faces of her innocent children. Meanwhile the father, 
ignorant of his daughter's death, had been borne out 
of doors into the field. Four men swung him from the 
ground by arms and legs, while a fifth administered the 
Uish tyfton his face and body, ktoeratwg him terribly, Hear 



128 



PEONAGE IN THE BODTH. 



hgfaur otken of fhit JUndt hdd hit »m, while a aimilar 
iMrbarous torture unm ir\/lieted upon him, until finally, in 
his Viirstfor blood, one of the midnight tutauint put a 
bullet through the young negro's body from side to side. 
Their hearts were still inutiate for blood. They re- 
entered the hoaae, dragged Joe Thompson's aged and 
unoffending wife fromner bed. and infiicted upon her a 
whipping no less brutcU than that which they had Just 
inflicted upon father and son. Telling and waving 
their torches aloft, the assassins then departed, mark* 
ing the path of their return by firing into a neigh* 
boring negro's house on their way." 

Another ease of Kn-Kliixlnv— A brave man 
defends liUnse«f. 

The following dispatch, published in all the 
papers of Angnst 28, 1880, tells of the ttnusaal 
endinjK of a Ku-Elux ontiage. by the death of 
two ofthe outlaws. 

'*Atx.aiita. Ga., Aug. !k7.— On Wednesday night near 
Cochran. Ga., four young white men disguised them- 
sedves, went to a negro cabin, broke down the door and 
commenced firing into it. The occupant. J, Brown, 
seized his double barrelled gun. which was loaded 
with buck£(hot, and fired both barrels, killing two 
brothers named Dykes. The tops of their heads were 
blown off. The negro made his escape. Tlie coroner's 
jury rendered a verdict of Justifiable homicide." 

A Mississippi election rlot—Greenbaekers 

kUled. 

A dispatch from Memphis, Tennessee, Ang. 
22, 1880, shows that those who leave the Demo- 
cratic party to form a new opposition, have no 
better showing than the old Bepablicans: 

''A special Election Is to be held next Tuesday to fin 
S vacancy in the Sheriff's office, over which there was 
a contest at the last general election. The Democrats 
and Greenbackers have each a ticket In the field. Both 
parties held a ratification meeting at Ooffeeville on 
Saturday. Each raised a pole. The Democrats had a 
brass ba^nd from Grenada, and i^ter the pole raising 
marched through the streets. While passing a comer 
a difficulty occurred between one Spearman, who 



was in the Democratic procession, and A P. Pea 
son, Greenback candidate for Sheriff, which resulted 
in Pearson shooting Spearman, killing him instantljr. 
This was the signal for a general melee, and a volley of 
shots was oi>ened on Pearson who received tbree 
wounds, from the effects of which he died last night 
Two of Boarson's friends— Kdly and Beddick— vere 
wounded." 

A dreadful Mississippi plot. 

A correspondent of the Memphis Appeal^ of 
August 9, 1880, sa^s there is a plot forming 
among the Bepublicans of Mississippi to oat- 
Yote the Democrats, and remarks : 

«* Sneh is the plan of tbe Badical managers, and they 
have hope, in &ct they have assurances, thatSontheni 
Democrats will co^i>erate with them, in the garb, diea 
and pavaphemaUa of that political igitks fiiuut, the 
National party, ef whloh Dsiras Kkabsiky is the lesder, 
the brains and CapitaL Awake ! liBT TH£ * MISSIS- 
SIPPI PLAN ' BIB BSBTOKfiD * * * Mississippi hM 
been assigned the duty of supplying two of the num- 
bers required to reduce and destroy a Bemoorattc ma- 
j ority In Cong re s s . Will you submit ? Oan yon staod 
idly, supinely, and witness the consummation of a 
gi^ntic couspirafty. In conception deeper and more 
poignant than the fkand of 18T6 ? No— a thoasand 
times, no* Then awake. 8TIB UP YOUB OLUBS. LET 
THE SHOUT QO UP. PUT ON YOUB BED BHIBTS 
and let the ride begin, or we will be sold into a politi- 
cal slavery, as was Josrph, without Divine fsvor to 
restore us to our heritage." 



The state m 

Similar oecurrences and sentiments are re- 
ported from Texas, Tennessee^ Bonth Carolina 
and other Southern states, vhieh show Teiy 
little difference in the publie feeling andprac- 
tioe in the Sointh under a state of ''reconcilia- 
tion" from what it was in the days of "exas- 
peration," when the authority of the Oovem- 
ment was exerted to protect the fxeedmaii at 
the polls. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Peonage in the South. 



PART I. 

I^egtelalidlii of IseS-H-Slavery 
aneceeded by PcHmage— The 
Slave Co^te re-eiiiM$ied-Ooiigrera 
obllfifed to tet aside all the State 
Iiavn» oppressing Freedmen. 

After the close of the war the first legisla- 
tures which were chosen in the Southern States 
under the proclamation of President Johnson, 
admitting rebels generally to the polls, estab* 
lished codes of inhuman laws for the purpose 
of keeping the freedmen in a state of peonage, 
which only differed in a single respect from 
the state of slavery from which they had been 
delivered. They could not be sold or owned 
for life by private individuals, but they were 
put on the chain gang for trivial offenses, or 
contracted to the planters for months, and had 
no interest in the earnings of their labor. 



Chapter 11, Statutes 4>f 1865, imposed heaiy 
penalties for eoing on a plantation wiUiont the 
permission of the owner. Chapter 12 authoi- 
ized justices of the peace to require any one 
charged with vagrancy to ^ve a bond for one 
year. Inclose of his inability to do this, his 
services Were sold for one year. If a laborer be- 
came dissatisfied with his employer, the latter 
would have him apprehended as a Tagrant, and 
buy his time at a nominal sum, and acquire with 
the purpose the right to retain him by force. 
Chapter 20 imposed heavy penalties on «&! 
one employing a laborer previously engaged 
l^some«n» else. - > Ohaptei< 16 forbade >* any 
one to feed .or harbor any Mison who lesTes 
his emplover without permission." By this 
system of law, and similar ones were enacted 
in all the Southern States, it was sought to 
keep the freedmen fromseeking.higber wages 
away from home, and to compel them to con- 
tract for a year ahead at a season when theis 
was the least demand fer their labor. 



FBONAOE IX THE eOCTH. 129 

• 

Ifee mt Mlutmippl vlaB— Bc^iiactwcnt | tract laws, there is little diffenuue between 
•f ttwdftTC code. \ them and the infamons laws of lb05-6, which 

loigMQtenoea on the chain gann. or con- , ^"« abrogated by Congress. 

tBMtingiiriKmexB to pUmters for their keep- ---.-^..,-- -^^ ^„,,«-»-. ft,- .m-n -«i«i*w. 

hwdmrnga long sentence for petty crimes. Ii«i*«»ln« the penmlttea for aniall rrtaet^ 

to vludriroa added additional tbnl for the '•"' y«»™ *» •*■« penitentiary for a Mr. 

floita of apprehenaioin, were imposed in all By Section 4401 of the Revised Statutes of 

Um Stataa. The legiiBlatiire of Mississippi Geojqg[ia (page 794. revised code, 1873), hog 

made a lonff matter uiozt and comprehensive stealing is made a misdemeanor, to be " pnn- 

bj Ma 4 ox act of Nov. 25, 1865, providing ishedby a fine not exceeding one thousand 

taut all penal and criminal laws of the "State dollaia ; imprisonment, not exceeding six 

dafining oflEbnaes and prescribing the mode months ; to work in a chain gang, not to ex- 

flf paniahment for crimes and misdemeanors ceed twelve months." 

mnnnittwl bj davea, fru e negroes or mnlat- By act of February 23, 1875 (page 26, Qeor- 

toaa " ahoiild "be in full force and effect gia Laws, 1875), section 4401 is amended to 

agwut freedmen." Thus the whole slave make it a felon v punishable by not lees than 

Hide ma re-enaeted. two nor more tnan four years in the peniten- 

^ „_ _ _ tiary, to steal any animal of the hog kind. 



Boolli Ota>lina by act of Oet 19, 1865 ; Tiie Mlaalaalppl eode altered to dlaeriail- 
Qaoiaia, by act of llJaroh 26, 1866 ; Florida by nate asalnat colored people. 

?* ^"Jiwi* ^^^ •J* '^^Ttt *iL*S* By section 2662 of the Kevised Statutes of 
Jtm.^yi^wexeMxiBnynmw^^et!^d- Miarissippi, 1871. "the felonious taking and 
wjjjBd liadnotCk)np«inteiJredtt^ carrying away of property of thTralue of 
mOM thorn, all the South would have been tweity^ve doUars, or more." was made grand 
to aD intanta and purposes again a Uoid of larceny, to be punished by imprisonment " in 

'■^'•'' the penitential for a term not exceeding five 

years." 
p . -prn jT By section 2653 the stealing of anything 

JrAxiL 11, under the value of twenty-five dollars was 

, a_-_.A- ^i. ^ ^^MMM^^ made petit larceny, punishable by impriaon- 

l^illHtlOII after CandllatlOll— ment m the "county jail, for a term not ex- 
CMttDS back to tile Slave Code— ceeding three months, or by a fine, not ex- 
Five yean In the Penitentiary ceeding one hundred dollars; or by both 
ftr atoaUnga Suekln^ Pig-lVot ^chfine^d imprisonment, at the discreUon 

ICMthan two yean' hard labor This was the law before the successful in- 

Airhaifa dozen roasting ean, stitution of the ** Mississippi plan" in 1875, 

and in accordance with legislation in the 

For several years after Goncress had oflfered North. The first step then was to make it in 

relief tiom these oppressive laws, and given many cases grand larceny, punishable by 
protection to the enfranchised colored people, 

the legislation of the Southern States was just Five years in the penitentiary for steal- 
ad humane. Under the specious pleas of Ins one dollar. 
borne rule, and that the white people of the t. , a » -i r lo-/. ,.x j 
Sooth were the best friends of the colored 5^ ^^^^JS^^'^^Mo AxT^i. ' • *S *^®^^ 
people, the NoriJi was induced to relax its Jt^J^.^^ 265^ and 26^3 of the Revised code of 
Tiadi^ and acquiesce in the "let alone 1871, ten dollara was made the hmit between 
poK^whicheniJbledtheDemocraticleaders Srand and petit larceny, leaving the other 

to revolutionize the South by the second l>«>^i?if>.^? <^^ *^1 ««e*^J?^^ 

"HifliisBiupi plan " ^^^ addition of the following proviso to the 

*^*^ *^ ' ' first [see page 52, Laws of Miss., 1876]: 

■ore inhaiiian legislation. , ^'Provided, That it shall be grand larceny to 

__ , , . , , ^ feloniously steal any hog, pig, shoat, cow, 

Even the shot-gun, as b^ instrument of calf, yearling, steer, bull, sheep, lamb, goat 

reftttin, was eulogized at the South and excused or kid. of the value of one dollar or more, and 

at the North, because it would afford their gi^all be punished in like manner." 
"best friends** an opportunity to manifest 

their paternal care for the *' poor colored Five yearn In the penitentiary for a lamb. 

people." The first manifestation of paternal xh^t is. a penalty of five years in the peni- 

feehnc m eveiy State was m the immediate tentiaryis meted out for steaUng a sucking 

amendment of the cnmmal code, by which p^g q^ lamb. 
fariyial olXbnses of colored people were ranked 

with the greater crimes of hardened criminals. The discrimination asalnst eolored people. 

«^^AM.. w^^i, *-.. «i.^ .I... ^^^^ While ten dollars is made the lowest limit of 

CkMw hack to the slave eode. ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^1^ property generally, those 

In almost every Southern State it will be offenses of petty pilfering which mainly con- 

Ibnnd that the legislation has steadily grown stitute the crimes of the colored people are 

worse with each succeeding year, until, by the excepted; and they are sentenced to five years 

laieet amendments of their penal and con- hard labor for stealing one dollar. With them 



130 



PEONAGE IN THE SOUTH. 



pilfering is grand laroenv; and the only thing 
necessary to make the ** Mississippi plan ** per- 
fect in its way is the addition of (miokens to 
shoats, lambs and kids. 

The infamdiis Alalmma law. 

The Legislature of Alabama have refined on 
the Mississippi plan so far as to add to the 
proTision making the stealing of any kind of 
domestic animal grand larceny without regard 
to its value, a half dozen roasting ears or a 
pound of cotton. The following is from acts 
of 1874-75, p. 260: *'An act to amend sec- 
tion 8706 of the Bevised Code : 

. "Any person who steals any horse, mare, 
gelding, colt, fiUy, mule, jack, jenny, cow or 
animaf of the cow kind, nog, sheep, goat, or 
any part of any outstanding crop of com or cot- 
ton, .Wud.aQy personal pmperty other th«aithat 
hereinbefore enumeratea exceeding twenty- 
five dollars in value, is guiltjr of grand larceny, 
and miBMt, on convietion, be imprisoned in. the 
penitentiary, or sentenced Ux hard labor for 
the oonnty, for not lessi than two nox more 
than five years." 

By the application of the landlord lien law, 
referred to hereafter, this, provision can be en- 
forced against a man who takes a mess of 
roasting ears of his own raising, before he has 
paid the landlord all claims for rent and ad- 
vanoee. 



PART III. 

The contract system— Criminals 
or low deg^ree ivoriced for years 
on leg^al sia^e gpangpi— Eiaborers, 
not dangerous CriminaiSy w^ant- 
ed— Barbarous cases in Texas 
and Mississippi, 

By section three of the act of March 2, 
1875 (page 96, Laws of Mississippi, 1875), the 
county oommissioners are authorized to " con- 
tract with any responsible person for the 
maintenance of any prisoners in the county 
jail, and who are under sentence of any court, 
in compensation for their labor." And "all 
persons contracting for the services of prisoners 
under this act shaU have the same x>owers, 
privileges, and control of prisoners as are now 
vested in persons who contract and employ 
prisoners confined in the penitentiary." 

A charge as sood as conviction. 

By the preceding act persons charged with 
crime and unable to give bail were allowed to 
elect whether they would work with the other 
prisoners; but by the refinement which comes 
of experience, the act was amended in 1878, 
as fonows : 

** That in any county in which there shall 
be a contractor for keeping prisoners, if any 
person committed to the jail for an offense 
that is bailable, shall not consent to be com- 
mitted to the safe keeping and custody of the 
said contractor, and to work for the same un- 
der the provisions of this act, such prisoner 



shall be entitled to receive from the common 
lailor, as diet for each day, only six ounces of 
bacon, or ten ounces of beef, and one pound 
of bread and water. • • • • And if said 
prisoner.be afterward convicted he shall never- 
theless work under the said contractor a snffi- 
cient term to pay all costs of prosecution, in- 
cluding the regular jail fees for keeping and 
feeding him during his entire confinement." 

Thus the vaguest suspicion against a col- 
ored man may be made as profitable to tiie 
contracting ring as poof of his guilt, for be- 
tween the alternatives of work or semi-etarra- 
tion, there are few who will not choose the 
first. 

Colored men the only ylctlais of tlie law. 

The prevalence of this system is one of the 
most common reasons assigned by colored 
people for the exodus from the South to 
Northern States. 

The laws of all the States where it prevails. 
except dangerous criminals — ^the class of crim- 
inals who are confined in penitentiaries in 
Northern S^tates— from its operation. These 
would not bo Bafe and profitable as laborers 
on railroads or cotton plantations, and are 
kept within the walls of the prisons. White 
criminals of this class may also be convicted 
and confined in the penitentiary; but the 
corresponding class with most of the col- 
ored:, men who are made the .victims of 
the contract system, are not punished at 
all. A witness on the Bemocratio side 
from one of the largest counties of Missis- 
sippi, a county officer for seven years, testified 
that a great many colored people were con- 
tracted out at every term of the court, and ad- 
mitted that he had never known of one white 
man being so hired out [p. 535, part S (/ the 
Senate Report, 693, 1880]. Similar testimony 
was given in regard to Texas [p 415]. 

To be transported to other comities. 

Alabama having come into the hands of the 
Democrats, similar contract laws were passed 
in 1873, with a restriction that the prisoners 
should not be contracted or taken out of the 
county. The restriction did not suit a system 
which might render it desirable to send its 
victims out of reach of their friends, and by 
the act of March 20, 1875, this prohibition of 
the former act is repealed. 

The contract system In Georgia shocks tbe 
Christian world. 

The contract system also prevails in Georgia 
[Laws of 1876, pp. 40-45], and a sentence to 
the penitentiary is a sentence to a system so 
cruel and inhuman that the hints of its details 
which have reached the public during the 
past few years, have shocked the moral sense 
of the Christian world. 

The authorities of counties are in like man- 
ner authorized to hire out all criminals who 
are not sentenced to the penitentiary, or em- 
ploy them on public works. [Laws of Georgia* 
1874, p. 24.] 

Steady growth of the evIL 

Previous to the passage of this act they 
were only employed upon public works—- 



PBONAGE IN THE SOUTH. 



131 



xoadfl and ndlroadB mostly — bat under the 
system of extending the punishments of petty 
ovimea^ there were not public works enough 
io. the State to employ them all, and the 
«« SfissiaBippi plan" of turning them over to 
priTate capital was adopted. 

The profltfl of the system. 

The profits are so great and the opprobrium 
ao sliest in the 8tMe, that a United States 
Senator was one of the largest contractors, un- 
til expoanre of the system and his connection 
therewith to the public in the Northern States 
compelled him to dispose of his interest in it. 

Slarery was equally profitable to certain 
daflsea ci owners, and no more deatructive of 
the honor and welfare of the State. 



A Hlaalaslppl case of costs, 

'« In Pontotoc county Horace Wilder (colored) wan 
sent to the penitentiary for eighteen montha for steal- 
ing a pig valaed at $1.60. He had Juat finished hiM 
term of service and the superintendent asked for the 
cost of prosecution. The circuit clerk oertifled tho 
amount to be the enormous sum of $74.H6— the net 
expense of prosecuting a colored lad for stealing a pig 
worth a dollar and a half. At twentT'fire cents a day 
he will be required to work three hundred days."— 
{Uomt Buk tfn the Solid South, page 6.] 



aystem wtlrcraal in the Soath. 

^nie contract system is universal in the 
South ; and its barbarity might be illustrated 
by citations from the laws of all the States; but 
tt&e fnr^going will do, and is all that space can 
be apaoredfor. 

The cost of costs. 

1!he ooatB of arrest and oonTiction are also 
ttt^icd agamat the convict, and when the pen- 
ally itself is comparatively light, these costs 
Lonnt to months of servitude, j 



The Texas practice. 

emigrant from Texas to Kansas testified 
before the E^dus Ck>mmittee as follows in re- 
g&r d to some of the causes of the desire of the 
colored people to leave the former State : 

The lawyer's fees worked In. 

* * When a man ^ets intoxicated or plays a 
{(&zxie of cards, he is tried before the county 

C>dge and fined, and the courts work in the 
^^rjei^B fee, until the whole thing amounts 
vp to sixty-five, seventy-five or one hundred 
doUars," 

TIavee yean aerrltatf e for carrytnff i^ ^^^' 

. shooter. 

' ' A man who was arrested in Milam county 
for carrying a six-shooter was fined sixty-five 
dollars ; I think the costs and lawyer's fees 
ttDaouDted to sixty-five dollars. <> <> o He 
▼as at work all last year, and the year before 
l^t, and the year before that again." 

A quarter of a cmt a day. 

"A colored woman was arrested (in Mata- 
gorda county) and the judge hired her out at 
a quarter of a cent a dav. ~ Q. To work out 
, kow much of a fine ? A. I Uiink thirty dollars. " 

WorklBff under shot-snns. 

"They call these people county convicts. 
I know some of these men who have convicts 
that thev hire, and thev are under the super- 
vision of a seigeant with a gun and nigger- 
hounds. * * * They hire them and put them 
in the same gang with the striped suits on, 
and if they want, the guard can bring them 
down with his shot-gun " [pp. 414, 415]. 



PART IV. . 

The siveeping Eianillord IJeii 
Eiawa— A man <»imot sell his 
crop hi open markel; — The 
Ijandlord has choice oT all prac- 
tical re-enslavement; of tiie 
colored tenants — Democ^ratlc 
Senatorial opinion — The lMii%'n 
*' appear hard on the surihee." 

A system of liens on the crops for rent, food 
and supplies, has been devised which keeps 
the colored men in debt, and compels them 
to sacrifice their crops to the landlord for 
whatever he chooses to allow. 

Cannot acU or use hia own crop. 

No matter how good an opportunity he may 
have to sell port of his crop, the tenant cannot 
sell a bushel of com or a roast pig* until tbi> 
landlord is paid, without makmg himflclt' 
liable to some of the special laws against him 
noted in the preceding chapter. He has to 
turn the crop over to the landlord altogether, 
and trust to his generosity for a remnant for 
his family. 

The South Carolina law. 

The landlord has a lien on one third of the 
crop of the renter for rent, without any con- 
tract, and may take a lien and all by contract. 
[Acts S. O., 1878, p. 411, sees. 6 and 6.] 

The colored tenant having been stripped 
by the liens of one year has not food and 
supplies ahead for the next, and must sign a 
contract giving his landlord control of all or 
starve. 

The Georgia law—Landlord takes all 
without the formality of a contract. 

Bv the Revised Statutes of 1873, page 340. 
landlords have a Uen on the crop, and also nil 
other property of the tenant for rent. By 
contract landlords or storekeepers have a 
lien on the crops and all a man s property 
on all articles of any kind furnished. The 
act, approved February 25, 1875 provides thnt 
"the liens of landlords shall nnse by opera- 
tion of law from the relation of landlord and 
tenant.** [Laws of Georgia, 1875, page 20.] 

The tendency of these laws is to keep the 
I)Oor colored people, who are dependent 
upon the landowners for supplies, to raise a 
crop in a state of constant peonnge. This is 
one of the most common reasons assigned 
tor the exodus by those seeking homes in 



I 
' 



132 



THE LABOR QUB6TIOK. 



the North; While they do the work the land- 
lord takes the crop, 

Profnresslon In eTil. 

The foregoing are fair samples of the tenant 
laws in all the Southern States. As the conser- 
vatives became assured that their control of the 
le^^islat^e. was permanent, they regularly 
eliminated aU the just and merciful features 
of the laws, until they have reached their pres- 
ent tyrannical form and made universal 
the l)arbarous practioes which are making 
the States, nbm&^ly free, really slave. 

Ontraffeous prices nuacted. 

Under the operation of ^e law the .most 
outrageous eltortions are practised' -on the 
colot«d people. They are eliarged an annuid 
reButal <n from i.Vie to. teadoUns ati acto— 
oft^n more than the land itself will bring if 
sold in fee simple. They are charged double 
forbran, com, meat &c., ^at the same may 
be bact for frotti ^e stOMkeeper wbo wotdd 
also pay thehi a fair price for their produce. 
But with the landlord's lien covering every- 
thing, they can neither sell nor buy except at 
his pleasure a^d to his profit 

**Oiil7 hard on tlie surface." 

Senators Voorhees, Vance, and Pendleton, 
in their report to the Senate on the recent 
ezodns tern the South, admit that *' the land- 
lord claa< for their own protection, procured 
the passage of the laws giving them a lien 



upon the crop made by the tenant,** and that 
**upon the turface thete laws appeared to be hard'* 
Yet the committee thought them among the 
most beneficent of provisions for the blade. 

The thousands of colored people striving to 
get away from their operation seem to tbink 
differently — that the laws are hard to the core. 

Bad men In spite of such ffood laws. 

'* Your committee regret to say that tliej 
found it to be frequently the case that design- 
ing men, or bad and dishonest men, wonld 
take advantage of the ignorance or neoesdtj 
of the negroes." [ P. 6, JSenaUMepoii, 693, 1880.] 

The committee then proceeds to argue that 
bad men exist everywhere, but i^ores the 
fact that bad men elsewhere are bad in vitk- 
turn of law, while in the case under considera- 
tion the law ^ems tohava Immimaiifvr badmen; 
to give them' greater facilities for inhumanity. 

The system hreeda had men. 

Before the war all the cruelties of slaTery 
were laid on bad men and the overseen. 
Slavery made these classes^ and all its laws 
were made to protect them in villainy by the 
good men who reaped the greater part of the 
profit. So at the present time the lien lews 
of Uie South are made to enable the bad men 
to inaugurate. and perpetuate practises which 
will make the good men's plantations equally 
profitable. 

The profit and abominatian is universal, 
and the solid South must endure the 
indignation of the civilized world. 



CHAPTEE XIV. 

Tbe Labor Question. 



"Th«I>et»oeratteparty is (he jyiend<if lector and the tabprin^num, a^d pkigt* Uaelf io prolect liitn 
a ike agamittheoonnorant and ft«oommuii«;"— DeUration 13, Democratic Bational Plaiioim, 18S0. 



PAKT I. 

Tlie Lisborftue^tton— democratic 
Elforts to Hesrade and Ifiruia,!- 
ize I^bor^The Itepubllcan 
Party the True liabor Party, 

What does the workingman want that the 
Bepublican party is not pledged by every tra- 
dition and measure to do for him? That 
party was absolutely bom in a fight with the 
slave powers— the power of owned lahoT, owned 
by Democrats. Aiid throughout its existence 
it has ever frowned down and legislated 
against any and all movements to degrade la- 
bor and make it servile. The Democratic 
party, on the other hand» has not had a 
thought for the past forty*five years beyond 
the preservation of the accursed systems fif 
slavery and servile labor. For the right to 



own slave labor instead of paying "a fair day's 
wage for a fair day's work," that partjr 
plunged the nation into a terrible four-years 
sectional war. For the right to ovm labor under 
a system of peonage (quite as degrading as 
the old system of slavery), instead of payinff 
**a feir day's wage for a fair day's work," 
that party, in the event of a close electoral 
majority fi>r Garfield and Arthur, will not hes- 
itate to plunge this nation into all the horrors 
of a civil war. Out of that threatening civU 
war the Democratic party, coiitrolled oy the 
South, believes it will come bloodily triumph- 
ant, with the old labor ideas of the South 
dominant over all of the United States. 
Nothing can be more instructive to the laborer 
of the Korth than a brief review of theSoiitb- 
em "idea" of labor— an "idea," which, 
though chanp^ in its practical expression» 
from slavery in the past to the peonage of the 
present and future, survives the war, and 



THK LABOK QUSBTIOH. 



:flnd8 ilaelf voiced in the ntteranoeH of snob 
leaden as Wade Hampton, Then he recently 
told the Vilginians at Staunton : 

"Iwk Jtn to nmember those who ban died oc 
jonr kU, and to niinnnber tbiit the nuHCiFLU thki 
mmroBARBiouR OH TBULTo-cai. "-Staunton fiu- 
^Hcaior (Dam,). 

PART 11. 

-Attitude of the South on the La- 

borttuestlfHi —Calhoun's Higher 

liRiv— Plekens' declaratloulhat 

" the n'hite mechanic aud JLa- 

bf>rer must become Hlaves." 

In 1S3E, John C. Calhoun described the 

<3oiutitiitioii of the United States aa merely a 

■oompact between sovereign and independent 

^mnmmuties'oi States; and while nwnB the 

Iswa of nations as bindinB apon the InJQvld- 

•oaX State* m separate and independent ttnn- 

naanitiM, broadly declared that there was a 

-' • ■JTi»»»w» lAw " than the Conrtitation (or 

tk« protection of the peculiar inatitatlon. He 

exidainied: 

" XM It b« flud. lit It bs riTsted In enrr aonUuini 



. _ _ r in nfuJ&tloa of con 
lull, and that Ihe laUrr ncn yield h Uu JBmur in Ot 
mw n l ^ta^ttl ; and that, if tbe aoranuiuiit iliinild 
xvtamm to T'cld, llw Statiii hava a rlgbt to InlopOBO, asd 
-tn [tbs Boalhj an laEa." 

Oalhoon's coadjators of the press bithfoUy 
-followed his lead ; and bv the agitation of 
the question of slavery, by tne most unfonnded 
«nd slanderous charges agunst the North, by 
lying dennndations of th» purest men of the 
ootuktrTi by the most ontiaReons and nnconni- 
tationtd demands impossibls to be oomplied 
■trith, emulated all CalhoQn*B elforts to foment 
ftn imptaoable hatred between the citizens of 
th« North and Honth. tosowthe seeds of on ir- 
rscoscUable discord and strife between the 
sections, to plantand drive borne the wedge 
Ihey hoped woold finally bnral the bonds of ^ 
our tJnion. Congress was the seat of their | 
Central Directory for the working of the chief 
maehineij of this traitonjDs Democratio 
movement fbr the destmrtiou of the Union. 
Hr. Pichena, of ». C. was one of the chief 
conspirators. In the Honse of Bepre»en- 
tativea, in 1S3& st the first seKsioo of the i 
Twen^-fonrth Congress, be mid : 

"liar duwnthlaproliaidliiniuniiliaMllT tne, "■■' 
tben la not. nor ^vvr waa, a aocletr on^iuzed oader 
onapi^tlialarirtemfnTspRlodleiigeDaaglito 0( 



I Calhoun, inlSSE, hod laid down thedoctrine 

I that there wss a " BiaHiB iiAw" than the 
I Gonetitution, "thatthe laws of the slavehold- 
I ing States ioere paramounl io tht Imot r^ ihe general 
government, for the protection of their domeHtio 
institutions," and that in cane of confliot, the 
Constitution most yield to the law of thealnvp- 
holder ; and here, in 1836, the dootrine of 
the " iBa£PB£SBTBLB coNnjcT " was enun- 
ciated by the Democratic Piokens as distinctly 
and emphatically as it was Babseqnently by 
Messrs. Beward and Lincoln in 18^. Ue oh- 
Bares na that " tlie onlynonled in the worjd it bt- 
taem tht Ilea ij/ilemi .'" Bnt while Lincoln and 
Seward believed that in this conflict Pntdam 
would ultimately triumph, the DmvKralac 
Pickens very dogmatically maintains that the 
ahiuMechmk and Luborer matt btoameau.ia'. 



PARTIIL 
The "IrreprcMlbIc conflict" be- 
tween gcniliu. wealth and "the 
mob " on one ude, and ttae hered • 
Itary (laTe-boldlnc "artaito- 
crani**ortbe Hoatn -Democracy 
declares war against the white 
nechanlc and Caborer. 
At the same session of the Twenty-footth 
Congress^ Goieial Waddj Thompson and 
Hammond, afterwards Oovemor of Sooth 
Carolina and Senator of the United States, 
maintained eimilat doetrinei. Hammond, Id 
a speech remarkable for it* venom and vita- 

Erative abuse of the white Ifeohanic and 
borer, pronounces slavery "the greatest of 
all the great bleesings whichakind Providence 
has bestowed upon the glorious " " ariatocrs- 
cy " of the Sooth ! He enlarges apon what be 
calls the conSict of genios and wealth with 
hereditary institutions — in reality. 'Uit im- 
fifnSiUea^et" between Freedom and Slavery. 
He says : 

- Tbe two [gealna and wealth] comMnad. Aodlna 
tbHiiaalna atlu ansbla to Mipa wtib the tlm«-kHd«cd 
atimwth otbendltBT gOTemanL sad assM, ImpsUeiil 
— ^auBMtbeDitadtoseUeveltaMi ' "- " " 




tica of Eumpt! I L'nnalural and dclaOiu union ' 
Eli:r*:dllar7 loRtltntlou are gout! Alrv^dj bave ttf 
nobilllj <.t Fno« Vcs oT-^rthnvn: tbclr daji af 
- - - ■' jtbeltnilrh Empires let tlifm ■« an: 
Irtlr adv-xate. What nert? CmiitraH-m 
Tke end <■ aa obriou ai If It *b» wnt- 
nll. Hip hoilDds <A litiiaa tuned 
.f. GeajQ< aiid • 

tbeie ppliln fi^oi the vuf v deep, tmi xtml will down 
na Biwi : Tb* ipntli of vlctoir an tbein^ sad 

" ■".gtageat' — "-- ■ " 




«f twalBfua. which nH _ 

ilDCimopeitr to ihem»lT« unia Ibey fha.T bwwme 
aqSuWs. nslMi thoK >hq Unit »hal] appeal ui ibe 
■wofd and a -t"^-"" amr to pnitcct it. This i* ■>■* 
liMoiTcfall riTCii,lTw-oplt," 



134 



THE LASOB QDEBTION. 



" ETCfj mkil Irom the Mmth Msoi fraih oewi of 
■gltotlDii— «T«7 brewa IB tainted wltA It. 

•>•■•• I can upon eruT alaTehoktsr In tbli 
Hoiue. ud In tliia oouati?. to mark lis fnnUl progRH. 
ftud to pcepan to meet it. Ho «lig WteiB bem or 
elsewbcn, be who ihrlnks trom taking Ihc highest 



■ tnlloiT 
id hi* rightil 






hlshalpleBi dDnitliig who call i 
f ion i Ubd on hia head b« the b: 
cowatdica ma; canie to flow." 

Thns also, in 1836, tlie repiesentatiTes of 
Southern Democracy, while proclaiming the 
doctrine of " a hiohkb law " than the Consti- 
tution, and that of the " IBREPllBBSlBtB cos- 

FLiCT," accompanied it with a dBclaration of 
war npon ' ' the pnvle! the wob 1 the Sans Cu- 
lottes !" tlie mhilt Medianu: and Libortr! and a 
denunciation of every Southern man as a j 
traitor or coward who hesitated, at their bid. 
ding, to throw ont hia banner and coach hia 
IsDce uaiuBt Freedom and the free white | 
Laborer! Nor for near thirty yeara did they i 
allow this war lo flag 1 They kept alive the 
Area of agitation by constantly feeding Its | 
flame wiQi the Du>st oambnstlble'ftiel— all the | 
while ttUapllng npon tlis pla&ieet provisions 
of tlie Ooiutitidion, and npon the ri^tsof 
onr altlieus and of the States — prostitntii^ 
the powers of the nat{<)n, the blood and treas- 
ure of onr people, in extending tfaeir bonnd- 
ftriea, and boildingnp the pohlieal power of 
their despotism— while hypocritically shout- 
ing : "itfortSon Aptation r "JVorttam Fanati- 
cism r ".yort*<m AgCTOBsion r 

The war of Bie Democntej npon "the 
peof^ ! tile no6 .' the mu euUttUt r me whtK Me- 
chanie and Lt^mtr, reached its first cnlminatjon 
in 1866 and siibsequently. They now e»ea 
more boldly sttaebed the freedom and Beptib- 
lican institntionB of our country. ITie easy 
repeal of the Uissonri compromiae. in 185i, 
had only increased their arrogance withotit 
satiafyii^ their ambition. Scdd Keitt, of S. 
C, in the House of Representativea— 

■■ aiaTerr la a great primordial fact, rooted In tht- 
origtaofthlnger'^ . J * • "Aaacoiollarj io thie, 
it aaj M aUdr dednoed that the eiiataioe of [white] 
laboieta and maehanlca In organiaed iocietlee «u tht- 
reanlt of tha partial and pn^reeolM emancipation oE 
., ,i « « * « "HlnorTt«Ua"' '■" *^"* "■*■■*"■ 






le (vhitel working claaaee atwped 
lOT bianolwd Into foor recoirfiia ai 

TeHng, the besgar. the Odtf, and ibe 



to the core." " Slavery, " it said, " is not only 
natural of origin and ngbt," bnt " esaent^ to 
Kepnblicanism." TbeBicbmondjEaonuKrde- 
I'lared that " history, both sacred and profane, 
shows that slavery is natural and normal;" 
tbat "the experience, the practice, and the 
history of mankind, vindicate slavery, in the- 
iibstract, as a natural and conservative inetjta- 
lion." The Lynchbnrg Rgiubliean, in a Indd 
examination of the ' ' awfnl problem presented 
by the conflict between oapitol and labor,' 
prononnoed " slavery the only practical solu- 
tion." Withit "slavery is the cornerstone 
>if our Bepubhoau institutions, " and ' ' the great 
[leacemaker between capital audlabor." The 
Charleston Mercury declared that " master and 
slave is a relation in society as necessary as. 
that of parent and child," and that "the Nor- 
thern States will have lo introdace it : slavery 
13 the natural and normal condition of the 
laboring man whether whttb or Siid:? " "Free 
society is a tiilore," cried the astute Keitt. 
■'Free society is a monstrous abortion," ex- 
claimed the dignified Fitzhugh ; "two hun- 
dred years of liberty have made white laborers 
u pauper banditti." "Men are not bom en- 
liUad to equal rights : some are bom with 
saddles on their bucka, and others booted and! 
eporred to ride them, and the riding does 
them good;" "they need the rein, the bit, 
and the apur ; " " slavery, wmrc or finely is 
right and necessary." With the Chailestou 
Hereon/ ' ' the great evil of Northern free so- 
ciety is, that it is burdened with a servile 
class of mechanics and laborers wtA for nj/'- 
^ootrnmaO, yet clothed with all the attributes 
and powers of citizens." While the Alabanuv 
Bemld oould not suppress its disgust st the 
abominations of "free society," made ap of 
" small farmers and greasy meohanics," imfit 
even to attend on a Southern genUetnau's 
body servant." The Chorleslon Slandard,tb» 
Richmond Souli, He Bow's Rtvim, the SoiUhem 
TAterary Maten^, and Others, all organs of the 
Democrat/, mamtuned these debasiDg doctrines 
with great persistency and violence. The 
Richmond Enauirtr, the leading Democratic 
i journal of the South, while authoritatively de- 
!jlaring that " slavery is a, moral, religious, and 
. oatural institution, and that lie Imu t^ aa the 



PART IV. 

UUei«iices of Southern Demo- 
eratle PreM— "Free (Society a 
IhBure"— Slavery a necesBlty— 
The IVortbem states must lo- 
troduoe It -Slavery essential, 
whether White or Blaek-Con- 
tempt or " small fl&rmers and 
greasy mechanles." 
Southern DemoCTocy now denounced "free 
society" as "a fafltire!"— "» monstrouR 
abortion 1 " " Modem free aooiety, as at pre- 
sent onfOnized," sMd the New Orleans Delia. 
■■is raiucally wrongtind rotten; " "it is rotten 



maint^na that slavery is right, natural, and 
neceeaary ; " that ' ' the principle of alavaly is 
in itself right, and ioa tut daiaid on £fferaiee cjf 
cturvpUxkin ; and " that is the doctrine main- 
tained by the icioie SouIAoti pmt " — 6ff Oit wAoJo 
SuulAera Dtnuxracy. 



Democratle denunciation (rf'ftee 
white mechanics as essentially 
slaves— The negro declared bi- 
llnltely superior to the >vblte 
mechanic " morally, sodaDy 
and physically "—" liberty (tor 
the few, slavery Ibr the massea.** 
In the opinion of this Demoeraey, the wretch- 
ed victims of "hireling labor society," the 



THE LABOR QDBS'nON. 



135 



wUto Meehuiio and Laborer, differ, in their 
gCMsal and moral condition, only in name 
from the negro of the South. *' lonr whole 
hinUng rtltum of manual laborers and oper- 
itivflar Mid Senator Hammond, an able Dem- 
oentie leader, " are essentially slaves ; " "the 
diffnenoe between " the white slave and the 
neoo is, '*the negro is hired for life, and 
weu eompflnflated, and the white slave is 
"hind by the day» not cared for, and scantily 
oompenflated." Mason, of Virginia, another 
leadmff Democratio Senator, declared that the 
"KHHUled /Wb States " would be better named 
"the Arnfe States; " and the Democratic Ben- 
nettk of Hissisrippi, demanded to know, in 
what jwrticalar wnite mechanics were better 
than ua dafves; in his opinion the condition 
ofUane^ioflB was infinitely superior ** mor- 
ally, Booally, and physically. Sagacious 
DmioamHe Btatosmen, erudite DemocraUc editors 
and sathors— all were filled with unutterable 
dlflgnst and honor at the revolting atrocities 
of "hirdfakg labor society " — its "infidelity, 
matfflrialiinn, Mnsnality, agrarianism, and an- 
iRsfiy" — ^its '* insubordination, crime, and 
panperiBm;" and all were impressed with the 
unattmbla oonviction that slavery is the only 
remedy for the oompUcated corruptions of the 
imnatonl state of ireedom of the white Me- 
dianio ind laborer. Hence the earnest and 
wnistent advocacy for so many years, by the 
Boofiiain Demoencjf, of their favorite formula— 
*^Sbamnu1hifatjr€d€mdnonnale(mdUion of the 

"Sfaaoy if righi and necestary tohdher Whitb or 
Black!* 

Among othen, Messrs. Ruffin (in his Political 
Somomjf if SUway) and Fitzhugh (in his Qin- 
ai&di JU, or Who dutUbe Masters f) proceeding 
wHh the approbation and applause of the 
8oiiUi-4Ib whole Democracy — elaborated, what, 
to them, appeared to be very practical plans 
for the reformation of "hireling labor so- 
oebf.** Mr. Buffin, after describing what he 
undentandB to be their wretched and de- 
gaded condition, proposes to reduce the 
wUte Mechanic and Laborer to domestic 
Ixmdige I Sudi a plan, he argues, would ele- 
ntefhem, morally, socially, and physically. 
Mr. litshngfa, in his Cannibals Ally uke Mr. 
BniBn, enlarges upon the debasement and 
crime of the white Mechanic and Laborer in a 
itate of freedom. He, too, as a means to their 
eteration, pnyposes to reduce them to slavery. 
He lays that a ntgro slave is worth about $800; 
inUieBlaTe, by reason of his harder working 
Batore, would bei worth $1,000. Give, there- 
fore, the capitalist owning $1,000 one wldte 
dsre; the capitalist owning $10 000 ten white 
daves; and the millionaire a thousand ! He 

«"Mwf : "LiBEBTT /or the FEW -SlAVZBY in 

mBjffarmf&t tkt masses !" 



PART VI. 

^Tl^ Ctane" beiny ''IxMf the 
Saudi plays Vojl to re^calu 
power and carry out its Slave 



Ijabor principles— The Northern 
Democratie lieaders' Responsi- 
hUfty. 

Failing to carry out these barbarous plans 
within the Union, in 1861 these Southern Dem- 
ocrats strove through treason and blood to 
sever the Union and found a Confederacy of 
States in which their peculiar principles and 
plans might be carried out. Under that Con- 
federacy there would have been no free labor 
— no free laborer. The rich would have been 
the masters, all others would have been de- 
graded to slavery. Failing to establii^ their 
Confederacy, the Southern Democracv deter- 
mined to secure within the Union, wnat they 
could not get without it — to gain control of 
the Qovemment by strategy where they failed 
to conquer by force. The lion suddenly be- 
came the fox. WiUi agitated earnestness the 
Southern leaders bewailed dead Sumner's 
taking off and swore to support the Constitu- 
tion, amendments and all. They slobbered 
over the North while they bulldozed the South, 
and thus they grew so rapidly into power 
and place that they can now almost throw off 
the mask. Thev already have their '* Confed- 
erate Congress. They only need the Presi- 
dency and the game is in their hands, to do 
with labor — white or black — as they wilL Nor 
can Northern Democracy shirk its equal re- 
spouflibility with the Southern Democracy, 
not alone for the war but for all that has 
grown out of it. It was the Northern Demo- 
cratic Doughfac-es that encouraged the South 
to fight for a (black and white) slave labor 
system, while they skulked at home. Northern 
Democratic leaders knew then the principles 
and purposes of the South, and sympathised 
and shared them. Northern Democratic 
leaders know now the principles and pur- 

g)ses of the solid South, without Wade 
ampton telling them. The old principles 
still Uve, the *' k>st cause" is yet to be won, 
and the free mechanics of the North to be 
enslaved under that worse form of slavery 
now in vogue at the South, to wit, Peonage. 



PART VII. 

Democratic annual robbery of 
Productive Ijabor, and Demo- 
cratic cheese-paring:— A Crusade 
a|(;alnst poor Iflaie and Female 
I^aborers. 

Out of the wealth which labor produces in 
the year, more than $135,000,000 are paid for 
pensions and interest on the war debt of the 
nation, all entailed by the war waged by 
Southern Democrats, egged on by Northern 
Democratio Doughfaces, for a slave labor 
system. 

The Democratic House during the lost five 

years has shown its •* devotion to the laboring 

I peoj)le " by the cheese-paring policy of cut- 

' ting down the wages of Government laborers, 

messengers, and clerks, carefully avoiding 



136 



THE LABOB QUS8TIOH. 



any rddncHon in the pay of its own members. 
Upon ^6 adjournment at nearly every sesskm 
the streets of Washington have presented the 
spectacle of crowds of hapless people dis- 
charged from the lower grades of service in 
the departments, while the corridors of the 
great Government bnildings were loud with 
the wailing of poor women suddenly bereft of 
all chance to earn a scant livelihood for them- 
selves and dependent families. It may be re- 
garded as the special triumph of this Dem- 
ocratic policy that in this cuttins down of the 
low-priced laborers and clerks, both as to pay 
and numbers employed, the poor scrubbmg 
wo^en engaged at the public buildines were 
reduced in the greatest proportion, and many 
were discharged. At one time even the ap- 
propriations for laborers at the Capitol were 
withheld. So that there was no lawful way 
in which men enough could be employed to 
clean up the filth expectorated by the Dem- 
ocracy m the halls throngh whicn the wives 
of Scoiators, Cabinet officers, foreign minis- 
ters, or even the wife of the President, could 



walk to reach the place assigned to them in 
the galleries of Congress. ' 



PART VIIL 

l¥ag;es of the Jftecbaiiie and La- 
borer abroad— Compare tbese 
TTlth our oi¥u-~Taliiable tab- 
ular statements. 

Thanks to the present Bepnblican tariff 
which the Democratic leaders in Congress 
have fre<}xiently, but without sucoess* assailed, 
the condition of the mechanic and laborer in 
America is the envy of his brothers in Europe. 
Take the following official tables in the leUer 
from the Secretary of State, M^y 17. 1879, ad- 
dressed to the Speaker of the House, oompiled 
from the reports of United States oonsulB, 
touching the state of labor in Europe ; and 
the American artisan, mechanic and laboror 
will see what cause for thankfulness he has ; 



StaiemerU ehowing (he Weddy Rates qf Wages in (he several Cfountries, compUed from the Consular 

Beports and compared vtUh Bates prevailing in (he Uniled States. 



Occupations, 



Anioaltiiril laboreni : 
Men. without bourd or 

lodging 

Men,with b'rd and I'dg . 
W<mMfn, without boud 

or lodging 

Women, ¥rith board and 



lodging., 
ise-buildi 



House-building trades 

Brioklayers 

Carpemters and Joiners. 

Oaditters 

Masons 

Painters ;... 

flaaterem 

Plumbers. 

Slaters 

General trades : 

Bakers 

Blacksmiths 

Bookbinders 

Brassfounders 

Butchers 

Oabinet-makers 

Cvopom 

Coppersmiths 

Cutlers 

EngFaveis 

Horseshoers 

Millwrights 

Printers 

Saddlers and harness- 
makers 

Sailmakers 

Shoemakers 

TftUots 

Tinsmiths 

Laborers, porters, &c 

Bailway employees : 

Engineers, pass, trains 

Firemen, do. 

Brakemen, do. 

Signalmen 

Switchmen 

Porters 

LaA>orers I 



Belg. 



$6 00 
6 40 

5 40 

6 00 
430 

5 40 

6 00 



4 40 
4 40 



Den- 
mark. 



Pr*ce. 



$4 26 



4 
4 



46 
16 



4 
4 



60 
80 



4 26 
8 90 
8 72 
4 20 
4 80 



4 10 
8 86 
8 86 



8 85 



4 80 



4 80 
3 00 



4 
4 

3 
4 
3 

4 



00 
62 

85 
85 
30 
10 



3 90 



I 



$3 16 
1 86 

1 10 



4 00 
6 42 



6 00 
4 90 



6 50 



Ger- 
many 



6 66 
6 46 
4 86 



6 42 

6 00 

7 00 



4 63 

5*46 



4 70 

5 00 



4 76 
6 10 
4 40 



11 33 
6 26 
3 60 
6 85 
6 60 
6 00 
3 35 



$2 87 
1 48 

1 08 

76 

8 60 
4 00 
8 66 

4 30 

5 92 
8 80 



3 
4 



60 
00 



3 60 
8 56 
3 82 
3 20 
8 85 
8 97 
8 80 
8 80 
00 
00 



4 
4 



9^26 
8 30 
4 80 

8 60 
3 30 
3 12 
8 68 
3 65 

2 92 

8 36 
8 30 

3 22 
3 62 
3 41 

2 60 

3 10 



Italy. 



$3 60 
1 80 

1 65 

60 

3 46 

4 18 

8 96 
4 00 
4 60 
4 35 
3 90 
3 90 



8 
3 
3 
6 

4 
4 
4 
3 
3 
4 
3 
4 
3 

3 
3 
4 

4 
3 
2 



90 
94 
90 
49 
20 
96 
35 
90 
90 
00 
60 
96 
90 

90 
90 
32 
30 
60 
60 



9 60 
4 50 



Spain 



United Kingdom. 



4 00 
4 00 
3 40 
3 30 



$5 12 

4 88 



4 80 
'7*20 



6 40 
4 66 

3 60 



WngTand 



4 
4 



20 
95 



3 90 
3 90 
8 90 
3 00 



$8 60 
2 60 

1 80 

1 16 

8 12 
8 26 

7 25 

8 16 

7 26 

8 70 
7 76 
7 90 



7 
7 
7 
7 
7 
7 



6 60 
8 12 

83 
40 
23 
70 
30 
40' 

8 00 

9 721 

7 20 
7 60 
7 751 

6 80 



Irerd 



7 30 


7 36 


$6-7 30 


7 30 


6 00 


9 12 


' 600 


6 50 


5 60 


6 60 


4 60 


4 60 



$8 40 

1 30 

2 16 
78 



7 
7 
7 
7 
7 
7 



68 
33 
95 
68 

64 
68 



8 46 



9 
4 

4 
8 
6 

4 
4 



00 
60 
00 
00 
00 
00 
00 



Scotland. 



$4 26 

$1,60-2 40 

1 80-3 26 

60-1 00 

63 
8 12 
8 40 
ei 28 
8 16 
10 13 

7 13 

8 80 



United States. 



N.Totk. 



Ghifliga 



$12-$16 
9- 12 
10- 14 
12- 18 
10-16 
10- 16 
12- 18 
10^16 



8 70 



4 
4 
6 
6 
4 
4 



96 
69 
12 
19 
44 
27 



$6-$l» 

7-« 

10-12 

19-16 

6-12 

9- If 

12-20 

12-18 




THB LABOB QUESTION. 



137 



Siaimmi showing tJie Weekly BaUt qf Wages in (heprinemal Cities qf Euro^t eomjnlei froni Consular 

Reports^ and eomparei with Rites in ^ew York and Chicago. 



Occni>ation. 



Honae-building trades : 

Brioklftyera 

Oftrpenters and Joiners 

CUwflttters 

Masons 

Painters 

Plasterers 

Plumbers 

Slaters 

Oeneral trades: 

Bikers 

Blacksmiths 

Bookbinders 

BnssfoQxideis 

Batchers 

GU)inet'iiiaker8 

Coopers ....1 

Ooppersmiths 

Oottors 

Bngravera 

Horseshoers 

Mmwrlghts... 

punters 

Saddlers and hamessmakers 

Bailmakers 

ShdiBmakers 

Tailors 

Tinsmiths 

laborers, porterSf &o. 



Bel- 
gium. 
(Brus- 
sels). 



$6 00 

5 40 

6 40 
6 00 



5 40 

6 00 



6 00 
6 00 
6 00 



6 00 
4 80 
6 00 
6 00 
6 60 
6 00 



6 00 



6 00 



4 
6 



80 
00 



6 00 



6 

4 



00 
80 



8 60 



I Ger- 
Fr'ce many 
(Bor- (Dree- 
deaux aen).| 



$4 80 
5 00 



6 40 



6 00 



4 80 
4 80 
4 80 



6 00 



8 00 



4 90 

i'so 



3 00 

4 80 



4 90 

4 80 
4 80 



$3 75 



8 75 



3 
4 
2 
3 

4 



60 
00 
00 
00 
00 



4 75 
400 



3 00 
3 00 
3 00 
2 60 



Italy. 
Bome 



$3 00 
3 00 



3 00 



3 30 

• • • • • 

4 75 



3 60 
3 60 



Spain. 
(Bar- 
ce- 
lona). 



Switz- 
erl'd 
(Ge- 
neva). 



U. 

King. 

dom. 

Livp'l 



United States. 
(New York). 



$6 40 
6 00 



6 00 

7 00 
7 00 



5 40 
4 60 
8 60 

6 00 



4 90 
6 60 



4 80 



3 60 

3 60 

4 (H) 



$4 80 

6 00 



4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 



60 
80 
60 
60 
60 
60 



4 
4 



60 
60 



4 60 
4 80 
4 80 
3 00 



$9 25 
9 00 

7 80 

8 70 

8 50 

9 72 
9 00 
9 72 



4 80 




4 80 


890 


4 60 


8 00 




7 90 


4 60 




6 00 


800 


4 60 


8 75 


4 60 


890 


460 




480 





8 50 

7 70 

10 60 

7 80 



8 75 



7 
6 



60 
82 



United States. 
(Chicago). 



$12 00 to $15 00 



9 
10 
12 
10 
10 
12 
10 

5 
10 
12 
10 

8 

9 
12 
12 
10 
16 
12 
10 

8 
12 
12 
12 
10 
10 

6 



12 
14 
18 
16 
15 
18 
15 

8 
14 
18 
14 
12 
13 
16 
16 
13 
25 
18 
15 
18 
15 
18 
18 
18 
14 

9 



$6 00 to $10 69 



7 

10 
12 
6 
9 
12 
12 

8 

9 

9 

8 

12 

7 

6 

16 

16 

9 

16 

12 

12 

6 

12 

9 

6 

9 

6 



60 — 



60^ 



12 
12 
16 
12 
15 
20 
18 

12 
12 
20 
15 
18 
15 
16 
90 
10 
80 
96 
90 
18 
12 
16 
18 
18 
19 
9 



PART IX. 
PHoes ofFood in European Countries and Cities, and in America. 

SUiianad showing the Retail Prices qf the Necessaries of Life in the several Countries^ eonqnled from 

Consular Rqtorts^ and compared vnth Prices in New York and Chicago. 



Articles. 



Bread per ^onhd 

Tkrar do.... 

Beef: 

Boasting, .per pound 

Soup do.... 

Barapsteak ...do.... 

Corned do.... 

Teal: 

Fore quarter, p.pound 

Hind quarter .. do .«. . 

Catleta do. . . . 

MMIon: 

Tate quarter,p.pound 

Hind quarter, .do . . . 

Oiope do... 

P»Ek: 

ftesh per pound 

Silted.. do.... 

Bacon do.... 

Ham do .... 

Shoulder do ... . 

Sausage do.... 

I4vd do.... 

Oodflsh .....do.... 

Butter do ... . 

(%6e8e do. . . . 

Potatoes per bush. 

Bice per pound 

Beans per quart 

Milk do.... 

Bns perdosen 

OraneaL . . . .per pound 

tetk. do 

OoSm ...••••«.. .do .... 

Sugar. . do . . . 

Molasses per gallon 

Soap per pound 

Starch do.... 

Coal per ton 



a 

I 



Cts. 
4- 6 



20 
16 
20 
16 

16 
18 
20 

16 

201 

20 

16 
16 
18 
26 
20 
20 
90 



I 



90-60 

90>96 

66 



90-26 



3(M0 
15-20 



CU. 
3 

4 

22 
16 
90 
16 

16 
20 
22 

16 
18 
90 

14 
14 
90 
26 
18 
16 
20 



CU. 

3-7 
5>i 

22 
14 
20 
13 



14 



U>i 



17 
17 
20 
22 
20 
19 
21 



25 

• . . 
60 



18 



30 



22 
94 

50 
9 

10 
4 
20 
8 
75 
85 
11 



10 
9 

$4 2.^ 



Cts. 

6 

10 

20 
12 
90 
12 

(15 

18 

(22 

(15 

18 

(18 

13 
18 
22 
25 
90 
20 
22 

9 

28 

26 

$115 

6 
13 

7 
18 



32 
8>i 



4 
10 






Cts. 

6X-7>i 



18 



25 



14 



24 



45 



21 
10 
45 
28 
$110 
7 
12 



20-25 



70 
46 
11 



10 
10 



$11 00 $9 00 






18 



18 
20^ 



18 



18 
20 



28 



36 
23 
60 



5 
20 



60 
30 

8 



United Kingdom. 



England. 



CU. 

8>i-4X 
8>i-4>i 

22 
15 
96>< 

18 

18 

22>i 

97 

17 
39 
26 

16 
15 
19 -16 
13 -23 
12 
18 

15 -18 

8 
29 -38 

16 -21 
$1 12-9 00 

9 

6-9 

19 -30 

3>i-4K 
43 -88 
28 -42 

5>^-9 



5>i-9 

10-12 

$3 20-4 10 



Ire- 
land. 



CU. 

4 
4 



1(^12 
10-12 



12 

» • • * « 

96>i 



68 



> • • • - 
• • • • • 

14 
8>i 

80 



8 



United SUtea. 



Soot- 
land. 

CU. 

4 
4 

99 

16 

9«>i 
90 



28 
SO 

16 
90 
24 

13-16 
13-16 



25 



6 
32 
20 
95 

6 

• • ■ • • 

6 

28 

4 

70-80 

32-60 

10 



14 
$2 65 



New York. 



CU. 

3- 4 



Chicago. 



12 

6 

8 

8- 
10 
20 

9 
12 
14 

8^ 

8 

8 

8 

8 

8 

10 
6 

25 

12 

$140 

8 

7 

8 

25 
4 

50 

20 
8 

60 

6 

8 

$3 00 



16 

8 

16 

12 

10 
12 
24 

10 
14 
16 

10 

10. 

10 

12 
10 
IC 

. 12 
7 

35 

16 

$160 

. 10 

10 

10 

80 
6 , 
■ 60 

30 

10 

70 
7 

10 
$5 251 $3 



CU. 

*- *>< 

«- 12K 
6- 8 

8- 12K* 
4- T 

6- 16 
16- 12 

laK-M 

fr- 1»X 
10- 15 

4- 6 

6- 12 

7- 12 
7- 16 



4. 

6- 
6- 
6- 



10 

10 

10 

9 



16- 40 

5- 16 
60- 86 

6- 10 

6- 9 

3- 6 
10- 94 

4- 6 
96-100 
16- 40 

7- 10 
40- 80 

3- 8 

6- 10 

00-6 75 



138 



THS LABOB QUESTION. 



Statement showing the Setail Prices of the Necessaries of Life in the prineyoal Cities qf Bu/rcpe^ eompHei 

from Consular Reports, and compared with same in New York and Odcago, 



Artieles. 


Bel- 
gium. 


France 


Ger- 
many 


Italy. 


Spain. 


h 

■SJS 

00 

Gen 
eva. 

CU. 


United King- 
dom. 


United States. 




Brus- 
sels. 


Bor- 
deaux. 


Dres- 
den. 


Borne. 


Barce- 
lona. 


Liverpool. 


New York. 


Chicago. 




CU. 


ens. 


CU. 


CU. 


Ct9. 


CU. 


CU. 


CU. 


Bread per lb . 


4-6 


3-4 


7 


6 




4 


9^- 4 
3X- 8 


3- 4 




Flour ..■• •••••■•• do . . 






6 


10 


6U 


7 


Beef: 
















Roasting per lb. 


20 


20 


24 


20 


20 


30 


22 


12- 16 


8 - 12X 


Soup do. . 


16 


16 


18 


12 


15 


18 


16 


6- 8 


6-8 


Rump do . . 


18 


18 


19 


16 


18 


26 


18 


14- 16 


8 - 12X 


Corned «..do.. 


16 


16 


18 


12 




18 


16 


8- 12 


4-7 


Veal: 




















Fore quarter, .pr . lb . 


16 


16 


12 


16 


16 


• • • ■ 


14 


8- 10 


6-10 


Hind q.uartOT..do.. 


18 


20 


18 


20 


18 


18 


20 


10- 12 


10-19 


Cutlets do.. 


20 


22 


18 


22 


22 


20 


20 


20- 24 


12>^- 1« 


Mutton: 




















Fore quarter, .pr.lb. 


16 


16 


12 


16 


12 


• • • • 


14 


9- 10 


5 - 19X 


Hind quarter.. do.. 


18 


20 


18 


18 


16 


18 


20 


12- 14 


6 - 16X 


Cbops do. . 


20 


20 


18 


18 


18 


• • • • 


20 


14- 16 


10-15 


Pork: 




















Fresh per lb. 


16 


12 


18 


16 


20 


18 


16 


8- 10 


4 - 8 


Salted -..do.. 


16 


14 


18 


18 


20 


20 


16 


8- 10 


6-12 


Baoon ....do.. 


18 


20 


80 


26 


30 


• • 


20 


8- 10 


7 - 19 




20 
16 


26 
16 


36 
30 


30 
26 


40 
30 


28 

• • • • 


24 
16 


8- 12 
8- 10 


7 - IS 


Shoulder ..do. . 


4-10 


Sausage do.. 


18 


16 


20 


20 




* • • « 


30 


8- 10 


6-10 




20 




90 


26 
10 
30 
28 
$120 


19 

9 

40 

25 

$1 00 


« • • t 


16 


10- 12 

6- 7 

25- 32 

12- 16 

$1 40-$l 60 


6 -' 10 


Codfish .......... .do . . 


6 - 9 


Butter . «•■•.••.. do . . 


20-26 


16 
33 

48 


36 
23 
60 


24 - 36 

12 - 20 

$1 20 - $1 60 


16-40 


Cheese do 


6-16 


Potatoes. . . . .per bush. 


66 


60 


60-80 


Rice ..per lb. 






10 
14 


6 
16 

4 
20 


12 
20 


• • • • 


4- 10 


8- 10 

' 7- 10 

8- 10 

25- «0 


5-10 


Beans. t>er at. 






<r - 'o 


]l|ilk do.. 






6 

20 


6 - 8 
14 - 18 


3 » 6 


Eggs perdoz. 


20-26 


10-16 




10-24 


Oatmeal per lb. 

Tea do.. 


, 












9H- * 
40 - 86 
24 - 40 

6 - 8 


4- 6 

60- 60 

20- 30 

8- 10 

60- 70 

6- 7 

8- 10 

$3 00-$6 26 


4 - ff 






76 
36 
12 


• • • • • • 

40 
8 


60 
40 
10 


60 
30 

8 


25 -$100 


Coffee do.. 


80^'....... 

16-20 


15-40 


Sugar, t . . 1 4 . • . . • . do . . 


7-10 


MfMaflmW . . , ^iMr <rfl.1. 






40-80 


Soap . ■. per lb. 








4 

10 
$1100 


9 

9 

$9 00 


« • • • 
- • 

■ • • • 


4 - 10 
'$3*66*-*$4*38 


3-8 


Rtarch ...••...•• .do . . 








5-10 


Coal per ton. 






$310 


$3 00 -$6 75 









PART X 

dad condition of liie Kuropean 
ivoridng elasses— In Bel^uniy 
France, Grermany, England, 
Ireland, S€M>tland, IWales, Italy, 
Uie IVetherlands, and ISpain— 
IWhal; Free Trade bas done tor 
the Englisli laborer— A sickening 
recital of tbe suliferings ofl^a- 
boring l¥onien— IWbat I^emo- 
cratic Free Trade Doctrine 
^vould do for America. 

The oondition of the American working- 
men is one of remarkable ease, prosperity and 
contentment, compared with tnat of the 
workingmen of Europe, as is easily shown. 
The condition of the formeris patent to ns all. 
Well dressed, well fed, well housed, well paid, 
possessing an equal chance with all others for 
an education and for advcuicement in every 
walk of life, his condition and snrronnding8 
are snch that he may make of himself any- 
thing that courage, ambition, will, education 



and natural lendowments may fit him for- 
as demonstrated by the career of Abraham 
lincoln and James A. (Garfield. But g^oe 
at the condition of the Buropean laborer, « 
appears in the official report already quoted 
from. 

Condition of the imborliis eUMses In Bel* 
Vluin, '* an unceasliiff Imttle." 

•'« « * Their lives are continual atmgglM fst 
meagre subsistence, and nothing but t)iat gpUHof 
patience, kindness and fortitude, which enables Vtai 
to practice the severest economy, makes it poMflfls 
for them to subsist themselves and supply the noeai- 
saries of Ufe to their funiliee. At the venr best, the kt 
of the workingmen of Belgium is hard and unrnnitltBg 
toil, an unceasing battle with most advene drmOB- 
BtuiceB."'-Officiai Report, 

In France *' the wife and ehlidreii miutali* 
labor to make ends mecC 

The (Consul at Nice writes : 

The laboring man's food consists principally of b- 
dian meal, vegetables, bread and wine. iCeat hs tfir 
dom eats. 

Not only must the ^French) husband labor tot ^ 
support of his family, out the wife and children mtit 
also labor for the general fond in order to make vdS^ 
meet. — Official Report. 



THE LABOB QUB8TI0N. 



139 



laficnuinycacli member from eliildliood 
InnreA to Inoeasant toU and prlTatlon— 
luxuries unknown— Batter and meat are 
luxurlefl-PoTerty ytrglag upon squalor 
-Aweary lot. 

Bamim.—The condition of the laboring clMses of the 
mining and Iron indnstries is very diatreaaing ; the 
price of iron ia ao low that^ nothing can be earned, and 
ooal ia 40 per cent below the average of the laat twenty- 
fiTO yean. Wagea are reduced and many handa dia- 
chaiged. In thia diatriot it ia at preaent difficnlt, if 
not iiMO$iibU» for a workingman to earn more than 
enough for his individual aupport. and every member 
of the &mil7 muat contriBute to the general fund ; 
hence, from their earlieat years, each member ia in- 
nxed to inoeaaant toil and iirivation.->-^Vom the Beport 
ofOannd Stanton. 

Bremen.— In order to make life poasible. at thia rate, 
women in the countrv raiae garden produce and work 
in the flelda ; in the towna they keep ahopa. peddle, 
wadi. aew, etc.— From the report qf Consul King. 

Bnmtwtde.— With ateady work and the aaaistanoe of 
each member of the houaehold, the workingman can 
"make both ends meet."— IVvm Uu r^ort of Oontul 

Dreaden.—** The laborera are reaJly part and parcel of 
the eatate. Wagea in money are often merely nominal. " 
-Cmnrf olDreaden. , , ^ , 

Xci^tte.— Femalea are btfgely employed in buaineaa 
hoiuea, and a peraon traveling through the country 
leceiveaiheimpraaaion that all the work.ifi -the flelda 
is done by women.— Avm the report of Consul Stewart 
Ckem$titx.—Kt the preaent- time large numbera are 
nnahu to obtaiu eofiployment ; the country ia full of 
tnunpa» both honeat and vagabondiah ; and almoat 
eveiy dweOing in thia city ia visited daily by at leaat 
half a docen beggars, although begging ia prohibited 
hj law. In thia district (Saxony) labor ia aubdivided, 
fivittg one man'a work to two, in order to employ the 
kmet poealble number. As the husband's earnings 
are not sufficient for the rapport of his family, the wife 
and older ohUdien must contribute their share of the 
weekly earnings. This is a general rule, and applies to 
aQ flunilies whose support ia dependent on labor.— fVom 
At r^ort of Consul Origgs. 

FraMni-<m4he-Main.— The conation, of the laborer 

ia not enviable ; hia opportunitiea are few ; luxuries 

in afanoet unknown to him ; and he is even obliged to 

ue frugally the necesaariea of life in order to live upon 

what he can earn. Butter and meat are luxuries. The 

American people would consider such a life bitterly 

iaid and joyless.— JVom the report ofConsul-Otmrdl Lee. 

Somteberg. — ^The workingman rarely eats meat at all 

la any other form than aauaage, and hia wife and chil- 

~ a scarcely know ita taate, ao little do they get of it. 

traia poverty in superabundance in the working- 

l's home, often verging upon aqualor ; hia children 

generally barefooted, and hia wife looks haggard 

«. weary of her lot. • • • 

It may be eai^ imagined from the foregoixig fig- 

ahowing the wages of the laboring dasea of Thur- 

, ♦^^ their daily fare ia of the aimpleat sort, and 

their life is. at best, a atruggle for exiatence for 

ntvea and families. Their principal food is rye- 

...... and potatoes.— (ToflMcl ai Sonneberg. 

M€mnheim.—The wages paid hardly cover the neces- 
jries of life; many seldom taste meat more than once 
^etik^^C0uHl4tMttimh0lm. 



England— The ** strussle for existence " 
— Tbe United States a Paradise for the 
woricftnsman— White slaTes of Bavland 
-»eii« women and clilldren worklns in 
w«« 9iUies«naked.!-<Women worklns on 
** all foors '* as mules I 

I «* e * This disposition of living each day in it- 

f— coupled with the periodic strikes, which break 

J the even run of wages and bring so much suffering 

This wife and children— renders the life of the Eng- 

i workinginan a spasmodic struggle for existence ; 

i it may be doubted whether the family of the aver- 
^ Ifai giiah laborer or mechanic is any better off, year 
Tand year out, than the family of the German or 

ich laborer or mechanic." — Official Report. 



The Oonsnl at Bristol states that : 

*' 1^0 laborer ahould allow himself to be enticed by- 
imagining that he coxild better his condition by leav- 
ing the United States to return to his native country, 
if bom in Europe. A number of auch laborera and 
also aome mechanioe have, daring the last two years, 
called upon thia consulate for h^p to get back to the 
United States, cursing the day when they left America 
for Europe, where neither milk nor honey ia flowing. 
Compared with Europe, the United States is aparadisejvr 
a sober and faitl^Sil workingman.*' 

The Oonsiil at Sheffield says : 

" « * * There ia in thia town a far greater popu- ' 
lation of women employed in the heavier kinda of 
labor than will be lound in the citiea of the United 
Statea, excepting, it may be, the great cotton-manufbc> 
turing centrea." • • • 

There is nothing, however, in oar Consular 
Reports touching the terrible condition to 
which labor in the mines and factories of Eng- 
land has been degraded, which at all ap- 
proaches the evidence brought out a few years 
since by a Parliamentary Commission in£ng^ 
land. In the coal mines, men, women and 
children of both sexes worked together in an 
almost nude condition. The Report says : 

" In the Lancaahire coal fields, lying to the North 
and West of Manchester, females are regularly em- 
ployed in underground labor, and the brutal conduct 
of the men and the abaaement of the women are well 
deacribed by some of the witnesses examined by 
them." 

Peter Garkel, collier, testified that he 

■* Prdfets women to boys as drawers ; they are better 
to manage, and keep time better ; they will fight and 
ahriek, and do everything but let anybody pass them." 

Betty Harris, aged 37, a drawer in a coal 
pit, testified: 

** I have a hett araund my waist and a eihain between 
my legs to the trude, and I go on my hands and feti ; the 
road is very steep, and we have to hold by a rope, and 
when there is no rope, by anything we can catch hold 
of. There are six women and about aix boys or girls 
in the pit I work in ; it is very wet, and the water 
comea over our clog-tops always, and I have seen it up< 
to my thighs ; my clothes are always wet." 

Patience Kershaw, aged 17, t^ti^ed: 

" I work in the clothes I now have on (trousers and 
ragged Jacket) ; the bald place ui>on my head is made 
by thrusting the cones ; the getters I work for are 
naked, except their caps ; they pull off their clothes ; 
all the men are naked." 

Margaret Hibbs, aged 18, testified: 

" My employment after reaching the wall-face is to 
fill my bagie or atype with two and a^half or three hun- 
dred weight of coal; I then ho6k it on to my chain 
and drag it through the aeam, which is from twenty- 
six to twenty eight inches high, till I get to the main 
road, a good distance, probably two hundred to four 
hundred yards; the pavement I drag over is wet, and 
I am obliged at all times to crawl on my hands and 
f^t with my bagie hung to the chain and ropes. It 
is sad. sweating, sore and fatiguing work, and fre- 
quently malms the women." 

R. Bald, Government coal viewer, testified: 

" In surveying the workings of an extensive colliery 
under ground, a married woman came forward groan- 
ing under an excessive weight of coals, trembling in 
every nerve, and almost unable to keep her knees 
from sinking under her. On coming up, she said, in 
a plaintive and melanchcdy voice, *0h, sir. this ia 
sore, sore, aore work.' " 

Said a Sub-Commissioner : 

" It is almost incredible that human beings can sub- 
mit to such employment— crawling on hands and knees, 
harnessed like horses, over soft, alushy floor8,more diffi- 
cult than dragging the same weight through our lowest 
aewers." 



140 



THB LABOB QUESTION. 



Page after page of snch sickening evidence 
18 given tonohing the sad pUsht of these poor 
oreatnres who are paid less than twenty cente 
per day, and of others scarcely less degraded 
Ml other occupations in Enj^land. And it is 
to a condition similar to this that the Demo- 
cratic doctrine of " Tariff for Kevenue, and for 
revenue only," if put into pnujtice, would re- 
duce the stalwart, well-conditioned, high 
spirited American laborer and his family ! 

• 
In Irelan*— Women lalwfins in llclds— 
IHIseralile food. 

'• In a large number of caees the agricnltural laboierB 
of Ireland supplement their wages by the produce of 
amaU plots of ground attached to their cabins. As a 
aenexiU thing, a IWr share of the field work is performed 
by women.'"— Ctfl«fl/*g»rt. 

The consul at Cork says of the workman's 

food: 

" The food is made up of a selection from tea. bread, 
oatmeal, potatoes, dried fish. and. amyng the poorer 
dassra a coarse Indian meal instesd oi oatmeal, at an 
ayerage expense to each\>erson of fourteen c«ntsper 
5a^TheiMc^ic pays something more for his W 
tog/but in other respecUhiaUring is the same as the 



yery rare occasions mutton or goat's meat and wfaie 
are indidged tn."— IVmr the report qf Omuvl'Geiuni 

MeMUkm, 

" Turin.— The agriculturist, both farmer and laborer, 
lives Tery ecomomicany. hardly knows what ftsdi 
meat is. except half a dozen times a year, on State and 
church festivals. Sometimes he eats a little sanaage, 
but his daily food consists of commeal mnah.noe-biesa. 
soups of wheat-flour paste, rice, and sometimes a little 
lard in the soup by way of luxury, cheese, greens and 
chestnuts in their season."— #VwJ» the repoH of Gmgd 
^^obU. 

*' Jfestino.— The laboring classes are fkrugal and mans- 
triouB. Gontented withfittle. and liying on what our 
workmen would despise, there is very little destitution 
among ihom/'—From. the report qf Consul Owen. 

.ialnxnrj 



In the lVetlierUui«»- 

—Hard work to Uve. 

The consul at Rotterdam, speaking of tiie 
food of Dutch laborers, says : 

" Meat, excepting sausage and chipped beef, is k- 
sarded by the mechanic and laboring man as a Iusqit, 
Za is raraly indulged in. Bread, rice, fish, potatoes 
and other vegetables, constitute the staple articles of 
food for the laboring ctosses of the Ne thnri an d a. * ** 
With all his patient frugality and practioed eoonomy. 
the Dutch working man has all he ean do to maint s h i 
>><wi—>if and fsmily." 



The consul at Londondeiry states that : 
« The food of an laboran here is Indian meal (prin- 
cipally), oatmeal, potatoes, and bscon next. Tea may 
3>e said to be in universal use. 

m ecottaad— WoBM« imHorero-Musfc, pota- 
toes mUI milk-'' Hard Uaco." 

The consul at Leith reports : 

" Some women employed by the day at fidd J«rit get 
about twenty-four cents per day. • ♦ • There is 
SSS variety in the food ofthe Scottish P«i~t- it is 
S£ but substantial, consisting ^<»},^^l ^'"^ 
SS m various forms, potatoes and milk, witha UtOe 
meat and beer added in harvest. * * * ^*^*;^ 
^Sequent occurrence in all trades, but as » rule t^JJ 
SSt in impoverishing the workman, who has in the 
Sdtoreturnto his previous wage or accept the em- 
ployer's terms." 

In Wales— Women as liread winners. 

Consul Wirt Sikes reports from Cardiff; 

that— 

4.* ♦ • The wives of laboring men here, fill 

A more active place in the bread-winning scheme 

thiS^men do in America. Itoy go otf to their 

™A as reguhtfy as their husbands every morning of 

4>^iivMr They are also very firequentiy the treas- 

S^^ oftheirLarital firm, ind^elp to keep the 

-JrSdy outlay for JoUiflcation as near the minimum 

L^SdSe: Among the occupations followed by 

wo^^ tills district arc some which I think women 

nowhSeelse in Great Britain engage in. such as let- 

S^SSiersTlnUeu of postmen), mussel-diggers. oystei> 

peddler. &c." 

on 



m 



to llTO OB t 



The consul at Barcelona reports that : 

"The Catalonia working people live mos^ os 
greens, beans, potatoes, onions, garlic. oodJlsh (drtad). 
uid wine. • * • Boots or shoes are very selaaai 
seen worn by laborers (men), the sandal (made of twine 
or grass) being the common foot cover. 

The consul at Cadiz says : 

'* The turn laborers of Andalusia, fed hj^^ >^ 
ployers. are allowed daily three pounds of bread, mm 
oil. and a little vinegar. A portion of the bread is wt 
aside, with the oil and vinegar, to form the two meab 
of the oiupacko served to the farm hands. It oonsista 
of bread«oaked in water, to which the oil and viaegtf 
are added. It is served hot in winter and cold In mna- 
mer. Any additions, generallx of vegetableo, are sup- 
plied by the laborer at his own cost. This cheap rwss 
ta generally adopted by the working claaoea tbatpij 
their ownboaid." 

The consul at Malaga says : 

i« • « • The laborer in the south of Spain is Ikfl 
most f^gal of beings. He rarely or nerer eats meat 
Indeed, it would be Impossible for him to do soandbvi 
on his earnings, as meat is extremely dear ; cobmbod 
ftesh meat being worth twenty cents and oeeMaaK 
thirty cents per pound. The laborer h«e -^^ 
subsists on fish, rice, beans and other 



H •• 



«« 



In ltaly-Ml»e»W« fture-Meat only 
yreat festlyals and lioUdays.*' 

/3«noa.— The fare of the Italian Uborer is usually 
v«^^ple, consisting of bread, boiled chestnuts, 
^h and ministrone. a substantial «)up made of 
^tobies. oUve oil and macaroni. IHiis. with an oc- 
^onalb^le of ordinary wine, a reUsh of stockfish 
Ar7heeae and. at rare intervala. on great festivals and 
^olid^ rS^er of fresh meat, constitutes the 
homrfy^ of the Italian peasant.-#V«m the report 

'**'^*^«5!Ill.-Srordlnary Uborer's ftee is coarse bread 
and cheese and raw onions In the morning; at midday. 
iTsubstantial soup of vegetables and macaroni with 
&t pork or olive oil. or a dish of polenta (mush) : in 
the Evening, bread and cheese, with onions or salad, as 
ihe cas^mly be. sometimes varied with stockfish. On 



PART XL 

liabor and m^agpes in the UnMei 
litotes Burlng Two Periods- 
Tables showing the Rise te 
Wages of Amerifsaa Illeelianiesi 
and Farm I^abor fk-om III 
end of Oemoeratie Rule inl8M 

to 18T4. 

The following tables, prepared in the B«p 
reau of Statistics, will famish an interestoig 
study to the artisan, mechanic and farmlii 
borer, as exhibiting the rise in wages froiK 
1860, when the Democrats were in power, tj 
1874, when the Bepnblicans were in fofll 
power : ' 



THB LA^BOB QCESTION. 



ThMl tItMfiilg Iht aoeragt DaSy Waga, laUumt Board, paid a 
rogiimitd in Iht uadtrmeniioned Tradet in 1A« rtf 





■mtttiB. 


^^aZ 


uuliera. 


o«„ 


■^b:- 


».„„, 


Flurteren. 


. 


IBfiO. 


•"■ 


1^. 


.,., 


.«, 


m. 


«,. 


■874. 


"■ 


•" 


«, 


874, 


». 


187*. 




Sim 
lee 

1 48 

i« 
1 eo 
1 » 

1« 

ii 

is 

1 to 

!S 

1 M 

in 

iss 
Is 


$2 31 

38a 
lu 

131 

s»» 

IM 
ISO 

IH 
SIX 

is 

so 

Is 
is 

as 


tl9Q 

■2 m 

11 

is 

SB 

^ 1 

aw 

SOO 
SM 

ira7 

hi 


W60 
3 87 

8 IS 

9 U 

3 ee 

SM 

IS 
i» 

SCO 


11 

IIS 

1 n 

t 81 

IM 
1 10 
8 DO 

1 8t 

GO 
19 

a'io 


36^ 
3 IG 

1S6 
ICG 

ii 

ISl 

il 

a'oo 

I 88 

a' 60 

360 

ltd 

500 

s« 

Vi 


$114 

iS 

1 IS 

i!! 

1 (M 

: 84 

]•) 

Is 

1 se 

i'oo 
tea 

10( 

d« 

1 e 


tail 

Ii 

aiB 
ais 

100 
300 

111 

Ii 

i'm 

190 
1«3 

3"o6 

s'66 
aoo 

j'oo 

3 48 
Q43 

1^ 


»100 

t 60 

183 
103 

1 18 

IE 
is 

Ii 

129 

ii 

431 

ill 


1101 

if 

Is 

133 
2S3 

Ii 

s'oo 

il 

a 76 
ao 

IT 


is 

184 
198 
IM 
190 
1011 

1 M 

ii 

a BO 
iS 

ill 


12 60 
133 

II 

140 
1 W 

is 
si 

i'eo 

360 

400 
SO] 

sin 
is' 


100 
141 
Ifll 

3 11 

aoo 
aos 

14f 

130 

IS 
11? 

171 

194 

IBO 
3 60 

3S 

3 DO 

2 6; 
















BbodfiWind 




«»,«-«^. 


























3U 














400 






















3 10 


•017TBKBN BUrai. 




30O 








I^Sr.v;;;;;,".v:;;::;:::::;- 


















300 


ruanotn-Ta. 




























irtaons 




-■■■ 




Ii 




ATS&AOCB. 






















Sr 


il 


J 7: 


se. 


£0 


3b 


1 r 

■10 


"s 


i" 


200 


196 


166 


2 « 


















'" 


*^ 


" 


«06 


*u 


3ir 


403 


S60 


.« 








639 















THB LABOK OTTEanOK. 



2tabEe ihaaing the average J)aSji Waget paid, etn. 



8i*i«. 




cotton. 


™™, 


»-.». 


Ti.™!.,. 


wb<«^ 
wrtghto. 


igao. 


1871. 


I860. 


1874. 


IBM. 


187*. 


1860. 


1874. 


1860. 


.„.. 


1860. 


ISlt. 


™w™..^«*™. 


« 


3U 


13t 

1 M 
1 W 

aoo 
a IS 


WW 
30 

ao 

S80 

sas 

380 


1186 
166 

187 

\l 

n 

1 60 
1 68 

a 10 

1 74 
1 36 


IS 

360 

aao 

aso 

IM 
3 60 


13 09 

1 TO 
1»4 
IN 
300 

1 69 

aoo 

1 60 
179 

a36 

103 


taw 

ass 

ao 

1 60 
3 44 

3 16 
360 


1 ea 

« 

86 
167 

IK 
01 

a< 


11 

3 6a 

360 

a' SO 

3 60 

200 

'a 78 


'I 

01 

DO 

IM 

1 8« 

IM 
196 

aan 

ii 

360 
388 

1 61 






















iro 

164 

186 
IM 

30 
IM 


186 
10( 

ais 




-n»ui««i. 


J8g 

3M 

ail 
"am 


V»w3eimj 


















ihs 






Kuuu 


too 
lea 
aw 

8 6^ 


"a" 60 

S ID 

3 38 

"a" 60 

3 60 




300 

a 60 


ass 


3 76 


»™™-r™ 












1 M 
IK 

3 B8 
fi 88 

:: 

400 


"a 00 
"a'io 

383 


3 M 
1 M 

a« 

7o! 
540 

681 


"i'oi 
"soo 

000 


IM 


300 


6 6" 


"a 60 

800 


3 60 
a 88 

460 


360 

4aj 


at 
n 

IM 


tot 












P«^o,«™. 












300 


300 








soo 


























an. 

is 


19< 

a a 


soo 

3M 
386 
336 
836 


17, 

isi 


ii 








sat 

a 31 

3 EE 


183 
1 74 

aa 


30 

■i 

}| 

1 












MB--KiiB]uiaet«tet 

MidillB ei»te» 


l«l 

is: 


ao 


aa 


is 






G«aBnl yenwe 


i7e 


am 

31 


33* 


sae 

sai 


IBs 
10 


3 57 


1 F 


a 31 


187 








■*™»g« 


iSt 


8 » 


,5« 


.» 


,^ 


,. 


8, 


36C 


.« 


3 03 6 7 


t 


4'-iOU 








Pisoe 


roA. 

















THE LABOB QUESTIOtf. 



143 



Farm Labor. 

Table showing the average Daily Wages for Farm Labor in I860 and 187i» 



NIW mOLASD SXilTia. 

Haiaa 

5ew HampBhize 

Yeimont 

FywrhnaettB 

Bhode lalA&d 

Ommecticiit 



IfewToric 

New Jenej 

PsimaylTKnia 

Delaware 

Skryland 

West YiigiiiiA 



vsRaaor izahs. 



OUo 

lodiaiui. ... 

Bttaofai 

mtihigan . . 
Wlaoooaixi. 
lOnneeota. 
JOWB 



VebrtA*, 
lOaaouri.. 
Xentvcky. 



•OUTHXBlf tOATMB, 

Tiiginia 

thmb. Carolina 

I flimth GaroUiu. 



6eot|^ 
Tlorida. 



Experienced hands. 
Summer. 



With 
board. 



1800. 



$1 07 

1 04 

M 

106 

76 

1 13 



99 
79 

84 
75 
88 
77 



80 

061 

02 

08 

37 

42 

06 

26 

00 

81 

77 



60 
60 
68 
66 



1874. 



$1 75 
1 44 
1 50 



1 26 



148 
1 06 
1 13 
1 00 



1 03 



103 
1 13 
1 83 
1 26 



100 

78 



1 60 



64 
1 00 
1 00 



Without 
board. 



1860. 



$1 49 



1 
1 
1 
1 



88 
13 
40 
00 



1 21 
1 16 
1 22 



63 
96 



1 
1 

1 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 



16 
26 
82 
22 
66 
73 
84 
76 
38 
12 
08 



02 
63 
73 
81 



1874. 



$2 26 
2 12 
1 87 



1 60 



2 00 
2 00 
1 67 
1 26 



1 46 



1 48 
1 47 
1 68 
1 76j 



1 60 



80 
1 26 
1 26 



Experienced handa. 
Winter. 



With 
board. 



1860. 



$0 81 
76 
72 
78 
42 
75 



67 
64 
62 
60 
26 
61 



66 
71 
76 
70 
83 
88 
70 
16 
76 
69 
601 



47 
36 
40 
60 



1874. 



$1 00 
1 06 
106 



100 



96 
1 00 

«4 
76 



T4 



90 

86 

97 

1 26 



75 
78 



1 00 



47 
76 
76 



Without 

board. 



1860. 



$109 
1 06 
1 00 
106 

76 



90 
85 
94 



50 
$0 



92 
99 
00 
06 
20 
14 
00 
87 
25 
99 
90 



69 
52 
60 
71 



1874. 



$1 50 
1 62 
1 601 



1 60 



1 481 
1 42 

100 



1 16 



1 26 
1 n 
1 89 
1 76 



1 25 



67 



1 00 



Oidinary handa. 
Summer. 



With 
board. 



1860. 



$0 94 
88 
76 
79 
60 
100 



68 

78 
68 
60 
88 
52 



68 
71 
78 
78 
01 
10 
76 
08 
00 
67 
64 



52 
83 
34 

47 



1874. 



$12(^ 



1 00 



1 
1 



IB 
IS 
8$ 
86 



64 



82 

M 

106 

1 00 



75 
70 



1 00 



54 



76 



Without 
board. 



1860. 



1 
1 
1 



10 
25 
01^ 
IS 
88 



4t j» • • 



99: 

00 
9fi 



02 

76 



96 

06 

02 

41 

38 

01 

6^ 

25 



93 
89 



66 
47 
58 
68 



1874. 



$1 09 
1 62 
1 80 



150 



1 71 
168 
125 
1 00 



«3 



107 
1 S3 
143 
1 40 



1 00 



76 



1«0 



Ktoeiarippi. 
J Louisiana • • 
iTiexas 



FAOxno tzAzsa. 

! California 

Nevada 

j Oregon 



Waafaington 
IColonido. .. • 

llMkota 

lUaho 



63 
60 
00 
66 
76 
74 



2 0'. 

3 60 
2 14 



8 12 

2 17 
1 60 



76 
75 
66 

87 



88 
76 
26 
00 
03 
97 



1 00 
1 00 
1 06 
1 25 



1 60 

2 50 
1 00 



2 26 



1 00 
1 60 



2 60 
5 60 
2 60 



4 12 
2 83 
2 00 



2 60 
8 60 
1 60 



1 25 

2 12 



55 
52 
00 
58 
63 
55 



1 99 
3 60 
1 61 



2 26 
1 60 
1 26 



60 



66 
76 



1 00 
260 
1 25 



1 60 



76 
1 12 



80 
60 
26 
81 
92 
75 



9 13 

5 60 
1 94 



3 00 
2 00 
1 60 



76 



1 06 
1 00 



47 
48 



2 50 
8 60 
2 00 



1 
1 



00 
26 



64 
65 

51 



200 
8 00 
1 61 



2 26 
1 75 
1 25 



76 
60 
75 
60 



70 
81 



1 
1 



00 
50 



1 00 



76 

81 
71 



2 17 
400 
1 88 



2 76 
2 76 
1 50 



126 



1 00 
75 

1 25 
75 



60 



200 
2 60 
1 60 



1 76 



IMontaiia... 
few Mexico. 



BW England States 

UeStates 

Featem States 

ifhem States k»' 



76 



1 00 
74 

1 OS 
67 



1 00 



1 48 

1 26 

1 16 

81 



1 13 



1 28 

1 03 

1 37 

91 



2 60 



1 93 
1 06 
1 68 
1 09 



50 



70 
53 
77 
66 



1 00 



03 
86 
03 
69 



1 00 



99 

81 

1 17 

77 



1 60 



1 63 

1 261 

1 86 

89 



60 



81 
67 
88 
47 



1 26 



02 
96 
88 
63 



1 00 



107 
88 

1 12 
69 



General areiage. 



ic States, 
itoriea... 



AToiBge. 



86 

2 57 
1 89 



228 



1 17 

1 67 
1 44 



1 66 



1 16 

3 63 

2 62 



3 03 



1 56 

2 63 
1 95 



2 19 



64 

2 13 
1 38 



1 76 



1 
1 



88 

68 
09 



1 33 



94 

3 22 
1 88 



2 56 



1 26 

2 67 
1 26 



1 96 



3 

1 



67 

20 
46 



1 83 



87 

1 17 
1 25 



1 21 



94 

2 68 
2 00 



2 34 



1 76 



1 
1 



58 
30 



144 



THB &ABOB QDJE8TI0N. 



PAET XIL 

DemoGratic Responflllilliliy for 
Reeen t Hard Tiines-The l>em- 
oeratic TarilT - Tinkering — 
Cbeese-Paring Economy and 
Oppoaitton to Resumption. 

From the preceding tabnlatioiiB it will be 
seen that, even dnring the period of depres- 
sion recently passed, uie condition and wages 
of American labor were far superior to the 
condition and wages of foreign labor, and that 
the w^es of the American laborer were far 
ffreater in 1874, when the Bepublicans were 
in full power, than in 1860, when the Dem- 
ocrats had fall sway. It mnst be remembered 
that when the Democrats regained partial con- 
trol of the government by secnring a majoritv 
of the House of Bepresentatiyes, through bnll- 
dozing and tissne ballots in the Sonth, and 
under the sham cry of '* economy ** in the 
North, they at once commenced the work of 
dragginff down liie American laborer — the 
" mudsill," as they termed him. They have 
made more than one desperate effort to de- 
stroy the ta^ in the interest of foreign man- 
ti&ctnrera and importers, and against the in- 
terests of home mann&cttirers and the labor- 
era in theur employ. Their efforts to defeat re- 
sumption, their tajriff-tinkering, their ** cheese- 
paring" policy of cutting down both the pay 
and the number of the . poor eovemment hb- 
borers and clerks— inaugurated five years ago, 
when the control of the House passed to 
them— and which led to the throwing out of 
numberless thousands of desJerving working- 
men and workingwomen from employment in 
all our cities and towns, have caused most of 
the distress which in recent ^ears has afflicted 
this land. Despite all this, however, the 
wages of labor in this country — owing mainly 
to the firm attitude of the Republican admin- 
istration and the Republican party in Con- 
gress — at this time, and in all of even the 
worst years with which Democratic folly and 
wickedness has afflicted us of late years, com- 
pares favorably both with foreign wages of 
labor, and with the low wages which labor 
could earn under full Democratic rule in' 1860. 



PART XIII. 

Cknnparative Prosperity eome 
Again— Increased V¥agem and 
Demand ibr Farm JLabor— Siiall 
"ive go ^¥ltli tlie RepubHeans 
F<Mrward or with tlie Democrats 
Ba<diward again f 

The anntiai report of the Agricultural De- 
partment just completed — on farm labor and 
wages — states that : 

" The decline which had been steadily going on since 
1878 till laet year seems to have been axre8ted.and 
there is a decided advance in almost every section ; 



the avefBge wage of labor engaged by the year on 
■on* and which represents the steady and tmstworthjr 
force on the farms, was for the whole country last year 
$20.26 a month without board. This year it is $21.78, 
being an increase of 7.26 percent . . . The coei 
of subsistence to the laborer for the average of the 
whole country In 1880 is $7.17 a month against $7.14 
in 1879. Heretofore, in the decline of wages, the cost 
of subsistence declined in quite the same ratio, but 
for this year the proportion is largely in fovor of the 
laborer ; as the cost of subsistence, remains nearly at 
the lowest rate, while the wage has materially ad- 
▼anoed. The average price for labor with boMd is 
$14.66. An analysis of the figures of wages paid with- 
out board shows only three States reporting less than 
last year, viz.: Texas, ICinnesota and Oslifoniia ; bat 
a glance at the report of the wage paid with board 
shows a marked increase. It must be borne in mind, 
however, that In all these States the spaiaeness of pop- 
ulation and absence of the facilities of the ^er 
States, render it both necessary and convenient to 
lodge and feed the hired help. The price paid, there- 
fore, with board* lathe safest indication of the value 
of labor. Aa was to be expected, the greatest increase 
has been in those States where agrlovltore has beea 
the most remuneiative since last year. Thus In the 
West, and those States bordering on the Ohio iUver 
which were the most Dsvored, the Increase has been 
the lai^est. The same applies to the cotton States. 
With the higher price for cotton the advance has been 
universal* and is in some aa high as 8 or 10 per cent 
The demand for labor is «>od in all sections of the 
country. In the New Eni^and and Xlddla States there 
is a steady and good demand fpr trustworthy meB» 
and prices for that class have advanced very mate- 
rially. The large number of reports ttoia those sec- 
tions state that the usual custom is to hire with board 
and for the season. In the South Atlantic and Gulf 
States there is an active demand frarall kinds of steady 
labor. Many coReeqpondents report that the share sys- 
tem, or a division of the product in lien of wages, is 
growing more unpopular daily, and th>»t the fireedmeii 
are becoming more and more iBndholders. In Missis- 
sijypi and Lonisiaaa there are a few reports of scarcity 
of Dftbor owing to the exodus to Kansas and the Nortb, 
but in the same localities there is reported a good de- 
mand for trustworthy labor of sJI kinds. In the 
Northwestern States the supply of labor is quite equal 
to the demand in that section, lioet of the inhabi- 
tants are land-owners, and only hire help at harvest 
time, but skilled laborers are reported in good demand. 
In the Territories and on the Pacific slope the demand 
is reported as good, except in New Mexico and Mon- 
tana, where a surplus is noticed. In the first-named 
Territory the surplus is attributed to the opening of 
the railway firom Kansas, and in the latter tc the large 
number of young and ux^iUed laborers arriving." 

Republican symiiathy for the worklnfrmeB 
—Democratic scoffs at the '* mudsUla "— 
The free school system. 

The Bepublican party has always belioTed 
in and acted upon a humanitarian creed. 
They have believed that business could be 
transacted as correctly by men with human 
sympathies as by those who sneered at what 
they termed '^sentimentalism." The ]>em- 
ocratic leaders have always sco£fed at the idea, 
that Q<^vemment should, even incidentally| 
consider the woes and suffenngs of the iam\ 
titude ; or, as a Democratic Senator on( 
termed them, '*the mudsiUs of society'*—! 
term of approbrium which at the last ftessioi 
of Congress was again scornfully reviyed b] 
a Democratic representative firom Kentnckyj 
The Bepublican party has cherished the freJ 
school system, where the workingman's cfail] 
dren are freely educated, and thus afford< 
an opportunity of elevating tHemselyea _ 
after life to place and Ppwer in both aocii 
and political spheres. The D^nocratio 
has not been kindly to that free school ayi 



THE HOMESTEAD QUEStlON. 



145 



IPemocratlc nostmnM— What worklnffiuen 
tlilnkof them— Repabllcan eflkirtg to solve 
tlie labor problem. 

Many npetrums are prescribed by Dem- 
ocratic quacks to remedy the ills to which 
labor is sometimes> sabjected in its straggle 
-with capital These are rejected by the work- 
ingxnen tiiemselves. The Bepablican party 
bas no infiEdlible plan to propose ; bat it points 
to 'what it has already done to bring aboat 
good times, and calls on the laboring men 
tliemselyes to set their best minds to work to 
oo-opexate with it in reaching a true solution 



of remaining problems, and to co-operate in 
the selection of candidates for place in the 
National Councils and in the White House. 
Farmers, miners, mechanics, workingmen, 
and the sons of workingmen, have sat in the 
Senate and House of Bepresentativecr and in 
the Presidential chair by Republican suffirages. 
They know, from all past experience, that in 
the Itepublican party, if they cannot always 
get relief when it is needed, they are at least 
certain to find sincere desire and honest effort 
to elevate humanity and help the laboring in- 
terest. 



CHAPTEE XV. 

The Homestead Qaestion. 



"PxtbHo land for aolual teOtert."— National Democratic Platform of 1880. 



PART L 

The Great Questkm of the IHiy— 
nrhe Publie Homahi. 

In 1868 it was estimated that there were 
within the States and Territories 1,000,000,000 
acres of the public lands unentered. The 
great question of the day was : ** What shall 
be done with this immense domain ? Shall it 
beopen to monopoly by speoulators, be used 
to bnild up a landed anstoczaoy, or shall it be 
xeaerved to actual settlers at a nominal prioe, 
oar without prioe?" The Republicans pro- 
poMd to solve the problem by practical legis- 
lation in &yoT of our landless people. 



■epnbllcaiM attempt to flank the laatf 
■liaili, ta tfiseanraire speeulatloii, aaA se« 
eare ta tbepoar settler ten years or more 
ta pay flir his farm from proceeds of soil 
—Are defeated by the Demoeraey. 

At the first session of Thirty-fifth Ck>ngre8s 
ICr. Grow, of Pennsylvania, a member of the 
B^use, introduced iuto that body the follow- 
ing bill for the protection of actual settlers on 
the pubHo domains: 

The Crow hill— The vote defeating It. 

^^ » 

Be il0naetaZ,efe., That from and after the flrBtdayof 
8ept«mb«r, A. D. 1806, no public lands sh^ be exposed 
to (Bale by piodamation of the President until the 
aame shall have been surveyed, and the return thereof 
In tho land office for at least ten years. 

This bill gave to the settler ton years pre- 
cedence over the speculator, but it was de- 
ieated by the following voto (Bepublioans 
in roman, Democrats in italics, South Ameri- 
eans in small caps) : 

Ykas— Messrs. Abbott, Adrian, Andrews, Bennett, 
hingbam, Blair. Bliss, Brayton, Buffinton, Burlingame, 
Otaae, B. Clai^, H. F. Clark, Clawson, ColfEtx, Gomins, 
OiKv, Gmgln, Jamet Craig, BiirUm Craige, Curtis, Dam- 
Iftll, Davis (Uass.), Davis (Iowa), Dean, Dick, Dodd. 



Durfee, Foster, Oeddings, Goodwin, Granger, Grow, 
B. B. Hall, Harlan, T. L. Harris, HiOeman, Hoard, Hor- 
ton, Howard, O. W. Jones, Kellogg, KeUy, Kelsey, Kil- 
gore, Knapp, Leach, Lovejoy, Mason, Morgan, Isaac N. 
Morris, F. H. Morse, Palmer, Parker, Pettit. Pike, Pot- 
ter, liitchie, Boyoe, A. Shaw, J. Sherman, J. W. Sher- 
man, Spinner, W. Stewart, Tappan, O. Taylor, Tomp- 
kins, Wade, Walbridge, Walton, C. G. Washburn, E. 
B. Washbume, Israel Washburn— 73. 

Nats — Messrs. Anderson, Atkins, Avery, Barksdale. 
Bishop, Bocock, Boyce, Branch, Bryant, Burnett, Bums 
CaruUurs, J. B. Clark, Clay, Clemens, Clingman, Cobb 
John Cochrane, Oockrill, Crav^ford, Daxndson, Darns (Ind.) 
Debrart, DowdeU, Edmunson, English, Foley, Oamett, 
Gartrell, GUUs, Ooode, Greenwood, Oregg, L. W. Hail 
Hawkins, Houston, Hughes, Jaxkson, Jtwhx, J. O. Jones 
Owen Jones, Lawrence, Leidy, Letter, Letcher, McQtteen 
H. MATtawATT., Matnabd, MiUson, Niblack, Nichols, Pty 
ton, Phelps, Powell, Ready, Reagan, ReiUy, Ruffin, Rtu 
sell, Sandige, Savage, Scales, Seward, Shorter, Sickles, Sin- 
gleton, S. A. Smith, StaUwor^, Stej^iens, Tkippb, Undeb- 
WOOD, WaUeins, White, Woqdsom, Wortendyke^ A. R, 
Wright, J, V. Wright, Zozxiooffee— 78. 

Pre-emption bill of 18&9— 6row*s mmend- 

ment carried. 

Again, on the 20th of January, 1859, in the 
House, a bill reported from the Committee on 
PubHo Lands, relating to pre-emptions, Mr. 
Grow, of Pennsylvania, moved to amend by 
adding the following section: 

Be it further enacted. That from and after the pas* 
sage of uiis.act no public land shall be exposed to sale, 
by proclamation of the President, unless the same 
shall have been surveyed and the return of such sur- 
vey duly filed in the Land Ofl&ce for ten years or more 
before such sale. 

The practical effect of this amendment, like 
that of the bill of the previous session, was to 
give to the pre-emptor, the actual setUer, ten 
years' precedence of the speculator, and to 
protect him from the enormous usury of the 
money sharks, in borrowing from whom he 
was frequenty compelled to heavily mortgage 
his land. The amendment was opposed by 
the Southern landed Democracy, tne slave- 
holding aristocracy, which, prior to 1861 as 



THB H0ME9TKAD QUB8TI09. 



be con- 

Higned to "the tombof the Capnleta," as the 
ComiDittee of the Whole was fomiliorl; and 
Bptl; termed. That motion was defeated bj 
a lote of '92 to 90. and the Hooae waa forced 
to a direct Tote on Mr. Orow'e amendment. 
The ftmendment irae carried by yeas 97, nays 
ei, aa followa: 



TxAi— Andreiri, .llUiu. Avery, Bennett, BUUi 
Bln^huD, BUlr, BUh, Brbyton, Bnfflngton, 



I. Clark. 
loUti, ComiDB, OoTOde. 

J., DsTla. of lowi, I»w« 

, Itodd. DortTM, Edla. Funawonh. Peulon 

Florriict, Foster, Qlddingi, Ollmui. Ooocli, Qnnger 
Grow. Hill, Bftriui. Hoard. Horton. Howud. Jattt'. 
Joma, Kelm. EeUogg. Kelaey, Kilgore, Kupp, /ak- 
TflKe, Lewtb, Leltar, Loveti?. Hitteion. MMtr, Hat- 
ma, Hoirill. Uorris, F. U. Uoiw, O. A. Hone, Hod. 
MoiTM, Olin, Palinor. Puker. Putm, Pkelpt. PkMipi. 
Pike, PoCtw, Purvlance. Bltchle. Bobblni. Bo^ce. 
Saeagi, Jotan BberuuD, Jdo. W. Bhennui, SplDuer, 
SUulOD, ^CdMHurf. Btewart, TaUioU Tappui. Ttuyei. 
TtaDnnwon, Tompkloe, Wade, Walbridge, WnldroD, 
Walton. C. 0. W»»hbuni. E. B, WiBhbnme, I. Winli- 
- — • 1. Wood— 91. 



umended. Eveij Sonthem member ezoept 
two, Mr. Blair, of UisBonn, and Henrj Win' 
ter Davis, of Maryland, Toted aolidlj against 
the bill aa amended. Only eight Demoomts, 
!4orthem Democrats of the Dooglaa aahooX 
dared to aapport the bill Aa amended. wlUl 
their votes; and the character of the oppoei- 
lion is eipoaed in the indignant critidsm of 
Hr. Cavanangh, of Minnest^ a Donglfts De- 
mocrat. He said ; 

Imjit frankly —I ny It In •omw—'tlut It wh b> 



i-Ahl, 



Clark. Cobb. Cm. Jama Craif. Bitrlim C 
fiyrd. Curry, J. Q. Darii, Reni>en Davit. Dt 
EutUi, FauliTier. Foky. Oamrll. OartrdI, Oi 
Orw. Sail. Haykini. Hodga. Bopktru, Hb 
Hu^T. Jackirm. Leuiy. McQuan. McRa 
Uayuwd, Mil^, HilUm, MaMgomicTy, Mam 
Phelps, Powell. BaiDi. Stagan. Bvjliii. i 
i^ffe. Scala. Scvtt, Searinff, SeuMni. A. .! 
Shato. aiiarttr, SingltUra. Sr Smith. S. A. 
um-U. 8la*int. Stewart, Taylnr. Tbippk, 
I'aUondi^m. Vuici. WaiHiu. WKiul 
WooDBOB. Worlendykc, Wright. ZoUiaifftr- 



Mr. Cavanangh declared that he had "in- 
herited hia Democracy;" that he had been a 
''Democrat from hia boyhood;" that he "be — 
lieved in the great trutha as ennnoiated by^ 
the 'futheiB of the faith,'" and "cherished^ 
them religionsly. " Be added : 



Moiriiall, 









n aentle 



amended, defcslcd Iiy (ke 



Bnt the bill aa amended was defeated by 
vote of 95 naya to 91 yeas, as follows : 

.. Blngbsm, Blair, 

/oAn Ctoc*™ . 

OOTOde. Cox, Cruln, Curtis, Ueniii W.Davis. T. Davie. 
D[ UaBH. T. Davis, of lova, Danci, Dean, Dick. Dodd. 

GDOcli.'umiHer.arov.L.'w.UaU.'B.B.Uall, HarlanI 
Hatch, Hoard. Horton, Howard, Keim, Kellogs, Kelaej, 
Kllaore. Knapp, Leacb, Lelter. Lovejo;, Matteaon, 

F. H. UorH, O. A. Uotae, MoCt. Mnrray'. oiin, Palmeri 

Bobblna. Itayce, Jutm Sherman. Bpiiiner. Btwitoii, 

Wade. Walbrtdge.' Waldron! Walton. C. C, WMhbnm; 

Matb— Uaanre. Ahi, AmaaaoH, ArTiold.Alkint. Aiem. 
Barkiitale, Jtoroc*, Bonham, Boicit. Bayee. Bi 

Clay, Co6fc, CockrriU, Comijiii. Janet Prow, ihirtoii j 
Craiae, Cravtford, J. O. Danit. lUi^ben Danis, E 
OtialeU, Ednumim. KUioll. Florence, Foles. G 
Gartrfli, OlUilR. Qoodx. Greenumnd, Qrega. Ort 
Satokint, Hcpptr, Hoatton. Hughet, Huyter, Jt 
Jmelt. a. W. Jonn. 0. Janet. Uuly, McOuan. i 
B. MAK3ILALL, S- S- MariSaU, Mattm, Mavhahj 
mm. Mo-UgemtTf. Moore. FenAeUm. Ihsltm. I^tpt. 
PtiUipi. Jbtceli, Beadi , Beagm. RioaDO. Attfln, Jlatiell, 
Sanduiffe, Saoage, Scaiet, Searinp. A- Shav, H. M- 
aftaup, Shnrltr. SingltUm. SotiUi, SlailteorVi. Slepheni, 
SI'-Mnioii.Sleiiiarl. TaHott, O. Taybir. M. rnylor, Tiuppk, 

Whileley. Wintlaie, WooDsos, K 



PABT II, 
The Republlcnns D^nuuid " Fre« 
Hmnesteada for Actual Settlecv 
on the Public DtHnaln"— The 
Vote hy which they CiarHed It- 
Wm. n. EngUah's Vote. i 

On the iBt of Febcnary. 1869, H. B. 71, "to 
' aecQre homesteads to aatnsJ aettlers," whiak 
had been referred to the Committee on ijB- i 
I cnltiixe, and reported from that OommittM 
jaauuy 20, 1859, by Ur. kelaey, came nptr 
iLction.^liie Democracy attempted to diAtI 
it, even to prohibit all discaaaion of it* nwtt^ 
I by puliamentary strategy. A motioit to Iv 
', on the table was lost by a vote of nays 111, to 
yeais 71, and the Eonse was forced to a direct 
t..^ ™.- >.:,, — .u ^ jtnam 



CtckenH. CoUai. I 



DKllB, Caxg. CuEunoW*, 0^ 
B. Cochrauo. Jo*» fia.ai>i 
^ttntii;. t^ovodc, CU. Cn(in, 
!iO. Davis, 1. DaTlLof Mb. 
I, Dam. Dick. IMidd. ImitK, 
-cniz. JW()i, FoMrr. OiddliM 
D, OrsuBfT. Gregg.emM', 



I, JoliQ BUunuan. SnUh. Spun 
Itcwart, Tappao. Taybir. litSB. 
gha^it. Wade. Walbrtdge. Wr'*— 
Wulibum. E. B. WmUhl 



THB H01CB8TRAI> QUBSTIOK. 



147 



Katk— Iffeasn. AMSKBaoN, Atkint, Avery, Barktdale, 
Boeodt, Bimkam, Bowie, Boyee, Bnmdi, Burnett, Oae- 
J^J.B. OUKTk, Oobb, Bturiim Craiffe, Orawf&rd, Cfwrry, 
JikYm, Dowdell, JBdaiwiMn. WiUiam H, BngUeh, Smna, 
IkmOnter, OarwU, ChvrtreU, Qilkxb, Chode, Greenwood, 
H&BBn, Hzzx, Ht^pkina, Hou^on, Hughes, Jackaon, Jenr 
Mne, KeM, Kumkel, Lamar, Leidy, Letcher, MeQ^een, 
McBae, H. MAWUHATJi, S. S. ManhaU, Mason, Hatvabd. 
JTilM. Million. Moore, Niblaek, NicholB, Peyton, Bkadt. 
Eeagan, Bicaud, BuMn, Scales, Seward, A. Shaw, H. 
M. Shaw, Shorter, SingUton, S. A. Smith, W. Smith, 
ShUlworth, Stephens, Jos. A, Stewart, Tbzppx. UhdbSt 
WOOD, Vahcx, Watkinst WhiteUy, WinsUno, Wooimom, 
A, ML Wright, J. V. Wrig^, Zolucoffeb— 76. 

7%« RimMkam, every man of them bnt one, 
tded sdAlyfor the bill — voted to guai-antee the 
public luids to actnal settlers— to dbnate 
land to the landless. The great body qfthe De- 
nocraey — 60 out of 98 — all the South Amer- 
icans—the whole Southern landed aristocracy 
—voted 9olidly against the hiU. Only three South- 
em members— -Jones of Tenn., Jewett of Ky., 
and Craig of Mo., — voted with the Republicans 
to secure the public lands to actual settlers, 
whilQWILLUM H. ENGLISH, of Ind., voted 
nay with the Slave-holding Democracy. 



PAET III. 

Honesteads In the Demoenitic 
Senate— The Demoeraey deter- 
mlui^ to oppose even the eon- 
slderation of the hill granting 
them. 

On the 17th of February, in the Senate, Ben. 
17ade, of Ohio, moved to postpone all prior 
■orders, and take up the homestead bill, which 
had thus passed the House. A characteristic 
debate ensued. The slave-holding aristoc- 
racy, the Southern landed Democracy, antag- 
•onized the homestead with the appropriation 
bills. Said B. M. T. Hunter, of Yirgmia: **I 
hope there will be no effort to press this home- 
stead bill so as to displace the appropriation 
billa.** Only a few weeks of the session re- 
mained, and an "extended debate" and the 
loss of the appropriation bills were threatened 
if the homestead bill was passed. Ben. Wade 
rained that the fidends of the bill — the Re- 
publicans — ^wanted no debate. The measure 
for years had been before the country, had been 
discossed in all its bearings, and there was 
no measure in which the people were more 
deeply interested. But a vote was what the 
Southern landed Democracpr manceuvred to 
^void or defeat. Said Mr. luinter: " I do not 
conceal the fact that I am much opposed to 
it," that is, to giving " land to the landless; " 
and his colleague, Mr Mason declared that he 
intended " to go into it pretty largely, be- 
OMise he had not yet known a bill so fraught 
wilih mischief, otid miaehi^qf the moet demorcUmng 

Mr. Wade's motion was carried by a vote of 
yeaa 25, nays 23, as follows. 



Nats— MemB. Allen, Bayard, Ber^min, Bi^er, 
Brown, Chestnut, Clay, Clingman, Davis, Fiteh, Fits- 
patride, Oreen, Hamwicwi, Hunter, Iverson, Lane, Mai- 
iary. Mason, Pearce, Beid, SUdell, Toombs, and Ward 

The Republicans voted unanimously to 
take up the homestead bill, but every South- 
em I^mocrat— a "solid South," with tiie 
ezceplion of Mr. Johnson of Tenn., voted 
against the motion. Instantly upon the an- 
nouncement of this vote, which brought the 
homestead bill before the Senate, Mr. Hunter 
again moved to lay it aside and take up 
another bilL An opposition so puerile 
was fittingly called "child's play." During 
the debate which followed the morning hour 
expired, and Vice President Breckenridge 
decided that the bill for the purchase of Ouba 
in the interest of the slave-holding oligarchy 
was the subject pending before vie &nate. 
Whereupon Mr. Wade moved to postpone the 
Cuba and continue the consideration of the 
homestead bill. That motion was also carried 
->yeas 27, navs 26 ; all the Bepublicans voting 
for it ; all tne Southern Democrats, except 
Sexxators Bell and Johnson, of Tennessee, 
voting against it. Again the homestead was 
before the Senate ; again Mr. Hunter moved 
to lay it aside. Senators Wade and Seward, 
in energetic terms, exhorted the friends of 
the biU to stand firm, but Hunter's motion 
prevailed — yeas 28, nays 28, as follows : 

Teas— Messrs. Alien, Bates, Bayard, Benjamin, Big- 
ler, Brown, Clay, Clingman, Davis, Fitch, FHxpatrick, 
Green, Gwinn, Hammond, Hunter, Iverson, Johnson, of 
Ark., Kennedy, Lane, MaUory, Mason, Ftarce, Reid, Se- 
bastian, Sliddl, Toombs, Ward, and Yulee—'i&. 

Nats— Means. BeJl, Bright, Broderi'ck, Chajidler, C3ark, 
GoUamer, Dixon. Dcx>little./)iou^J<u, Darkee^FaiBeiiden. 
Foot. Foster, Uale, Hamlin. Harlan. Houston, Johnson, 
at Tsim.. King. Pugh, RUx, Seward. Simmons, Smith, 
Stuart, Trumbull. Wade, and Wilson— 28. 

The Senate being equally divided. Vice 
President Breckinridge gave the casting vote 
against the homestead. Every vote for Hunter's 
motion to postpone is Democratic, and all but 
five are from the South. Only three of the 
twenty-^hth votes against Hunter's motion, 
and in wTvor of considering the homestead, 
are from the South, — Bell and Johnson, of 
Tenn., and Houston, of Texas. 



Ybas— Messn. Bright, Broderick, Chandler, Clark, 
<kdlaiiiflr, Dizon, DooUttle, Feasenden, Foot. Foster, 
Ounn, Hale, Hamlin. Harian. Johnson, of Tenn., King, 
JPuffk, Bice, Beward. Shields, Simmons. Smith, Stuart, 
TnunbuU. Wade, and Wilson— S&. 



PART IV. 

'' The Great Question of the Bay 
and the Ag;e^ — IShall ^^e give 
^'liands and Homes to the I^and- 
less Freemen, or tSlaves to the 
ISlave-holders f *'— ^^IViiBfgers to the 
]y iggeriessy or I^and to the Land- 
less r* 

On the 19th of February, two days after- 
ward. Senator Wade again moved to set aside 
all prior orders and take up the homestead 
bill. The motion was defeated. Yeas (all 
Bepublicans but seven) 24, nays (all Dem- 
ocrats) 31. On the 25th of Februarv the 
motion to take up the homestead bill was 
a^n antagonized by the Cuba bill. The Cuba 
bill prevailed. Yeas (all Democrats) 35, nays 



148 



THE HOMESTEAD QUESTION. 



(all Repubiicans but five) 24. After a debate--* 
*'aii idle debate*' — ^protracted far into the 
ni^t^aad resorted to only as a means of kill- 
ing the homestead biU, he Republicans, at 
ten o'clock, p. »., made an effort to bring the 
latter bill before the Senate. In the debate 
which ensued, Mrr Seward urged: • 

"After nine hours yielding to the discussion of the 
Caba question, it is time to come back to the great 
questiom fifthe day ami the age. I1i6 Senate may as well 
meet iSore to face the issue -which is before them. It 
is an isBue'preseuted by the competition between these 
two questions. One, the homeeteiEid bill, is a que^ion q/ 
homezt <{f lands Jor the landless freemen of the United 
Slates. The Cuba bill is a question qf sUwes to the stave- 
holders qfthe United StmUs,''^ 

Said Mr. Wade: 

*•! am Yery i^lad that ttiis question has at length 
come up. 1 4m glad. too. that it has antagonized with 
thi^ nigger question. I have been trying here for 
nearly a month to get a stiaightforward vote upon 
this gt«at question of *land for the landless.' I glory 
in that measure. It ia the greatest that baa eter come 
before the American Senate, and it has now come so 
that there is no dodging it. The question will be, 
*8hda toe give niggers to the niggerZess. or land to the 
landteuf'" 

The motion to take up the homestead bill 
was again lost. Yeas (all Republicans but two 
— Broderick, of CaL, and Johnston, of Tenn.) 
19 ; nays (all Democrats) 29. No further at- 
tempt at that session was made to get it before 
the Senate. 



PART V. . 

Tbe Homesteaci Principle, 
Hirougb the Persistency of the 
Repubiieansy a§;ain triumpiis in 
the House— Tlie Groiv Home- 
stead BUI Adofited. 

At the next session, on the 6th of March, 
1860, in the House, Mr. Lovejoy, from the 
Committee on Public Lands, reported the 
Grow bill " to secure homesteads to actual set- 
tlers on the public domain. " The bUl was re- 
ferred to the Committee of the. W%le. On 
March 12, on motion of Mr. Lovejoy, the bill 
was taken out of the Committee of the Whole 
by a vote of yeas 106, to nays 67 (the nays 
being idl Democrats and South Americans, and 
among the former Wh^iam H. English, of 
Ind. ). And when Mr. Branch, of North Caroli- 
119^ i»effeetua)ly moved to lay the bill on the 
^l)le— yeas, 62 (all from the South except 
Mr. Montgomery, of Pennsylvania), and n%ys 
112. The bill was then passed — ^yeas 115 ; 
nayg 66» a» follows : 

nBA«— Messn. JdNon, Aldrich, Ashtoy, firi»Mtt, 
Barr, Bingham, Blake, Bbxoos, Bafl&nton, J?HrcA> 
BmrtifaMD, OMnpb^, Oare j. Carter, Chuse, Jchn Oochreau, 
Colfax, Gonkling, Cooper, Corwin, Covode, C^as, Cra)ig» 
Curtis, J. O. Davis, DawB, Dolano, Dtiell, Dunn. Edger- 
ton, Eliot» English, Fenton, Ferry, Foster, Florence, 
lYnJee, Frank, French. Gooch, Graham, Grow. Gnrley 
Hale, fiall, Haskin, Helinick, Hickman, Hoard. Bolman. 
Howard, Humphrey, Hutchind, Junkin, F. W. Kellogg, 
W. Kellogg. Kilgora, KiUinger, LarnAee, Leaoh, Lee. 
Logan, Loomis, Loyeioy, MaUay, Manton, Martin, Mo- 
demand, McKean. McKnicht, HcPherson, Millward, 
Morrill, Horris, Morse, Nibtack, Olin, PencUeton, Perry, 
Porter, Potter, Pottle, Bioe, Riggi, C. Robinson. •/. CKob- 
tnton, Boyce. Schtoarts, SoqU, Sccanton*, Sherman. Stde* 
Its, Somes, Spinner, Stanton, Stoui, Stratton. Ta^ppahj 
Thayer, Tompkins, Train, Trimble, Vatlandigham, 



Vandover, Van *^ok, Verre, Waldron. Wallow, 0. CL 
Washbum. £. B. Waahbume, I. Washburn, Jr., WeOs,. 
Wilson. Wlndom. WoodrnfM-US. 

NaVB^ADAitt. T. L. Anderson, W. C. Anderson, 
Avery, BarktdaU, Bocoek, Bowham. Brabson, Branch, 
Bsmiow, Burnett, Clapton, Cobb, Curry, "W. H. Davis, 
R. Davis, De Jamette. Bdmundson, Ethebidge, GameUe, 
Oatrell, Oilmui, Hamilton, 'Haxd'emas, Habhxb,Hattom, 
Hnx, Hindman, Houston, Hughes, Jackson, Jenkins, 
Jones, Keitt, Lamar, Landrum, Leake, Love, Mallory, 
Martin, Matka&d. McQueen, McBae, Miles, MiUson,. 
Montgomery, A^oor«, Nblsos, Noell, Ptgton, Pryor, Pugk,. 
Reagan, Ruffln. Simms. Singleton. W. Smith, W. N. H* 
Smith. Stevenson, Stokes, Underwood, Yamcs, Webstkb*. 
Whiteley, Woodson, Wright-W. 

Again, the Republicans voted unanimously 
for homesteads, while all voting against them 
were Democrats, and all from the Slave States^ 
except Mr. Montgomery, of Pennsylvania. 



PART VI. 
The Democratic Senate's Substi- 
tute for the Crroiv Bill— House 
Reflises to Concur— A Compro- 
mise— Tiie House AeeepiB tiie 
Senate Bill, with Amendments, 
but merely as an A vant-CcMirier 
--The Free Homestead Rrinei- 
pie to be Demanded— President 
Buchanan Vetoes the BUI. 

On the 17th of April, in the Senate, Andrew 
Johnson, of Tennessee, reported Stam the 
Committee on Public Lands, as a substitUtfr 
for the Grow homestead bill which had passed 
the House, a bill granting homesteads to ao- 
tual settlers at twenty-five oents per acre, but 
not including pre-emptors then occupying 
public lands. When this bill came before the 
S^iate for action Mr. Wade moved to substi- 
tute the Grow bill for it, which motion waa 
lost— yeas 26, navs 31. Yeas all Bepublicans 
but three — ^Douglas, Bice, and Toombs. Nays 
all Democrats. On the lOth of May the John- 
son bill passed— yeas 44, nays 8. The nays 
are Bragg, Olingman, Hamlin, Hunter, Mason, 
Pearce, Powell, and Toombs. The House re- 
fused to concur, the Senate to recede, and the 
result was a protracted oonferenoe on the 
part of the committees of th^ two Houses. 

On June 19 the committees came to an 
a^^reement by the House aoceptiijig the Senate 
bill wit^ some amendments. Said Mr. ColfiBiX» 
in rM>orting the compromise to the House: 

** We straggled of course * * * to adopt 
the free homestead principle of the House 
bill, but on these points the Senaie wu inJiaibU, 
and we took what we did because it was the 
best we oould get." But **this we have 
agreed to merely as an avant-wurkr. We MH 
dmand tk§ ftu homuleadjmne^ alikenexi sesnofi 
of Onngreu, <mi until U it grmUed — mnUl ali IhB 
public lands fhaU he opened to &e people qf the UnUei 
Statee.'' 

This report of the Oonference Committee, 
the House agreed to— yeas IIQ, nays 61. All ' 
the nays were from the Soutii. The Senate 
also agreed to the report — yeas 36, nays 2— 
Bragg of North Carolina and Pearce of Miob» 
igan. 



THE HOMESTEAD QUE3TION. 



149 



But even so scanty a meastire pf justice to 
toor landless people—" half a loaf "—was, June 
■22, vetoed by President Buchanan.— He in 
effect denounces it as unconstitational, unjust 
to the old States, unequal in its operations 
and pretttided benefits— as a measure which 
**wiu jgo far to demoralize the people," or, in 
the langnage of Mason of Virginia,, "fraught 
Hith midohief of the most demoralizing kind." 



PART VII. 

'The President's veto sustoiiiecl 
by the democracy hi the Sen- 
4tte. 

Tn the Senate, in which the bill originated, 
this veto was sustained by a yote of 19 to 9, 
the question was: Shall this bill pass not- 
withstanding the objections of the President? 

YxAS— It^easn. Anthony, Brown. Gliandler, Clark, 
Boollttle. Durkee, FeBeenden, Pitch, Foot, Foster, 
OMfinn, Hale. Hamlin, Harlan. King, Lane, iMtham, 
Jiickolson, Polk, Pugh, Rice, Simmons, Sumner, Ten 
Syck. Trnmbnll, Wade. Wilkinson, and Wilson— 19. 

Hats— Messrs. Bragg, Chestnut, Ciottkhdkn. Dami, 
FUtpaJbrkk, Green, Hemphill, ffunter, Iverson, Johnnn of 
Tetmeasee, Jdhnton of Arkansas, MaUory, Ma»on, Pearce, 
PbweU, Sebaiiian, WigfaU, and Tuke—B, 

All the nays from the South, and all Dem- 
ocrats except 'Mx. Crittenden of Kentucky. So 
the bill failed, not having received the re- 
quisite two thirds vote to pass it over the 
^resident's veto. All the Bepublicans present 
not paired vfdth Democrats on the question 
voted solidly for the billi but were not strong 
enongh to effect its passage. It was defeated 
by the Democratic slave-holding vote. 



PAKT VIIL 

The ISc^ptre fiiUs flpom the hands 
orthe liWicled Democracy— The 
Slave - holdhig; Aristocracy of 
the South — Homesteads Tri- 
umph in Republican sncMsess. 

On the 4th of March, 1861, Abraham Lin- 
coln was inaugurated President of the Uni- 
ted States. A Uttle latter the Democracy, 
the landed aristooratio slave-holding Democ- 
racy, seceded, and through fi>ur years of 
unparalleled slaughter and crime warred 
to build up a Southern confederacy wfth 
'* slavery as its comer stone," in which free 
labor, tne :&ee white laborer, would have 
been forever excluded fiiom its lands whether 
public or private. 

Ill their platform at Chicago in 1860, the 
Bepablicana had adopted the following plank : 

Sesdioed, That we protest against any sale or 
alienation to others of the publio lahda held by actual 
settlers, and against anv view of the tree homestead 
policy, which regards the settlers as paupers or sup- 
pUcanta for public bounty ; and we demand the pas- 
.safie by Congress of the complete and satisfactory 
hiSiiestead measure, which has already passed the 
House. 



Accordingly, the Bepublicans, now in con- 
trol of both jSouses of Congress and of the 
Executive, hastened to redeem .this pledge 
early in 1862 by the enactment of the Home- 
stead Act, which has been such a blessing to 
our people and our country. It grants 160 
acres to every actual settler 21 years or more 
of age, or head of a family \mo ib, or has 
declared his intention to become a citizen. 
That is its main feature, independent of the 
grant of 160 acres to every person, whether 
naturalized or not, and whether of age or not, 
who enlisted in the military service to crush 
the rebellion. 

This noble Bepublican provision for actual 
settlers met with considerable Democratic op- 
position in 1862 before it could be put upon 
the statute book. 

The vote by which it passed the House, 
February 28, 1862, was 114 yeas to 18 nays. 
Of the yeas there were 92 Bepublicans and 22 
Democrats, a proportion of over 4 Bepub- 
licans to 1 Democrat in favor of the bill; of 
the nays there were d Bepublicans and 15 
Democptts, a proportion of 5 Deokocrats to 1 
Bepublican against the bilL 

The vote by which it passed the Senate, 
May 6, 1862, was even more signifipant, 

It «tood, yeas 33 to nays 7. Of the yeas 30 
were Bepublican to 3 Democratic; of the navs 
6 were Democratic to 1 Bepublican. Thus the 
vote showed a proportion of 10 Bepublicans 
to 1 Democrat in favor of the Homestead Bill, 
and 6 Democrats to 1 Bepublican opposed to 

Iv. 

Bad they the power of numbem, it m hard- 
ly necessa:^ to say the Democrats wonld. have 
killed the Homestead Act of 1862, as they had 
done in previous years to similar measures. 



PART IX. 

dxtendiiig; the Homestead Aet— 
Hemoeratle Oppositton and 
Votes. 

In the House, February 8, 1866, a bill was 
passed extending the provisions of the Home- 
stead Act to the States of Alabama, Missis- 
sippi, liouisiana, Arkansas, and Florida. The 
vote by which it passed was 112 yeas to 29 
nays — all the nays being Democrats except 
two. The names of these Democrats are : 

T. O. Bergen, S. M. Boyer, James Brooks, John W. 
Chanter, John L, Dawson, Chas. A. EHrid^, Wm. B. 
Finck, A, J. Olossbrenner, Charles Ooodyear, Henry 
Grider, Aaron Hardina, B. Q. Harris, John Hogan, Jas. 
M. Humphrey, Miehad C Kerr, f. C. Le Blond, Samuel 
S. MarthaU, John A, Nicholson, Samuel J. Randall, A, J. 
Rogers, Osorge S. ShankUn, Chw, SUareaves, Myer 
Strouse, Stephen Saber, Nelson Taylor, Anthony Thorn- 
ton, and JDoniel W. Vvorhees, 

file Be^iocrBcy as liostUe tiHday as Hefore 
UN Mbemoii. to Um iwitteatMUl priiMsiiile- 
t» **piiMlc kiMa w aolwia 4f Itlcrs."* 

That is demonstarated by its pexsisteiii and 
systematic efforts to cripple, if not to wholly 
destroy the efficiency of the General Land 
Office. Appeals made again and again by the 



150 



THE TARIFF QUESTION. 



Commissioner of the General Land Office, 
supported by the Secretary of the Interior, to 
Congress, for larger appropriations with which 
to secure more room and an increased clerical 
force absolutel;jr demanded by the prompt and 
efficient execution of its increasing business, 
have been denied by the Democratic majori- 
ties of the two Houses, while but recently, 
during recons1aru6tion, in the reports of the 
generals commanding the several military 
districts, this hostility was developed in the 
violent expulsion of settlers, who, under the 
Homestead Act, attempted to locate the lands 
of the South. 

The homestead principle—** Publle lands to 
actual settlers"— A dlsttngwtshlng Re- 
pahllcan measure. 

The donation of the public lands to actual 
settlers — the homestead principle — the '* great 
beneficent measure of the day and the age " 
— is a distinguishing Bepublican measure and 
no impudent or fraudulent attempt or claim 
of the l>emocracy can rob the Kepublicans of 
its authorship, or of the credit of the benefi- 
cent results which through it have accrued 
to the nation and the people. 



PAET X. 

The benefii^iit eff^ts of the 
Homestead Aet demonstrated 
iu . the iiH»*eased population, 
ivealthf and poiver of the na- 
tion— Hemocratie hostility— The 
Homestead Principle essentially 
RepuhUean, 

Instead of being " fraught with mischief of 
the most demoralizing kmd," as denounced 
by the Democracy, its wisdom and justice, its 



beneficent results, alike to the States and na- 
tion may be seen by the following table : 

Kumber of taomesteftd entries made 

under the act np to date 464,197 

Number living on such homesteads, 

(at the low average of 4.96 per 

family) 9,M0,9S6' 

Number of acres entered under the' 

actup to date 54,4SS,1SS' 

Equaling the area of the follo¥ring seven States — 

New Hampshire 6,999,200' 

Massachussetts 4,992,000 

Rhode Island 836,840 

C!onnecticut ^ 3,040,000 

New York 30,080.000 

New Jersey 5,334,800 

Delaware 1,366,800 

61.668,640- 
Plus neariy half the area of the State of 

Maryland 9^864,618 

64.438,158 

The population of 2,019,256 souls thus ad- 
ded to the Union equals the population of the 
following eight States, viz. : 

CaUfomia 660,941 

Minnesota 439.707 

Oregon 90,92&- 

Kansas 364.39$ 

Nevada 42,499 

Nebraska 122.99a 

Colorado 39,864 

Florida 187,748 

1,848,871 
Plus over two-sixths of the population of 

Arkansas 170.8S6> 

2,019,266> 

Thus adding a hardy, intelligent, indus- 
trious, and patriotic population to the States 
in which these homesteads were located, en- 
hancing greatly the value of the lands of those 
States, enlarging their productive industries, 
creating profitable markets for those indus- 
tries, and thus increasing the wealth and power- 
pf the States and nation to a decree immeasur- 
ably greater than the Talue of the lands to the : 
Government when thus donated. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

The Tariff Question. 



** A Ttfrlfffw revenue onZy."— Declaration 8, Democratic National Platfdrm, 1860. 



PAET I. 

Protection essentially tbe *<Anier- 
ican System ^-^AMnang its Illus- 
trious Advocates 2 Washlni^ton, 
Franklin, Hamilton^ Clay, Jaek- 
son, Madison, Adams, H^elister, 
Ilnooln and Grant. 

George Washington, in his first message to 
Congress, declared that : 

" The safety and interest of the people require that 



they should promote sneh mannfkctmwB as tend 
render them independent of others for eaaential, 
ularly for military, suppUes." 

The very first act of the First Gonmress — 9m^^ 
pointed out in the able and euianstiT'*^ 
speech of Mr. Hubbell of Michigan, in ^ -^ 
House, March 21, 1876,— from whidi this _ 
is mainly condensed — was prefaced by a pi 
amble declaring its object in this language : 

" Whereas it is necessary for fhe support of the Go^— 
emment for the discharge of the debt of the UniterA 
States, and Uie encouragement and protection of mam^fiU^ 
turers, that duties be levied on goods, wares and mox^ 

chandise imported." 



THB TABIFF QUBSTION. 



161 



In hk second meesage to Congress, George 
l^ashington said : 

" Oongreai liATe x«i>Mtedl7, and not without sncceM, 

diVMSIedueir «ttesU|on to iba enooongement of mann- 

i^etares. The oUect is of too much oonsequeoce not 

tb ittcnre a oonnntiance of their eflbrta in every way 

which shaU appear eUgtbte." 

Beuijamin Franklin, in 1771, said : 

•• Itteemi the tnterest of all oar fkrmen and ownen 
of tamd to encotmge our yonngmannlkctnrea. in preflBr- 
enoe to foreign ones importea among ns from cUstant 
oonntries." 

Alexander Hamilton, in 1779, ^rote : 

*« To maintain between the reoent establishments of 
one eonntry and the long matured establishments of 
Mother oonntry a competition on equal terms, both as 
to qoallty and pricti, u in most cases impracticable. 
The disparity in the one or in the other, or in both, 
most necessarily be so considerable as to forbid a suc- 
tdufal rival-ship without extraordinary aid and protec- 
tUm flrom the government." 

Henry Clay, in 1824. in the course of one of 

his g^reat speeches, said : 

" It is most desirable that there should be both a 
home and a foreign market. But with respect to their 
relative superiority, I cannot entertain a doubt. The 
home market is first in order and paramount in impor- 
iH^oe. • • * But this home market, desirable at it 
is, oaa (mly be created and cherished by the protection 
of oor own legislation againsMhe inevitable prostration 
of oar industry, wl&ich must ensue ttonx the action of 
Jb8«ign policy and legislation. * * ^ If I am asked 
wliy unprotected industry should not succeed in a 
stmgKle with protected industry, I answer: The tact 
has ever been so, and that is suAcient; I reply, the 
vniliorin experience evinces that it cannot succeed in 
■ach a struggle, and that is sufficient. If we npeculate 
OB the causes of tiiis universal truth, we may differ 
about them. Still the iadispatable fact remains. 
m m The cause isihe cause of the country, and it 
mnet and win prevail. It is founded on the interests 
mw%A alfections of the people. It ia as native as the gra- 
nite deeply embosomed in our mountains." 

General Jackson, in 1824, wrote : 

" It is time that we should become a little more 
Axnericanized, and, instead of feeding the paupers and 
Ijbbaren of England, feed our own." 

James Madison, in 1828, said : 

" A further evidence in support of the confttitutiona 
power to protect and foster manuf^tures by regula- 
tions of trade— an evidence that ought in itself to set- 
tle the question — is the uniform and practical sanc- 
tion given in that power, for nearly forty years, with 
» concurrence or acquiescence of every State govern- 
ment throughout the same period, and, it may be 
added, through all the vicissitudes of party which 
marked that period." 

Mr. Adams, in 1832, in a report from the 
Committee on Manufactures, said : 

" And thus the very first act of the organized Con- 
greaa united with the law of self-preservation, by the 
8iii>port of the Otovemment Just instituted, the two 
objects combined in the first grant of i)ower to Con- 
gress : the payment of the public debts and the pro- 
vision fbr the common defense by the protection of 
manufactures. The next act was precisely of the same 
character : an act of protection to manufactures still 
more than of taxation for revenue." 

Daniel Webster, in 1833, said : 

" The protection of American labor against the in- 
JmioQS competition of foreign labor, so Ikr, at least, as 
itspecta general handicraft productions, is known his- 
toricallY to have been one end designed to be ob- 
tained by establishing the Ckmstitution ; and this ob- 
ject, and the constitutional power to accomplish -it, 
ought never to be surrendered or compromisod in any 
degree." 

Abraham Lincoln, in 1832, said : 

** I am in favor of the internal improvement system 
and a high protective tariff," 



President Grant in three compact sentences, 
in defining the wants of the country, said: 

" A duty upon those articles which we <«ould dis- 
pense with, known as luxuries, and those of which we 
use more than we produce. 

"All. duty removed from tea, coffee, and other ar- 
ticles of universal use not produced by ourselves. 

'* Encouragement to home products, employment to 
labor at living wages, and development of home re- 
sources." 



PART 11. 

Rrief History of TarifT liegisla- 
tion— 18124 to 18eO. 

A careful and conscientious writer thus con- 
denses the history of the American Protective 
Tariff and the Democratic opposition to it in 
a few brief lines: 

'* After the war of 1812 closed, there came a series of 
hard years in this countnr. Business was prostrated, 
wages were low, and employment was hard to get. A 
protective tariff was adopted in 1824, and strength- 
ened in 1828, which revived our industries and brought 
good times. Town and country prospered alike^ and 
the mechanic and farmer were equally benefited. The 
South hated this tariff, which made it pay tribute, its 
statesmen said, to the Yankees of New England. 
South Carolina tried to nullify it, and prevent the 
customs oficers from collecting tiie duties at her 
ports. 

** In 1832 the Democrats struck down this tariff by a 
law reducing duties on a sliding scale for ten years. 
Prosperity was immediately checked. Times grew 
harder and harder, until the great crash of 1837 came. 
No one whose memory does not go back to that time 
can imagine the misery which came upon the coun- 
try. Flour sold as low as $2.50 per barrel, and in 
many localities laboring men worked for thirty cents 
a day. 

" In 1840 the i>eople put into power the new Whig 
party, pledged to re-enact a protective tariff. The re- 
sult was the tariff of 1842, which gave fresh life to the 
manufacturing and agricultural Interests, and put 
business upon its feet again. 

"In 1844 the Democrats carried the Presidential 
election by cheating the Pennsylvauia voters into the 
belief that they would not disturb the protective 
tariff. Their campaign cry in that State was : ' Polk, 
Dallas and the Tariff of 1B42.' As soon as they got 
possession of the government they proceeded to pass 
a low tariff bill at the dictation of the South. The 
vote on it was a tie in the Senate, and Vice President 
Dallas, a Pennsylvanian, pledged to protection, gave 
the casting vote to destroy the protective system. The 
bill established what was known as the tariff of 1846. 
It seriously crippled the manufacturing interests of 
the country. The growing industries of New England, 
New Jersey and Pennsylvania received a heavy dIow. 
The worst effects of this Democratic revenue tariff 
were not immediately felt throughout the country, 
however, because of the stimulus which came from 
the discovery of gold in California. But in spite of 
that great gain to the national wealth, the crash of 
1857 came, and swept business, labor and agriculture 
away into a common disaster. 

"In 18G0 the Republicans came into power and 
passed the Morrill Tariff Bill, which was based on the 
principle of protection. Many changes have been 
made in the law since, but in np case has this princi- 
ple been abandoned. The Republican party has stead- 
fastly defended all the great national industries, and 
their flourishing condition to-day is directly attribu- 
table to the long i>eriod of Republican ascendency." 



PART III. 

The morrisan TariflTBill— Its pro- 
posed iniquities— Analysis of'the 
I>eniocratie monstrosity. 

The first attempt made by the Democrats 



152 



THB TABIFF QUESTION. 



when they gained control of the Honse of 
Bepresentatiyes to tinker the tariff, was in 
1876, under the lead of Mr. Morrison of Illi- 
nois, then chairman of the House Committee 
on Ways and Means. He introduced a tariff 
bill — known as the Morrison tariff bill — 
which had been drawn for him by the Free 
Traders and othei;^ interested in breaking 
down protection, ruining Home manufacture, 
and depriving our American home labor of 
a chance to earn an honest living, which ex- 
cited great alarm at the time, and had its 
share in leading up to the succeeding panic 
and hard times. By Bepublioan efforts, how- 
ever, this Morrison tariff bill was so effect- 
ually exposed that it dared not cdfterwards 
show its head. From Mr. Hubbell's speech, a 
few extracts will suffice' to show what was in- 
tended by this Democratic bill: 

" The 80-caJled Morrieon tariff, manuflBM^tured In New 
York city, by order of the Free Trade League, under the 
inspiration of the American members of the English 
Cobden Club, strikes directly at the policy of protec- 
tion, and aims a death blow at many of our important 
industries, while none of them are allowed to escape 
its crippling influences. 

Rates of reduction of duties. 

" On cotton, unbleached, from 5 cents to 2>^ cents per 

square yard. 
On cotton, bleached, from 5>^ cents to B)^ cents per 

S(^uare yard of the ordinary sizes and forms. 
On iron, rolled, one-half, bar iron being placed at one- 
half cent per pound. 
Pig iron reduced from $7 to $5 per ton, or about 30 per 

cent.; or in other words, on iron and steel from 80 to 

50 per cent. 
On lead and manufactures of lead from 30 to 60 per 

cent. 
On copper in plates, bars, ingots and pigs the duties 

are reduced troxa 5 cents per pound to 2 cents. Cop- 

I>er ore transferred to the tree list. 
On silk and siUc goods — 

On goods paying 36 per cent, reduced to 26. 

« 14 40 '• " 30. 

" 60 and 60 ' " 40. 

Wools, first and second class reduced about 50 x>er 
cent. 
Marble, in blocks apd slabs, reduced from 50 to 30 

cents per cubic foot. 
Pencils and pens, &;c., &c., &c.. 

Analysis of the Morrison bill. 

"An analysis of the Morrison tariff, under a comx>ari- 

son with the rates of duty in 1876, gives the following 

results: 

Decrease of duty from the actual re- 
ceipts of the fiscal year 1876 $18,464,081.72 

Add amount of duties not collected dur- 
ing eight months and three days un- 
der the provisions ' less 10 per cent.' — 

Ciotton goods $ 700,907.04 

Iron and steel 3,691,466.69 

Copper 3,190.16 

Lead 646,887.28 

Wool 2,863,561.40 

$7,706,001.62 



$26,169,083.24 
Increase of duty 20,038,580.86 



Becrease of duty $6,120,602.39 

Taxing the poor man's breakfast table. 



•< 



' It will be observed that the increase of duty is not 
upon goods new paying dutia, -but mainly upon tea 
and coffee, which are now admitted free of duty, and 
ever ought to be. so long as they do not come into 
competition witbhome products of the same articles. 
The amount of duty proposed to be collected from 
those two items is $19,216,701.14. So in future, if the 



pxopoied [MoKiiaoB] tftriff goes Into opeiaticm. the poor 
man's family will be taxed heavily for these two im- 
portant articles of daily consumption. 

Outside tea and eoirtee» Increased duties 
only 9821«S79. while decrease for the 
year over 99<l,t 



"Aside from the tax proposed to be levied on tea sad 
coffee the increased duties amoant to only $821,879.71, 
while the decrease for the year it over $26,000,000- 
Practically, however, even if tea and coffee should not 
be taxed, there will be little or no decrease in the ag- 
gregate receipts. The duties ttoxa the increase of im. 
poxtations, now unusual^ laive, will overcome tiie re- 
ductions proiK)Bed in the tariff, and in a very few yean 
return a liurger custom revenue than that now collected. 
The Morrison tariff is an invitation to foreign mann- 
facturers to surfeit our markets with imported wares, 
and the opportunity will be promptly embraced. The 
extent of its evil tendencies can scaroely be measured, 
and the country now appeids to the wisdom of this 
Congress to save the people from a practical realizatioa 
of its fearful consequences.'* 



PAKT IV. 

The li¥ood TariflTBUl— How it im- 
setUed Business Interests aod 
iitfured IXIanuiaetures, Xi^ders 
and IVoridng^men — Infamous 
IntenticMns of the Democrats— 
Tlie Democratic Vcvte to con- 
sider it— The RepuhUeans KiU it 

The Wood Tariff BiU of 1878 undoubtedly 
did more than any other one thing to unset* 
tie values, to destroy confidence in our in- 
dustries, to make capital timid of investment, 
and to react with cruel effect upon the me- 
chanic and laboring men and women through- 
out the country. At £lrst the industrial m- 
terests of the land proceeded us as usual, un- 
der the belief that it was merely one of the usual 
clap-trap devices of Democracy, to secure some 
little political strength in certain localities, 
and that there was no serious purpose in it 
But after a while apprehension was aroused 
and petition after petition came in from the 
bone and sinew of the land, deprecating and 
protesting against any change in the wise 
tariff act which had been given to the country 
by the Bepublican party. Deaf to these ap- 
peals, and refusing to give audience to the 
delegations which came to Washington in the 
interests of the trades and of labor, Mr. Wood 
and his Democratic firiends continued defi- 
antly to press his iniquitous, iUy-digested tar- 
iff bill in the interests of foreigners and for- 
eign importers, and against the interests of 
our tradesmen and workingmeu, and the 
people generally. Republicans did all they 
could to refuse the measure any considera- 
tion whatever, but at last, on the 26th March. 
1878, Mr. Wood succeeded in bringing the 
bill before the House. Upon his motion a res- 
olution was adopted making his bill the 
special order for Thursday, April 4, and to 
continue from day to day until disposed of. 
The vote by which this resolution was agreed 
to was 137 yeas to 114 nays. Of the yeas there 
were 122 Democrats and only 15 Republicans; 



THS TABIFF Q?£8TI0It. 



163 



rBotw, a. B. roHu. woMiU, a. c. 



I. a. wuut. 



't, F. Wovd. Ttala. 



of tlia najB 101 B«pablieBiiB and 011I7 30 ^S. T> 

DonoeratB. ThuB, in spite of the (dmoat ;. f^^iiJL 
aolid Beptiblioan vote aaainat giving thlH | rnTui 
«rade1>iUk h«ttiing, an aliiiost solid Demo. 1 
«ntio vote braught it before the Hoase, and FenuuMo Waod'i MOailMtoiii aa to tke In- 
nre it B obancM of being euooted into a lait ' Amoni Intentloni oftke Democmtlo tai^ 
The Democxata who voted to make the bill tir poller— Proposeal reduction or duties 
a ^leciBl order are as follows: 1 by mi bUI IB per cent.— FortherndDCtlon 

HcMn. .4eUai,_.4itoi. Allniu. BoHninf^ B.F^Beil, Of SK Percent. Miit«in|>lBtcd. 

"J' I In order to see that the object of Fernando 

_._...._.._. ._ .,.._. _. b.' I Wood's Tariff BiU and of the Democratic 

Clark. Jr., Cobb. Cook. Ctnxrt, S. 3. Cox, Crmmt, Crif. party ia nltimatoly so to reduce the nxesent 
>iadt*,Cyil^iaii,DanivahJ-JOani,DibrdI,DlcJa^AtB.\xaataahtiOlaa duties aa to coranlptilt. .lo^ 
^SST/*™*. Oara. ftuwroft™. oOmv. Cunfcr ^"'^ ""« pnnciple of protection, It 18 on J 



flr^M. itacibMr, CI 



bcrvt, //. JI. Hon 
a. Hart. Barlridae. HarlwtU, HmUi. Um 
a.O.W.Htieta.Hrrb--' ••-•— •'—-- •■ 

I, J. T. Jtmn. Ktmia, 

4lm, Llm, LaetiBoed, LiilrtU. Limde, _, __. 

^Mniam. MeMtlUm. MUh. Mmen. Morgan. Itonitm, 
-Jhm. MuUmo, MvHtr, Jiutpi, C. If. FaOtr. Qmm. Bta . 
^Xeagm. A. v. Miee. RIddit. W. H. Bobbim. BnbcrU, Rb. 
.^mian, Sa[^. Scatet. ^Aiffry, Sintielan. Slatmu. W. E. 
*Snil*, amJAord, Sfringtr. W«(', Stephtni, Swan, Tlma. 
•MTioa, S. W. Itanmitend, nic*cr. Taratr. R. B. Vance. 
Ttrdtr. WaddcU, r- -'- — ■ ■ 



in me nouse. Apni a, lOTH, in support of that 
monstrons measure. Spe^dnc of the present 

I rates of duties, this Democratic leader airily 

.said: 

SIM) monl Tlgbt to ■ KtOt lotieer 
TOT Hblcli thar sOOrd to the 
iresta. The bill reported a/cM 
■atoB of dulle* are coocenmd, jwt 
LH ara trlflliiR u compared to what 



aauloctailiig li 



,"S.- 



■feapMHiB It oecBsloncd— dalluit flffbt bf pond.' 
the ■•puMlcuM for the laborins n*n-~ j ^t . 
■ow tbey killed tbe Demoenttic tariA 
■» wba voted lor tbe Mil, 



Ihui 15 pero« 



VHreee. SB n 



The Bepuhlica 



Here is an admission that his TariifAot— for 
which, aa we have seen, the Demoetata voted 
ao Btronglf— conteniplAtee an averaee rednc- 

however, contiaoeJ to MonofaboutlS percent., withafurtherfutnre 

. iniquities proposed by reduction of more than twice that amount, 

'tilus bill, and finally, after a lone and doubtful 'When, if ever, the administration, oa well 
caonteflt—dnrii^ which many of our moatim- "' bot^ branches of Congreaa pass under 
jportant industriea languished, hundreds of Democratic coatcoL The "little longer con- 
faoaineBS houses were forced to suspend oper- linuation" of tbe "favor" of the IS per 
^tions, handreda of others were forced into cent, reduction plainly refers to that period, 
iMnkruptcy, and thousands upon thousands of , alwiild it ever, unfortunately for ourmanu- 
ourlaboringpeopIswetedepnvedoEtbecbanoe '*^nring industries and tbe people who get 
■fcoeamtheirdailybread—Hucceededin killing | their daily bread bythem, arrive. The only 
ti'hia baleful Democratic measure. On the 6tb ^°P^ then for our boms industrial interests, 
of June-, 1878, the enacting clause of the bill— i (o avoid the widespread ruin, not alone oon- 
to the intense chaftrin of Mr. Wood and hia | templated. but thus directly avowed by the 
Demoeratio colleagnea— was stricken out, and l>emocratio party as a part of their polioy, is 
t^Iie bill defeated by a vote of 131 yeas to 120 <° remit their Preaideutial and Congressional 
xuya. Of tbe 134 jeaa, 115 were Kepublicans ; oandidates to private life. 
and only 19 Democrats. Of the 120 nays, 113 
'ireie Democrata and only 7 Bepublicans. The 
X>emoaratio vote in favor of the bill was there- 
'fore in the proportion of about six for it, to 

•very one a^tinstit! The Eepublican vote Another very inatructive vote waa that which 
against the bill was in the proportion of about was cast in th^ House, December 1, 1S77, than 
lauteen gainst, to every one for it I The names ' which nothing conld more forcibly prove the 
of the Democrats who voted against kiUingthe . real antagonism of the Democratio leaders to 
I bill were ss follows : I the artisan, the mechanic, and the laborer, 

XA^-Kimn. AM«,. Aa>^. Altini. ai™™^, fl«6,, '"J* "^^^ialike of that system of protection 
■ AAAihII. Btaddnm. Wand, Bliu, Bloml. Borne. Bragt, I which the Itepublican party has always afford- 
Briglit, BrtkHer, Cabta. J. W. Oaldmca. w. P. Cold- -d to the American workinsman, by protectina 
TS^i-"^^-?^^- "'tS^J: i-.^.-.^'J"!^-^'':;*^''' \tiie manufactnring interests which employ 

,.-„, ™.,.. ^ ™,*i.u,-, I , ■ ^"OHt the foreign manntkcturer. At 

Finite, FonHf. Pratitiin, ' 'hat date, upon a resolution offered by Mr. 

1, Ciddini/t. Qoodt. OuHter, I Mills, a Democrat, instructing the Committee 

„ r.„ .....Jlto*<r.ff^^^^'r3:t°°Y^':f»"''*f«Mi8"lo BO revise the tariff as to 

■0-*-iU.O w?Stwm.afirben. aioker.Houu /#dW "»'=«ltpn"lyandBoleIyatanffforreTanne," 
•'. T.Joiih.Kmtia.Kimjiiiu.Knon.L^on.lMartU Ha: I and not fbr protection, tha voto stood: yeas, 
ifa,*«._. McKcH^.McMa/um. ^'^■fj^-^I'VK 1 67; nays. 78. Of the 67 yeas, 60 were Dem- 
■~:J!ix^^Si«i^'\'^"'^^ '^'^ ™ly ' Republican, Of the 76 

,. .SifWfnMa, IT. s. Smin. ""3^, 64 were Bepubiican, and only 12 Dem- 



*%Utr. OoHk,0< 



«1 PoUtT, Priiemart, Rat. Beaoan. A 
*^. M. JtokMu. Bayler. ShfU). SifVl' 
^cnManl, Spriigrr, r ■ - ■ 



, nTockmartim. | OCratic. 



154 G ULLS n ACSS. PTBUC CSSDIT AXD EESCXFTIOSr. 






GreenlNicks^ Pablif Credit, and Besomptloii. 



nK^. Qwipcpv ymwrxjjt m:o rr/vk cm demoiid : 0*a Mrid mcMttsumee €f the public faUhf Stale <md 
IfatkmaL.^ • • • — DMlflimtiOB 3, 2UtifiiiAl Democrmtie PUtfcnB, 1980. 



P ART L Indiana. Fmdietan. and Vallandi^iam, of 

Ohio, and Vcorhec«^ of Indiana, tome of wliOB 

at thia late daT profesB to be adyocates and 

BcpoMioui P»rty the Fatber, fnends of the W^nback ! In the Senate fte 

Fl it ml, and Guardiail of the bin va^ passed hj an affizmatiTe vote of 90^ 

Tr— fciirai r'g^j rnlMBrfr His. ^^ whom 25 were BepabIican8.^-only time 

r^riT^^r-^^^^^ Republieana noting against it ! The-'biUbe- 

tory or tbe Oreenbark a Bircn— camea lawFebniarv25, 1862. 
The I^ei^al Tender Aet — Rea- The reason why t&e legal-tender clanaevas 
non lor its Being- -Pe m oe ra tic pnt into the act at the suggestion of tiw 

%'t€a ItoCIX republican Secretary of the iVeasniy, S. P. 

i Chaae, was because of the zefosal of "«a 
\payon^, and wm^ infUlutiomg which refused to m^ 

To aseenain the position in which the two 5^''^"'^ ^^7,"*^ ""* ^^ ^'^^ ^"^ "4 
gn»t parties of thTootintry have hitherto - ^^P^ f^^'T^'^n^^^' r^^^fJlP^^^J^ 
^ ^he legal-tender d^, or "F«*^- ^,Tf!*'|*'T^''^'!*'^*^^^^^^ ^ 
ba^k'' qa«.tio^d the folly of the ferma- ?°^^^*' ^^^il^**'^PP^*^«.^*^^^ 
tion of a -Greenback party," when it is sos- ; SL^'^Tf/^^^L^''~;^LJI^ "^^ ^ 
ceptible of positive pioJTtlit the Republican '. ^Jf^^^^J^ ^^ preservation of tt« 
pJrty hasnSonly afwavsbeen the bert friend, , ^^' ^ ^ J*S P'T?® ^""^"^^.fJt 
Kvis the father ^md guardian of the green! i Se<^*«S?j^« l^^^r of J^^ 
back, while the Democ^ic party has b^n its i ^^^ Thaddens Stevens, which led to the 
bitter enemy, it may be well to look back into 
the history of its origin and its growth in 

ta ^ ^^^^1, A i« lo^o A« «««a1« ^ !><»«.«. vi;.»<^.« them ( U. 8. notes ), and whose action tends not wi» 
It originated m 18C2 as pnrely aRepubbcan ly ^ the nDneoemi^ depi«eiation of ^TOtoTlmtte 
measnre, suggested by a Kepablican Secre- ! estahliBh dlacximiiutian in bnsinaM agiinik thon 
tary of the Treasury, passed by a Republican > who, in this matter, give a cocdial sapport to Q» 
CongreM. .ppwTediy a EepnljUa President I g£S^{jSj^?„WJ.2SS;7«^ f3 
as a means whereby a long and bloody war. the prorimon making the notes a leaS tender, in a 



enactment of the legal-tender measnre : 

* * * »* Bnt. nnflortnnaielj. there an mmdm ' 
and some inetitatioos which letase to xeceive and pigr 



^ ^ . wing I great mearare at least, prevents It h^ pattiac Jdl 

of the Democratic party to rule or ruin this I citizens, in this respect, on the same level both «f 
Union of States, might end in a triumph of ri«i^t« M»d duties. 



nnion and freedom. 

February 6, 1862. under the management 
of that staunch *'old commoner." Thad. 
Stevens, the bill first authorizing an issue of 
United States legal-tender notes were passed 
by tiie House. The vote was yeas 93, nays 
59. the yeas (only seven Democrats) being 
Democrats) being almost entirely Republican, 
dnd the nays (which included twenty Repub- 
licans) mainly Democratic. Among the pro- 
minent Democrats who voted against the 
greenback on this its first appearance, will be 
found the names of S. S. Cox, Holmstn, of 



The Democratic opposition was intended 
to help the rebellion and cripple the Uiuaia 
Treasury. That was the motive. It urn 
founded npon the pretense that the issue of 
legal tender greenbacks was nnoonstitiitioiiaL 
That was the pretext The Demoents hated 
the greenback before its birth, at its biith, 
and until by Republican legislation it grar 
strong and beautifuL They still hate it 
But with devilish cunning they now pratand 
to love it. and, with fond caresses, would 
embrace it only to its destruetion and tt* 
doing. 



GBEEHBACKB, PUBUO CBBDIT AMD BEBHUFTION. 



15& 



Ihe Dcnaoerats DIreetty Retpctn- 
rtMe l<»r (.^ftntrartloa-Tbe Aot 
Vt AprU 13. IN«HI -Annlysb of 
the Votefl by whidi it l>aH*-d. 

The Mt of April 12. 18G<; fint, sMs.^'n, 
Thiily-iunth Cougiefs— providing for a cmi- 
Inctiou of the votnme of greenbacks —mriy 
MAy be olajmed by the Democrata as th<.'ir 
awn measare. Under that act it will be- ri.-- 
mambered, the Secretary of tlis Trea'^urv i 
utnftlly retired »U,000,000 legal tenders, rv . 
doeing the voloine of greenba.-:liB in circa- 
iKtion to $356,000,000, althongh Babseqaently 
■ftwthe panic of September, 1873, tba Seere- 
tKy iasned lor reiaaned) mors than half of 
n»t h« had [verioiulj withdrawn. ThiH 
NntoBotian act patned tua Honse March 33, 
1B86, by R vote of 83 ysaa to S3 naya. Thei? 
nra 6a Bepnblicana Toting j'ea, while 53 
SqrabliaanflTotednity. There were28 Dem- 
omatB who Toted yea, and only one Democrat 
who Totad nay. The Denio<aata had the bal- 
■IBB ofpawer, andonderthe lead of Samuel 
J. B.nAii Jomea Brooka, Uichatl G. Kerr, 
hmnal & M^mhiJl and Charlw A. Eldridge, 
Ihnw th^ mtited atnngtb for the bill, leav- 
iWMtlvona poor Demoentio stiaKgler— Ed- 
m M. Habbdl— aoioBK the hoM of Bepnbli- 
(MM who fbn«ht the biO. 

Boi, inllieSaiate. Ther« the bill mt pus- 
riApril a, Vla&, by a vote of 33 yeas to T nays. 
&• Mven iMya were all Bepnbli<ana, and all 
ka Democrats who vot>^, vot«d for the bilL 
Qh it appears that on the passage of the 
'^ in bath Hoosea the aggregal« Demo- 



smnptloD Act of ISTS-OIBctal 
Votes Hbowlni^ the Democrote 
•oUdly ajfalnst them. 

When, in Jaly last, at the Academy of Mnmc 
in New York. Samuel J. Randall deelared to 
the assembled mnltitnde, that "/( (the Dem- 
ocrulic party) made Kuy ijitpa ktoOit ruuntpfun 
if ipeeit paf/mtni: ttr.," he eihibitpd B density of 
ignorance or a faonkty for falitiflcatton abso- 
lataly astounding! Liit uh iw-e with what re- 
markable peniBtenoy the Uemucratio party 
fcngfat the pubUo credit, the resamption of 
Hpecie paymenta and the greenback, «hi>^ 
tbat tesufiiption has mode aa good oh gold. 



.. The TO 



Apm. than is the case of the act of Feb- 
nmy 1, 18G8. pawed during the second irf«- 
Boa of the Fortieth Cougreba. whii-h r«adg in 
pnt aa falkiw*.- 



TTiil act passed th> HnnB- Decerob^ 7, 
IW, t^ 127 yeas to 32 nars: and of the 127 
jwa only 24 vera Demcicratit: toU*^ vliile 103 
wsx Bepnbliean. 

Thna aguQ and again do we t«« that while 
ttfl Uepnljlicans did aU they posKibly ooold 
ftr the greenback, the Democraia did all iher 
poarihly eiriild against it, and wheaerer th^-y 
«m BtTong tsongh did ^ffectnal harm. Anil 
■ if to point the cace Etill more Bt^rmglT, th^ 
DcmoenncPreddent. .^ndy Johnvm. kllvw*d 
Aa Heuilre to be«<ome a law by lb» lapse of 
line (beoTwe he kn^v il w«e us^lrss Vj i^Wj 
kL bnt lefuaed abuiinMly lo fign it. 

PART III. 
the PHhIlr OedU BH OT ■««•- 
PtibUr Credit Art oriS«»-Re- 



lu the House Juinary 30, 1869, Mr. Schenek 
introduced a biU (H. H. 1744) to -Htrengthen 
the pablic credit " which ealiBfrqaently pHMed 
the Hunae, was amended in the Senate, and 
oat of the disagreement between tbe two 
Houses came a bill, reported by a Conference 
which pawed both Honseit. bat 
ikcted' by President Andrew jobn- 
Tote upon that " public credit bill, " 
iported by the Conference Committoe, 

-- '^- " *-■ SI yeas to 24 nays— 30 

nng " «--.-.■ 

"yea to 10 Democrats voting "nay." In 
the House the vote upon the bill repotted by 
the Conference Committee was 1 17 v»w to 59 
nays. There were of these. 107 Itepubhcan 
"yeaa" to 26 Republican "nays,*' and only 
10 Democratic "ytaut'' to 33 Deuocralii: 
"nays." In other words the Stnate Reunbli- 
eans were more than 2 to 1, and the Houm; 
Bepablioin!! more than 4 to ). vi/mvr of it; 
while the Hoos^ DeiDOTUh weii u'jre than 3 
to 1, and tbe Senate DemocniU exactly lU to 1 

The bill npon which thcM Totet were taken 
comprised only two sectKiiu— the SrHt btictiou 
l.e;n(f word (or wr.rd tbe ume at. the "Publ:'- 
Crt^t Act ' of I^jH, h^*«fH«r quoted in fail. 
and the Mrcind or Eptici£c oontracla >>ection 
being as follow!^ : 






n&Ami^ uS BurJi Krri 






iiti^i. 12, :y&. it. iKhaiek intro^TiMd in 
tit Haas* iIL R. Tj tL* vm.^ l.il prsi-i-^jr 
thai had be-tn ■■p!>ckM*-d" by Anly J'.Lr.!i^ 
at ib^t^owof hisPreEidtatiaa lezni a few di.Tii 



156 



GREENBAOKB, PUBUO OBEDIT AND BBSUMFTION. 



The ftpcottd. (spexjific coatract) section was 
stricken out by 87 yeas to 56 liays — 5S Bepab- 
Ucan yeas and 54 BepablicaiL nays against 34 
Democratic yeas and 2 Democratic nays— or 
in other words exhibiting a bare majority of 
Sepnblicans in fisiYor of the specific contract 
section, and a proportion of 17 to one of the 
Democrats against it! 

The bill was now in the following shape: 

An act to strengthen tke pubUc creiUt. 

Be it enacted, etc.. That in order to remove any doubt 
as to the porpoee of the OoTemment to diacbarge all 
Jiut oblic^tions to the public creditors, and to settle 
conflicting qneations and interpretations of the laws 
by ylrtne or which such obligations ha^e been con- 
tracted, it is hereby provided and declared, that the 
fEiith of the United States is solemnly pledged to the 
payment in<xnn, or its equivalent, of all the ohligi^ 
tions of the United Btates not besiitog interest, kn^wn 
as United States notes, and of all the interest-bearing 
obligations of the United States, except in cases where 
the law aathorlzing the issue of any such obligation 
Jxas expressly provided that the same may be paid in 
lawful money or other currency than go9d and silver 
But none of said interest-bearing obligations not 
already due shall be redeemed or paid before maturity, 
unless at such time United States notes shall be con- 
vertible into coin at the option of the holder, or unless 
at such time bonds 6t the United States bearing a lower 
Tate of interest than the bonds to be redeemed ean be 
«old at par in coin. And the United States also sol- 
emnly pledges its faith to make provision at the earli- 
est practicia period for the redemption of the United 
States notes in coin. 

And the vote upon its passage was as fol- 
lows: 

YEAS^-Messrs. Allison. Ambler, Ames, Armstrong, 
Amell, Asper, Axtell, A. H. Bailey, Banks, Beaman, 
' Benjamin, Bennett. Bingham, A. Blair. Boles, Boyd, 
Buffinton, Burdett, Cessna, Churchill, C. L. Cobb, B. C. 
Oook, Conger, Cowles, Cullom, Dawes, Donley. Duval. 
Dyer, Famsworth, Ferriss, T. W. Ferry, Finkelnburg, 
Fisher. Fitch. GilfiUan, £. Hale, J. B. Hawlev, Heaton. 
G. F. Hoar, Hooper, Q. W. Hotchkiss, Jenckes, A. H. 
Jones, Judd, Jmian, Kelsey. Ketcham, Knapp, Laflin, 
Xash, W. Lawrence^J. Lynch, Maynard, HoCiary, Mc- 
Orew, Mercur, J. H. Moore, W. Moore, S. P. Morrill, 
I^egley. O'Neill. Packard. H. B. Paine, Palmer, D. 
Phelps, Poland, Pomeroy, PrOsser. Boots, Sanford, Sar- 

fent, P. Sawyer, Scheack, Scofield, P. Sheldon. John A. 
mith, W. C. Smith, W. Smyth, Stokes, Stoughton. 
Strickland, Tanner, Tillman, TwicheU, W H. Upson, 
B. T. Van Horn, H. Ward. C. C. Washburn. W. B. Wash- 
bum, Welker, W. A. Wheeler, Whittemore, Wilkinson, 
€. W. WilUurd. W. Williams, Winans— 97. 

Nats— Messrs. Archer, Beatty, Beck, Biggs, Bird, Burr, 
B. F. Butler. B. B. Butler. A. Cobb, Cobum. Crebs, De- 
weese, Dickinson, Eldredge, Getz, J. S. OoUaday, Haw- 
Jcins, Holvum, B. F. Hopkins, J. A. Johnson, T. L. Jones, 
Kerr, Knott, MarshcUl, Mayham, McCormick, McNeely, 
Moffet, Mungen, Niblack, Orth, Reading, Reeves, Rice, 
iSlianks, J. S. Smith, Stiles, F. Stone, Strader, Sweeney, 
Taffe, L, S, Trintble, Tyner, Van Trump, J. T. Wilson, 
Windieiter, fToodwardr^l. 

Thus it will be seen that while there were 
"OG Republican yeas to 13 BepubUcan nays, 
there were 34 Democratic nays to one Demo- 
<sratic yea — ^and as Mr. Axtell, who cast that 
solitary yea vote, is now a Bepublican, the 
Democratic vote was really "solid" against 
the measure. 

In the Senate, March 15, 1869, the House 
1>iU-(H. R. 7) WAS taken tip and passed by 42 
"yeas" to 13 ** nays" — ^the former all Repub- 
lican votes, while the Demooiats voted solidly 
Against its passage. 

Thus in both Houses of Congress the De- 
mocrats (excluding the present Republican, 
Mr. Axtell) voted as a solid unit against Uie 
public credit ! 



It is hardly necessary to say that on the 18th 
of March, 1869, just two weeks after Andy 
Johnson ** pocketed " a similar one, President 
Orioit signed it and it bboame -a law. ItwBs 
the first act approved by him: 

Thti Besnniptloa Aft of IS^S—Bvery vote 
for It a RefNitolican vote— Every Democrat- 
ie vote avainst it ! 

Dec. 21, 1874, Mr. Sherman from the Com- 
mittee on Finance, reported to the Senate the 
following bill, since known as the Resumption 
Act of 1875; 

Beit enacted, etc., Tliat the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury is hereby authorized and reqaired. as rapidly as 
practicable, to cause to be coined at the mints of the 
United States, silver coins of the denominations cf 
ten, twenty-five, and fifty cents, of standard value, and 
to issue them in redemption of an equal number and 
amount of fractional currency of similar denomina- 
tions, or, at his discretion, he may issue such silver 
coins through the mints, the sub-treasuries, public 
depof^itaries, and post-offices of the United States: 
and, upon such issue, he is hereby authorized and re- 
quired to redeem an equal amount of such fi»etionaI 
currency, until the whole amount of such finctlonal 
currency outstanding shall be redeemed. 

&KC. 2. That 80 much of section three thousand five 
hundred and twenty -four of the Bevised Statutes of 
the United States as provides for a charge of one tttt 
of one per centum' for converting standai^ gold bullion 
into coin is hereby rei>ealed, and hereafter no charge 
shall be made for that service. 

Skc. 2. That section five thousand one hundred and 
seventy-seven of the Kevised Statutes of the United 
States, limiUug the abrogate amount of cironlating- 
' notes of national banking associations, be, and is 
hereby, repealed ; and each existing banking-associa- 
tion may increase its circulating notes in accordance 
with existing law without respect to said aggregate 
limit ; and new banking-associations nifty be oi:gan- 
ized in accordance with existing law without respect 
to said aggregate limit ; and the provisions of law for 
the withdrawal and redistribution of national-bank 
currency among the several States and Territories are 
hereby repealed. And whenever, and so often, as cir- 
culating-notes shall be issued to any such banking as- 
sociation, so increasing its capital or circulating-notes, 
or so newly organised as aforesaid, it shall be the du^ 
of the Secretai^ of the Treasury to redeem the legal- 
tender United States notes - in excess only of three 
hundred million of dollars, to the amount of eighty 
per centum of the sum of national-bank notes so issued 
to any such banking-association as idToresaid, and to 
continue such redemption as such circulating-notes 
are issued until there shall be outstanding the sum of 
three hundred million dollars of such legal-tender, 
United States notes, and no more. And on and after 
the first day of January, anno Domini eighteen hun- 
dred and seventy-nine, the Secretary of the Treasury , 
shall redeem, in coin, the United States legal-tender 
notes then outstanding on their presentation for re> 
demption. at the office of the assistant treasurer of the 
United States in the city of New York, in sums of not 
less than fifty dollars. And to enable the Secretary of 
the Treasury to prepare and provide for the redemp- 
tion in this act authorized or required, he is author- 
ized to use any surplus revenues, firom tiatko to time, 
in the TreasuxT not otherwise appropriated, and to 
issue, sell, and disiMse of, at not less than par, i& 
coin, either of the description of bonds of the United 
States described in the act of Congress approved ixdr ' 
fourteenth, eighteen hundred and seventy. entitML '. 
"An act to authorize the refunding of the nationu 
debt," with like qualities, privileges, and exemptionib : 
to the extent necessary to carty this act into full effect^ i 
and to use the proceeds thereof for the purpose ! 
aforesaid. And all provisions of law inoonaiBtenit with 
the provisions of this act axe hereby repealed* 

Vote in the Senate on Its passage— Etcit 
TOte for It a Republican TOte— Bverf 
Democrat against it. 

December 22 the hill was taken np» and 

passed by the following vote: 



OBEEMBACKS, ] 



Q OBBDIT AHD BESDUFTION. 



ni»-l[aMn. AlUaon, AaUumr, DoDtir 
ttc, Oliudkr, Ularton. CMglD. Kdmnnd 

Htmj, UowB. IzkgblU, Logfto. Homllof 1 
Ud. OHl»bj, HU<enaa. Fuui^ Pott. BamM 



'p^oo, 



, ^irif, Titnnis, Oold- 



TMc In the HODdc on I 
T«ten»rltaJ 
It. 



' Biery DeinocrKt 



In the Hoose, Jon. 7, 1975, the bill which 
hid been reported by Mr. Mtt^iuird. and mode 
■ ^eoiol order for that day, was token np and 
[■■Bed by the following Tote : 

Tsu~Mi^Mn. Albert. ATSrilt. Barber, Bunre, Bury. 
Bn^ UeUOle, Bivir. Bndlvy, H. C. Barchard, Bur- 
ld|li. BnirowH. K. k Bntler. Cklo, CuwnUr, Cuod. 
. Cm*, cmtteulou. ClaytoD, dementi. 6. A. Cobb. Oc» 
: ¥11, Culton, Oruoke. Crounse, Cartla, Duilard. Dob- 
I Mm, IMonan, Dnell. Eunes. Fvwell. J. C. fieemui. 
I Iijt, Oufldd. (Jauukcl. £. HUe. HanuDT, B. H. Bar- 
Aoa,]l>tbORi, J. B. Uiwley. Hayi, O. W, Kucltaa, 
■adae, HDd|{<i, Hooper, B»kliu, UDngbton. Ham. 
ttaHtz, Hjrneg. Khhid, EeUotti). KUlluger, I^mport, 
Tmliig, W. lawreiiee. Longhndge. Lowe. Lawudea, 
1 1. I^eh, Xutln. HKTnud, HcC^mr;, A. H. UrDUl, 
I V. KeDUl. MacDoiu^ HcKee. UcMulti, Ucrrimm, 
KniM, Kixn*, ISjat/S^ltif. CHelU, Orr. Orth. F>ck- 
■1 noker, Fagd B. O.P*naiia.VBUum.PeudlaUui,A. 
I.nke, T. C. Piatt. Polud, Fntt, PurauD, W. H. Bay, 
■MBODd, E. B. IMwita, J. W. Robinun.RnBk, BawTer, 
t & RulOT, Baddd, 1. W. Bcuddar. Scuer. I^Hiona. 
■aki. Bheati. K D. Sboeiiuker, W. B. ttnulL Bmui, 
i.B.Bmitb,B. B, Hmltb, J. A. Smitb. J. Q. BmltL, 
ftBSttB.BtBiuia.BtukweiiUier.St. jDhn,atrawbFldgs, 
nila. O. K. Ilumua, C. Y. Tbomaa. J, U. Tliomptoii. 
BR^Iinili. Todd, Tienudn, T;uor. Waldroc. A. B. 
Mkw<, f D.WBra.H.L. Ward. WlieelL'r, A. WMla, 
~ ■ " ', WUber, O. Willard, J. K. S. iVUHaloi 



MoU, Brvmttrg, J. Y. Brown. Buffinuton, J. H. (Told- 
aM,i.B. dark, Jr.. F. CUiike, n^mcr, Cointn^. Copk 



»n/Mk tfarndmi, B. B. B«f , Q. F. Bou, Helnan 
JMm, ZellH, JTiwini, £<nur, £a«inm. lAwion, 
bd, JfuH, ManAall, MeLm, MuaiKH, MiUi. Mor- 
kM, Jtaf JVunilA. iViMiKt. KUea. Jf . TT. Parkir. 1. C. 
~^-" -, J^ry. PlerM, BrumaU, Jiwrf, IF. M. Scbbiia. 
iBT. AMI, H. I. ScnddsT. Bberwood. Slou. W. 

!•% ■ — - - - 



■end, it. B. Von. 



, C, W. Wlllud. 



On the 14th Jantun-, 16TG, President Grant 
gpniTed the Bill, and signalized to the Senate 
■ kppxOTsl thereof in a apeoiBl message, ' ' be- 
■M of its great importonae to the country at 
ttn, and in order to anggeat fnrther legielo- 
vhich eeemi to me essential to moke this 



.Pnblio Credit Aot — as well ax for the other 
measui^e— deajffned to nurse and foster the 
greenbadi, to give it chucaoter and valae in 
oar own eyes and in the eyes of the woild, 
the Republican party is entitletl to the sole 
credit of originating, eniicting, and Carrying 
the name intoeffect. Kole, in tbe Public Credit 
Act. the words of the double pledge, intended 
to stiPugthen and maintain the value of (be 
greenback. The £iat pledge is that, some 
time or other, the greenbiick wiU be paid in 
I'oin, " or III t^mUfnl," The second pledge is, 
that "provision" ut the ■■eorliest pcucticable 
period shall be made foe its redemption. 
There is nothing whatever in these pledges to 
show the intention was to retire the green- 
bni'k whenever that " practicable period " 
Hbonld arrive. On the contisry, it was th» 
manifeet, palpable intention of these pledges 
— first to make tne greenback dollar as good 
as a gold or ailver collar, and, second, to let 
nil understand that the Government would 
pay a gold or silver dollar for the greenback 
dollar, jnst as soon as fliey could, provided 
anybody wanted A gold or silver dollar in 
place ofthe greenback dollar. There was cot 
the di^test intention to force a retirement of 
greenbaoke. 

The Bepabliean par^ conceived and ova- 
ted the Rreenback, and reared it to its present 
full and matoM atatnre, despite all the dis- 
eases which it had to encounter in its infancy 
and youth, and despite all the malignant de- 
vices and machinations with which the Democ- 
racy sought early and late to enfeeble, cripple, 
and destroy it. The Republican party was not 
likely " to go back " on that which had proven 
to he its best friend. 



tokiMMk Ibellre ontortbe rrecnbaek. 

December 10, 1873.— In the Senate, Mr. 
Hamilton, of Maryland (Democrat), proposed 
a new article in the Constitution, viz : 'Hiat 



PART IV. 

CiHithiuoiis and Desperate Efftorts 
of tbe Hotiae Democrats to 
Hamper and Prevent Resump- 
tion— Holuian's eUbrt to Repeal 
the Kesumptlon Act. 



In the House, Jannary 17, 1876, Mr. Eol- 
uan, of Indiana, moved a suspension of the 

-ules to enable him to snbmit the following: 



t oaimot too often be stated to tbe people ■ 
ton every question, from tbe Public Cre- 1 1 
Bill down, the Democrats in CoDgrcBs I ' 
tt voted to cripple the greenback in every ! ' 
Bible maimer, and that, especially as^ the ' i 



158 



OBBSKBAOKB, PUPLIC OBBDIT AND BB8UMPTION. 



atMeaiiya period m may be practicable, to report 
to the Hoiue a biU for that pnxpoee. 

The motion (requirmg two-thirds) was dis- 
agreed to by 112 yeas to 158 nays^ 90 not 
Toting. The yeas were nearly all Beimoocats, 
as f ollowB : 

Tkas— Meeav. Aintworfk, Axvemmok, Awhe, Atkim, J. 
H. Boffltjf, Jr., Blaekbum, BUmd, BUnmi, Boone, Brad- 
fnrd, Brij^ J. F. Brown, Buekner, Cabell, J. H. Cold- 
well, W. P, Oaldwetl, Caufbxxx. Canon, Caie, J. B. 
Clarke, J. B. Clark, Jr., Clymer, Cochrane, CoUtne, Cook, 
OowoH, Joseph J, Davit, DeBoU, DibrtU, Dobbins. Doug- 
Jae, Durham, Eden, Egbert, Evans. Faulkner, JPelton, For- 
ney, PranUm, FtUUr, Oaute, OUner, Qoode, Ooodin, Gun- 
ier, A. H. Hamilton, H. R, Harris, J. T, Harris, C. H. 
Harrison, Hartridge, Hartsdl, Hatcher, Haymond, Here- 
Jord, G. W. HewiU, Hill, Holman, Hopkins; House,Hunton, 
Jenkis, T. L. Jones, Kelley. £nott, F. Landen, B. B. 
Lewis, L. A, Mackay, McFarlamd, McMahon, MiUiken, 
Morgan, Neal, New, Oliver, J, Pkdps, J. F. PhUips, W. 
A. Pbillipe. Piper, Poppkton, D. Bea, J. Reilly, A. V. 
Bice, Riddle, W. M. Bobbins, C. B. Roberts, tf . 8. Bobln- 
«on. Savage, M, Sayler, Scales, Sheaktey, Siemens, W. E. 
JShnith, Southard, Sparks. Springer, Stenger, Stevenson, 
Stone, Terry, Tucker, Tumey, J. L. Vance, R. B. Vance 
Waddell,G. Z. Walker, Walling, Whitthome, J.D. Williams, 
J,N. WiUUms, Yates, C. Young^lll 

Hepnbllcan resolntian to facilitate resnnap- 
tloi. TOted down by Democrats. 

In the Hottse, Februaiy 14, 1876^ ^Mr. 
Sngene Hale offered the following reaoludon : 

Be it resolved by the House ofRepresenUUives in Congress 
asMonbled, That prompt measures should be taken by 
-such legislation as is needed to render effective the 
policy to a resumption of specie payments, by placing 
in the hands of the Secretary of the Treasury au 
necessary powers to carry out said objects, to the end 
that a sound and stable currency may be provided for 
the people. 

Whioh was disagreed to — ^yeas 85, nays 139 
(not voting 6$), as follows : 

TsAS^Mesars. C. H. Adams, Bagby, 6. A. Bagley, W. 
H. Baker, Ballou, Bass, S. N. BeU, Bhtine, Blair, EUss, 
Bradley, H. C. Burchard, Burleigh, Chittenden. Conger. 
«Crapo, Crounse, Darrall, Davy, Denison, Dunnell,,, 
Durand, Eames, Farwell, C. Freeman, IVost, Frye, Gar- ' 
Held, £. Hale, Haralson,. B. W. Harris, Hendae; Ifos- 
Jkins, Hubbell, Joyce, Easson, Kehr, Ketchum, Kimball, 
Xapham, W. Lawrence. Leavenworth, Lynch, Mc- 
Dougidl, McCrary. J. W. McDill,. Miller. Monroe, Nash, 
Morton, Packer. Page, Pierce, T. G. Piatt. A. Pottss, 
Powell, Pratt. Rainey, Busk, Sampson. Seelye. Sinici- 
«on, B. fimaUs. Strait, Stowell, Tarbox, Thomburgh, 
M. L Townsend, W. Townsend, Tufts. Van Yorhes, 
Waldron, A. S. Wallace, Wheeler, J. D. White, Whiting. 
a. Willard. A. Williams. A. S. WiUiams, C. G. Williams, 
W. B. Williams, Willis, J. Wilson, A. Wood, it., Wood- 
l>um — 85. 

Nats— Messrs. Ainsworlh, Ashe, 3. "B.. Baker, BamAam, 
Beehe, Blackburn, Bland, Blount, Boone, Bradford, 
Bright, J. Y. Browne, Buekner, S. D. Burchard, Cabell, 
J. H. Caldwell, W^ P. CaldweU, Camfbeix, Candler, 
Cason, Caie, Caulfield, J. B. Clarke, J. B. Clark, Jr., 
Collins, Cook, Cowan, Cox, Culberson, Cutler, Joseph J. 
Davis, DeA>Ht Dibtem Douglas^ Durtwtm, itden^ Sgb&rti 
EUis, Kvans, Fd$on, Forney^ .Fort,- Praqkii», Fuller, 
Gause, Gl<her. Goode, Goodin, Gunter, Hancock, Harden- 
ienigh, M.A,ftfirn9iJfT. ir4rri^j9^fi.'<Ht¥ri9«V„mrt- 
rio^e, Hartfell, flaymond, Henkle, Hereford, A. S. Hewitt, 
0. W.*Hewitt* HiM, ffohnnn, iSboker, Hopkins. House, 
Hunter, Hunton, Hnrd,- KffMm,, F^Jfnt^. n L. Joifes, 
Selley, Knott, Lamar, F. Landers, G. M. Landers, 
Lynde, L. A. Mackey, McFarland, McMahon, Meade, 
Metcalf, Milliken, Money, Morgan, Morrison, Mutchler, 
Neal, New, O'Brien, Oliver, E. Y. Parsons, Payne, J. 
Phelps, J. F, PkiUps, W. A. PhilUps, Piper, Poppletmt, 
RastdaU, D. 220a— 139. 

JUiotlier Democratte yote asalast rcdemp- 

tiaa, etc. 

In the House, March 20, 1876, Mr. Atkins 
moved to suspend the rules and pass the fol- 
lowing bill: 



Be ii enacted, etc.. That all the proTisions of the aet 
entitled "An Act to provide for the remmpttpnof 
specie payment," approred Jannajy U, 187lC whidi 
authorise the Secretary of the Treasury to redeemor 
cancel United Btatee notea and to sell United Statas 
bonds for the accomplishment of that pupoae be, and 
thwsaine axe hereby^ vepealed. 

The motion was disagreed to (two thirds 
needed) by 110 yeas to^ 108 nays, 71 not vot- 
ing, most of the Democrats voted yea» while 
the nays were mainly Bepublicans. Ihe 
yeas were as follows: « 

Yeas— Messrs. Ainsworth, Ahsxbsozi, Ashe, AOdns, 
J. H. Baker, Banning, BU»ekbum, Bland, Blount, Boone, 
Bradford, Bright, J. Y. Brown, S. D. Buardhard, Cabell, 
J. H. CaldweU, W. P. Caldwell, Campbbix, Cannon, 
Cate, CaulfUUL, J. B. Clarke, J. B. Clark, Jr.. Clymer, 
Cochrane, Cook, Cowan, DeBoU, Dibrell, Douglas, Dur- 
ham, Eden, Egbert, EUis, Evans, Faulkner, Forney, Vati, 
Franklin, Fuller, Goode, Goodin, Gunter, A. H. Hamil- 
Um, H. R. Harris, J. T. Harris, C. H. Harrison, Hart- 
ridge, HartzeU, Haynumd, Hays Hereford, G. W, HewiU, 
Holman, HojAins, House, Hunter, Hunton, Hurd, 
Hyman. Jenks, T, L- Jones. Kelly, Knott, F. Landers, B. 
B. Leufis, Lynde, McFarland, McMahon, Milliken, Mor- 
gan, Neal, New, Oliver, J. Phelps, J. F. PhUips, W. A 
Phillips, PoppUUm, D, Rea. J. Reilly, J. B. ReiUy, A. V. 
Rice, Riddle, H. M. Robbins, H. S. Bobinson. Savage, 
M. Sayler, Scales, Sheakley, W. E. Smith, Southard, 
Sparks, Springer, Stevenson; Stone, Terry, Tucker, Yan 
Vorhes, J, L. Vance, R. B. Vance, WaddeU, O. C. Walker, 
J. W. Wallace. E. WeUs, Whitthome, J, D. WiUiams, J. 
N. WiUiams, Woodworth, Yates, C. Young^llO. 

Holman makes another ein>rt,1nit Beimb- 
licana votes heat him. 

May 1, 1876, Mr. Holman moved that the 
rules be suspended so as to enable him to in- 
troduce, and the House to pass a bill to re- 
peal so much of the act entitled ** An Act to 
provide for the resumption of specie pay- 
ments," iapproved January li, 1875, as au- 
thorizes the Secretary of the Treasury of the 
United States to redeem and cancel United 
States notes and to issue and sell United 
States bonds for the accomplishment of that 
purpose. 

The motion was disagreed to (two4hirds 
needed) by 115 yeas to 111 nays, the Demo- 
crats almost soUdly voting "yea," and the 
Bepublicans "nay. 

Still another Democratle stah at resump- 
tion. 

July 10, 1876, Mr. Holman moved to sus- 
pend the rules and pass the following resolu- 
tion: 

Resolved, That the Committee on Banking and Cur- 
rency, be. and they are hereby, instructed to report to 
the House the following bill, and that the same be 
made the. special order for Thursday next jafter the 
morning 'hour, and be opeii for consid^raaon and 
aent. to wit: 

A bill relating to the currency. 

Be it enacted, etc, That so much of the act entitted 
" An Act to provide for the resumption of specie pay- 
ments," approved Januaoy 14. 1875, as authorized the 
Secretary 4>f the Treasury to -redeem in coin United 
States notes be, and the same is hereby repealed. 

The motion was disagreed to (two thirds 
needed) by 105 yeas to % nays— ^ not voting 
^ihe Democrats voting almost adlieUy ••yea,* 
and tbe Repvbtioans '*aay." 

And yet another. 

July 17, 1876, Mr. Springer moved "to 
suspend the rules and pass a resolation in- 
structing the Committee on Banking and Cur- 



OBBBHBA0K8, PUBLIC ORBDrT AND BKBUKFTIOir. 159 

MkOT to report fa>-mom>v a bill to repeal the dent that nothing oonld be done \tj the Senate 
--■^ .: — -i i .. 1- -ittiiat Beeaiou. As CoogTera will not ni«et 



Mt faz the rsBomptioD of apeoie payment, t 

be open tor amendment." again nntil after the date "Dxed in the bill, of 

The motion wag disagreed to (two^hirds conise the meaaoTe is dead. It was a sharp 

naadad),b7lO!lye«atoV3na7B— theDemocratB triok ta "fool" the people ; bnt not eharp 

Toting almost oolidlj "yea "and the Bepnb- anongh to mtike them believe that the life-hing 

lieana "nay." enemy of the grtienback had really and nn- 

mn 1. kiM I - « J rianu^Tkr hill <»rely become ita friend all at once. 

^^il^T^^^SS^t^^ ^" E"'°« Anti-B«.nmption Honae bill, 

c . «^ V a!? 7_ iI^T" ■» " amended, h«Ting gone to the Senate, that 

Ang.5.1876,]lb^Coi. &om the Committee Republican body oiJnne 13th, 1878, amended 

T ?"^,^ '^ Cnrrenoy. reported the fol- ^^ ^,^ j^^ ^ y^j it read ae follows : 

Jowina bill: _ 

• i.<n 1.. ■.,..1 •>.. _„™rrf.„„ j.„ ..i...iu. i„ iho ™ ■' wk™. <<«-. Til** ftom Hud after lbs piuaKe 

™SS^™3^1?1 ^ "^ o(lt,l.KlUoltodBt.t«not«i.h*Ubi. ™™lviW8lEB 

UTft, AlBb clanM U bi tha wonlii (oUoniag, to wit: ™ unpora. 

•.2£«?^cf'3^ ^w'^,S.u'iS2S^-"cI!i S: " '^o »«»«J«f wanted an opportnnitT to 

XwSaSl^jiri tanSiioii^SrouWtuidiiigoo show love for the greenback, here waa their 

VMx 111 iiiiiili Hull fm ndemptlon at tba ol&eeoiaifi chanoe, for bare waa a meaaure expreaalj de- 

—Mint tnamet of tba Cnited Stataa In the olty ot signed by the Bepnblicana to increase the 

t_^i . . -. f~^ , , . which meaaare, had the Democratic House 

A anbatitnte to provide for a commisaion to „^ ^^Ued it, wonld have brought greenbacks 

ooQBder the reenmption of specie payment^ fnlly up to par with gold and silver 

r?'J!'.'*^?;.'"™^^^JTj*^ ."T- Jine 18.^.Foit Bepublican, moved to 

the biU. as then parted bv 16C 7=" to gb nays .n^^p^d the mlee and concur in the above 

—the Democrats volmg almoBteohdly -yea, SeiitB amendment. 

^UieBepnblicana "naj. The Democrat. ^he Democratio Honse nfmtd to ampend 

T«ting"yoa werft as lollowa; the rules and concur by 1« yeas to 112 ™ 

J!fn^ illJflT'i' /'Si_°";:"iB' f^:^?^ — » two-thirda vote being needed. Only 34 

V^'^i,^6J,.Ei^:J^Ji"iTc^rl:. Demo<^ts voted yea^w^eW of them voted 

J^., Clymrr. COiume. OoUmi. Cook. Con. DOrtU. nay. Following la the vote in full ; 
J)»ltfai, ihiTliam, Etat, FiaUlattr. mion, Fniirt. Ibr- 



~ ' f, MoM, McFarlaaa, MeJtatum. U^li 



YlM—HagBH. Actim, Aldilcli. Buod. O. A, BielB;, 

, Jliriford. Hal. t- " "'" " " " """ " """'" "-■--" '"■-- 

JiuMan, 



., ... „ Bakor. BtmJu. BictawH.BiBbee, 

Boyd. BreDtuLO. Brewer, Srvtofj.BrLggi 
- ■ ■■ A. Cut 



CuweU, ci&flia. 'b. CWk, C^- 
ig, Deoi* 
Futlir, Ob 



"itna a, CWJ<T. Duiford, U.DliVU, Deerlng, DcBi _ 
Duimell. Dwight. Bdm. BuJchoff.Blsworai. Enett, J. 
L.ETUm, Fort.Fo»tor, Freeniin, Ftjb, JW/ir, Oanl 
iier. Gibm. tfiddn^. Cimlt. Hals. .J. B. " 



Tbu bill was not acted upon in the Senate. La^hun. Ltthm;, Liud»y, LuiLdh, LultrtU. Uuih, 
Jroyhni, HeOowaD, UcKiols;, L. ST Hetulle. Ultch- 

to, MorriMim, JliJUr. H. S. Seti, " 

Orerloo, F^, Q. W. Pattenon. 7.^. 

P A TtT V '^ ntipt, W. A. PhUUpa, PoUaid, Foiiud. Powera. 

r A.XV 1 > ■ Price, Pagh. BiineT. Buidolph, AufDn, Beed, W. W. 

> Blca, BobtTii, Q. D. BoblDua. Ryaa, Suopsou. Sipp. 

A DMnocraOc Trich at Oie End S^!^55^5'^«a'tf'?°i'^?^^^^ 

•T » Session — A Vote that sXpion. -^ ■ - - - - ■ - ^ ■- 

Amonnfii to Kotlilng; - A Pre- 1^;,^'^ 

Tloin Vote where the Demo- — ito 

j_ __ — - . « j._* *k~ ».._ H*i»— Me«r«, jtiJan. .ittim, Bmmdiff, i/. P, 1... 

crMS Kennea to Aaopt tne He- BuuUmm. Buir, junni. shuk, bdki, Bmgg. btum, 

•.Mlaui segue-. Pro^tfcm S^,fiSS."T-/- iLm.llX: r"- 

_ ■■■_ «»_ r<.M(n_.a n>i*lAa _ 'rhn <«•*". DaciOton, J. J. Davit, i)giiii, ZWfirjJI, iMc&ii. 1 

VoCn hi FnlL fettm, X. £. f^nlty. Amn. Fnmil-in, Oarflsld. Oarlh. 

""^ (iaue. BaTdabtrak, H. S. i/orrii, J. T. Uarru. Ub" 

Afi«r warting many yalnable months, on iiaririige, HarlmU. BsiUe, Henry. A. S. Bivia, a. 

- mh June. 1878, in the last hours of the Bco^l. B^bert. H<^. Hntt. Hungertord, J. T. 

oose went through the motions ,,„^,, ^^j^, Kowini,. ifcoooTjfciTnBife. JTeiratot. 

bill, offered by Mr. Sonthard, *uit, Monroe. JTo-v™. MBni.Bidilnw.OT!ltlll.e.JT. 

■OTidins that • on and aft^r the first day of /wier, j'Tidemort, Rta. J. B. StOh. a. F. sux. Siddle. 

Mobei. V D. 1878, legal tender notea of the ^ *- ^^i^' '^'- £^iS°%^^-l^ 

- • "■ ■ ihaU be received at par in pay- springer, 'sieclc, sifkeia, nrodtawUm. S. fr.tswZ- 

BlHdnties," when it wasguifcnl- >,nd. Tumtr. Tumet.S. B. Yana, WoMOl, ~ ■ — 



160 



GREENBACKS, PUBLIC CREDIT AND RESUMPTION. 




"Ward, Warner, WhitOiome. J. Williams, B. l^iUiAms, 
A. S. WiOa. B. A. WmU, A. WxUtm, Young.—m, 

Another Demoieratlc Tote avAtnst the Re- 
poblican ttreenhiiclir-ABaliMt its heins 
reoelirable for cnstmiu, aail In favor oC 
canceUny and retiring it— Treasury or«er 
on the 8u1i||ect. 

November 2, 1877— Mr. Hnbbell, Kepnbli- 
can, moved to strike out the enacting clause 
of the Ewing Honse biU — which sought to re- 
peal the third section of the Resumption Act 
—and insert the following: 

•«That 00 mnch of section 3 of an act to provide for 
resumption of specie payments, approved January 14, 
1875, as provides for the redemption in coin, by the 
United States, of nU legal>tender notes outstanding on 
the first day of January, 1879, embraced in the clause 
of said section of said a^t, in the language following, 
to wit: ' And on and after the 1st day of January, 
A. D., 1879, the Secretary of the Treasury shall redeem 
in coin the United States legal-tender notes then out- 
standing, on their presentation for redemption at the 
office of the Assistant Treasurer of the United States, 
in the city of New York, in sums of not lees than $50,' 
shall be so construed as not to aathoriseor require 
the Secretary of the Treasury to <etire and canoel said 
notes, redeemed afl aforesaid, but to authorise and re- 
quire said Secretary to deposit said notes in the Treas- 
ury of the United States, wheremtmn said notes shall 
be paid out* at par value, in discharge of all claims 
and demands against the United States, or in exchange 
for coin : and said notes shall* as heretofore, continue 
to be a legal tender, and on and after January 1, 1879, 
shall be receiveable. ai their face value, In payment 
of all dues to the Oovenunent, and for all debts, ex- 
cept where coin payment is stipulated by contxuct or 
statute ; and all provisions of law in conflict with this 
act are hereby repealed. 

This was defeated by 90 yeas to 168 nays — 

only six Democrats voting for it, and only 

'■ thirty Bepublicans voting against it. The 

following is the vote in detail ; 

Teas— Messrs. Al^lrich, Bacon, G. A. Bagley. W. H. 
Baker, Ballon. Banks' Bisbee. Boyd, Brentano. Brewer, 
Brlffgs. H. C. Burchard, Burdick. Camp, J. M. Campbell, 
Claflin, R. Clark, Cole, Conger. J. D. Cox. Crapo, Cam- 
mings, Panford, H. Pavis. Deeilng. Dennison, l)unnell, 
Dwight. Eames. Ellsworth. I. N. Evans. Foster, Free- 
man. Frye, Oarfleld, Hale, Harmer. B. W. Harris, Hen- 
dee. Henderson, Hubbell. H. L. Humphrey. Hunger- 
ford. Ittner. James. F. Jones, J. 8. Jones. Jorgensen. 
Keightley, G. M. Landers, Ijapham. Lindsey, Loektoood, 
Loring, Lvttreli, HcOowan, McKinley. L. S. Met- 
calfe. Monroe. Moru, l^orcross, O'Neill. Overton, 
Pachecho, G. W. Patterson, Peddle, Pound, Powers, 
Price, Pugh, Beed, W. W. Bice, O. D. Robinson. Samp- 
son. Shallenbeiger. Slnnickson. Stewart. J. W. Stone. 
A Townsend. Wait, Watson, Welch, H. White. A. S. 
WiUiams, A WUliams. C. G. Williams. B. Williams, 
Wlllits, Wren— 90. 

Nats— Messrs. AUomm, J. H. Baker. Banning, Bayne. 
Beebe, H. P. Bell, Blackburn, Bland, Boone, Bragg, Broe- 
den.ST. M. Browne. Buekner, Cabell, Gain, J. W. CaldweU, 
W. P. CaldweU, Calkins. Cannon. Carlisle, Chalmers, A. 
A. Clark, J. B. Clarke, J. B. Clark, Jr., Clymer, Cobb, 
CoHlint, Cook, Covert, Cravens, Crittenden, Culberson, 
CuUer, lkwidson,J. J, Davis, Dibrell, J>ickey, Douglas, 
Durham, Eden, Eiekkoff, Slam, Errett, J. B. Evins, Ew- 
ing, fWon. E. B. Finley, Forney, Fort, Franklin, Fuller, 
Gardner, Garth, Gibson, Giddings, Glover, Goode, Gunter, 

/ A. HrHdmilion, Hanna, Hardenbergh, B, R. Barris, J. 
T. Barris, Barrison, Bart, Bartridge, BartseU, Haskell. 
Baleher, P. 0. Hayes, Benkle, Benry, Berbert, A. S, Bew- 

' itt, G. W. BewUt, Booker, Bouse, Hunter. BwUon, J. T, 
Jones, Joyce, Kelley, Kenna, Killinger. Simmel, Knapp, 
Knott, Lathro|^ Leonard, Liaon, Mackey,Jiaish, Manning, 
Marsh. Martin, Mayham, McCook. McKenxie, McMahon, 
MiUs, Money, Morgan, Morrison, Muldrow, Mutter, Oliver, 
Phelps, W. A. Phillips, C. N. Potter, Pridemore, Bainy, 
Randolph, Rea, Reagan, J. B. Reilly, A, F. Rice, Riddle, 
W. M. Bobbins, Roberts, Robertson, M. S. Bobinsop. if. 
Ross, Ryan, Sapp. SayUr, Scales, Shelley,, Singleton, Sie- 
mens, W. E, Smith, Sparks, Springer, Steele, Stenger, 



Stephen*, Swann, J. M. Thompson, T%reemor/<m. Tipton, 
R. W. Toumskend, Tucker, Turner, Tumey R. B. Voaux, 
Van Yorhes, WaddiU, Walsh, Warner, M. D. WUte. 
WkiWmnie,J, N, WilUtms, A. S, W-dLis, B. A. WiOis, 
B, WUstm, F. Wood, Wright, J^eates, romi^--158. 

At a sab8e<}iient period, Secretary Sherman 
gave instractions to his snbordinateia to receive 
greenbacks for custom dues. 

Another jBepnhll«m ogieafiure veto throaeli 

both Houses. 

April 29, 1878, Mr. Fort, Bepnblioan, intro- 
duced the following bill, which passed both 
Houses, and is now law, prohibiting any 
further retireme'ht of the Bepublican green- 
back: 

" Be it enacted, etc.. That ITom and after the passage 
of this act it shall not be lawful for the Secretary of 
the Treasury or other officer under him to canoel or 
retire any more of the United States legal-tender notes. 
And when any of said notes mav' be redeemed or be 
received into the Treasurv under any law from any 
source whatever, and shaU belong to the tTnlted States, 
they shall not be retired, canceled or destroyed, but 
they shall be reissued and i>aid out agaitt and kept in 
circulation : Provided, That nothing herein shall pro- 
hibit the cancellation and destruction of mutilated 
notes and the issue of other notes of like denomina- 
tion in their stead, as now provided by law. All acts 
and porta of acta in conflict herewith are hereby VS' 
pealed. 

The tenHloUar certlfleates of deposit- 
Democratic opposition to them— Another 
Tote. 

January 15, 1879, the following bill was be- 
fore the House : 

" Be it enacted, ete„ That the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury is hereby authorixed and directed to issue, in ex- 
change for lawful money of the United States that 
may be presented for such exchange, certificates of 
deposit, of the denomination of ten dollars, bearing in- 
terest at the rate of three per cent, per annum, and 
convertible at any time, with accrued interest, into the 
four per cent, bonds described in the refunding act ; 
and the money so received shall be applied only to the 
payment of the 6-20 bonds in the mode prescribed by 
said act, and he is authorised to prescribe suitaue 
rules and regulatiozm in conformity with this act. 

Upon the passage of this bill (whioh, as 
subsequently amended in the Senate, so as to 
appl^ the funds to payment of any bonds 
bearing interest of not less that 6 per cent., is 
now law) the vote was: 

Teas— Messrs. W. Aldrich. Bacon. Bagley, Ballon, 
Banks. Bayne, Blair. Bliss, Brewer. Br%dge^, Briggs, 
Biogde*. Browne, .^uafciKr, SuiidaL Bnr^fbaivU Bur* 
dfck. Gain, W. P. CaldweU, Ckmp, CtonplMll. Candler, 
Caainon, Ghlttanden. CBaflin. B. daiii, Clymer, QM, 
CoUins, Conger. Covert, Cravpns, Cununings, CutUr, 
I)anford> H. Davis, J, J. Davit, Deering. DeiMMm. Dta- 
nell, £amee^ J. I«. EsrvoM, Fork, £^osti^. O^eU. GoriA. 
Gibson, Gunter, Hale, Bamitton. Hanna. Batchir, fiayes. 
Hazelton, fienderson. Hunter, Htonph^. Hnngv- 
ford. James. J. S. Jones, Joyce. Keightley, Ketcbam, 
KiHlnger, Kimmtl, Landers, liSpham, Lathrop, Lind- 
sey. LuU»reU, Lynde, if«M. Jlanh. McOMik, fietcalfe, 
Mitcb^ Monroe, Keal, Korcross, O'NelU, Overton, 
Page; #. W. Pattenon. Peddle, W. A.'PUmtw, Vound, 
Price. Rainey, Randolph. Rea, tad, A. .V, Rm, Rsb- 
bins, C. D. Robinson. Sampson, Sapp, Sayler, fieztbn, 
ShaUenberger, Sinnickson, SmaUa, A. H. Smith. Starin: 
Stewart. A. Townsend, Jiuker, Tumey, Ward, H. 
White. M. D. White, A. Williams. C. G. WUliams, J. 
WiUiams, B. A. Willie, Wlllits, F. Wood, Wrigki-^in. 

Nats— Messrs. AckletK Aiken, Atkins, Benedict, Bick- 
nell, Blackburn, Blount, Boone, Bragg, Bright, J, W. 
Caldwell, Culberson, Dean, Diorell, Durham, Eden, 
Erret, J. B. Evins, Felton, Forney, Franklin, Goode, 
Bardenbetgr B, R, Barris, J. T. Barris, Beurt, BartuU, 
Benkle, Benry, A. S. BewUt, G. W, Bewiit, Berbert, 
Bouse, Ittner, F. Jones, Keliey. Kenna, Knapp, Knott, 



QREEHBAOKS, PDBLIO OKEDIT AND BE8UHPTI0M. 161 

Ligen, Maeifj. H. F. Martin, UcOowui. McMakon. i Wfc>t VKlUUMUSham, Democrat, Of Ohio, 
Muil. MBiriunt, Hone. Muldroiii, T. M. MiUrtm. Pridt- ^-f^ 

wmn. Rtaaan. BolmU, Oau. (I. «. SitficUin. Slntant, »-■■■■ 

SmUarrf.Sprttwer.^lBfc.atnili, Tlploa, ii. ir. TObib- I In a Bpeecli. February 3, 1862, Mr. Vii^ 
lUfMi, T. TMmtr, Vance. L. Warner. IKAifWerw, Wig- ..vummiir oniil- 

y«oV-TO. I "Sir. if 11 were atty-fgW » cmmlKdUonil m. In mj 

Thna, while 85 RepublicanB Toted for, and audiiiSorT«utio'tSepnuci'uiM"imd"Bi)uiloi"tli»t in- 
only 5 against it, oaly 32 Democrats voted .irumBot, it could uui cummiud mf BUppurt. I will 
tor, to cS Demociais who voted against it ; not renew tlio ilisem. ion of tue iiuwtiou of coniiitu- 
Repnblicana tot it. IT to 1 : Democrats agaiiiBt ''""' i"*'''' " '^° uoyemmeut pspor ur wij- oUier 



PART VI. 
Democratic Hatred Pnmues Uie 
Uepubllcan Ureenback eveu 
into tbe Supreme Court— Dem- 
ocratic JiutlceR hold the IieKal- 
Teoder Act (luconstitutlonal — 
Republlcau Justices bold other- . (lou.uuu.i 



As a further illustration of the impregnable 
positioD, that while the Democratic party has 
«TeT b^n the enemy of the greenback, the 
Bepoblican party has ever been its best and 
only friend, it may be well to recall the fact 
that in the famona case of Hepbum'vs. Qris- 
mild. involving the constitntionality of the 
legal'tendcr clanae. as relates to contracts 
made prior to its adoption, the D.mooratic 
Sapreme Court judges— Chief JuEtica Chase, 
and Associate Justices Nelson ClifTord. (Met 
and Field — decided that the legal'tender act 
"is inconsistent with the spirit of 'he Const'- 
tution; and that it is prahibited by the Con- 
stitution;" while the Itepablicon judgee — 
Ifiller, Kwayne and Davis — dissented, and 
held the "verv decided opinion that '' jnp-esa 
■oted within the scope of its authcaity," and 
declared, in their opinion, "the law to be 
oonstitntiona]. " That is known as the legal- 
tender decision of 1869— and was not made 
by a full court- Subsequently, with a full 
bench, the Bupreme Court made, in the cases 
of Knoi vs. Lee and Parker vs. Davis, what is 
known as tbe legal-tender decision of 1871 — 
t^e Republican justices, forming a majority 
of the oourt, holding the legal-lender ' ' acts of 
CoDgreeB constitotional. as applied to con- 
baetB made eithdr before or alter their pas- 



JiU Lll, dl^ 



3Ir, Powell, Democrat, at Kenti^k)', said : 

"Id m; ^udfimQDt the bill Li plainly ud paJpabl; vlo- 






Hepbnm 
jn^t< 
tioMNeli 



PAET VIL 
Utterances oT Democratic dead- 
cm In Congress Declaring; tbe 
Greenback Unconstitutional. 

The Democratic leaders, besides votmg 
against the Republican greenback, worked 
against it and talked in Congress against it 
with tdl their might — taking the ground that 
it vraii nnoonstitutioual to issue such money. 
Here is what some of them said on this point: 



ttenator James A. Baymrd, nemocrat, of 
Delaware, Frbruarr 13, ISSX, sala : 

"Tha thing, to mf mind. iBsopklpAble a violation of 

joWlca la the conulry. hnln({ t, docent remtrd to Its 
ovnTespectabilily. Tou can possibly eipecUbat thli 
lilU whlcll you iiow jmaa wlllnol. whenever the qu«- 
tlm lapreBenteiLJndleiblly. nceivs Its concleinnation 
u unKnuUtnlloiml and void Id iMb clause." 



WlUard Sanlaburr, Democrat, of 
Delaware, xaM, Februarr is, ISSS : 

Itutlonal. in m; oplnloB. that 



PAET vm. 

Notes, etc, fHitstandinff fbr each 
year from I860 to I880— Cur- 
rency Totu Is- Value ofCurrency 
Totals hi Oold -Valac ot Paper 
Dollar l3 Gold each year to Par' 
The following table prepared by the Treas- 
ury Department vdll furnish most interesting 
food for reflection to the BepnbUcatn and 
Greenback political student: 



BLDMDEBINO DEMOOBATIC FINANCIAL ADHINI8TBATION. 



163 



CHAPTER XYIII. 

Blundering Democratic Financial Administration. 



"B^orm U necessary to * * 
National Democraiio Platform, 1876. 

PART I. 



A nOstory of Democratic Admin 
istration — lllisiitaniigciitent of 
FinancM fVom 1830 to 1848— 
A Constant Succession of Deli- 
eiencies and Issues or Treasury 
JVotes and Bonds to meet them 
-Growiii or the Public Debt, 
etc 

In contrast with the wise, honest, and bril- 
liant financial history of the Bepublican 
party, it is only necessary to glance back at 
the blunders, if not crimes, of past Democratic 
administration from the days of Jackson 
dowli, to be convinced that the business man 
cannot trust the Democratic partjr. The fol- 
lowing authentic review (comprisinff Parts I. 
and if.) was prepared at the U. S. Ireasury : 

*" Flush times" of 1S96— The debt extln- 
vutolied-^nrplus In the Trettsnry. 

In the year 1836 the United States was, for 
the first time in the history of the country, 
practically out of debt. The Secretary of the 
l^^asury, in his report to Congress, dated De- 
<«mber 8, 1835, estmiated the amount of the 
public debt stiU outstanding at $328 582.10, 
and this remained unpaid solely because its 
payment had not been demanded, ample 
fonds to meet it having been deposited with 
the Bank of the United States m commissioner 
of loons doriiag the preceding y^ax. At the 
same time the estinuiies of the receipts and 
eraenditures presented showed the proba- 
bility of a suriuus in the Treasury, at the close 
of thejrear 1836, of at least $14,000,000^ and 
this estimate was really, as events showed, fax 
below the truth. 

In this favorable state of the public finaaoes 
"Congress resolved to deposit aU the surplus 
i-eyenue pver $5,000,000 with the sevezal 
•States, and provided the method by which it 
should be deposited in ihur instalments under 
the act approved June 23, 18«i6. 

Panic of 1837— ^pecle paymeiits suspendeil 
—Tlie wheels of (ioveriimeat almost 
blocked. 

In 1837, however, the condition of the coun- 
try had changed. The- " flu>«h " times of 1 835 
and 1836, had be>en succeeded by unprece- 
<lented depression and panic. By the m&nth 
of May most of ithe banks had suspended 
.specie payments. The receipts from the sales 



restore (Tie public credit, and maintain (he national honor. ^^-^ 



of public lands and duties on the large im- 
portations of foreign ^oods, which had helped 
to swell the balance in the Treasury to over 
$42,0u0^000, had fallen, off enormously. Even 
on the goods that were already imported it 
was exceedingly difficult to collect the duties 
at all, AS the law required them to be paid in 
specie, and specie was hard to obtain; and it 
had not only become impossible to pay the 
fourth instalment of the surplus at the end of 
1836 to the several States, but even to meet 
the current expenses of the Government from 
its ordinary revenues. 



A deflclt ofW»— » O SS Issue of $!•,< 
••• six-per-cent. Treasury notes— C^reater 
economy proposed. 

Secretary Woodbur^r therefore suggested 
that contingent authority be given the Presi- 
dent to issue Treasury notes bearing interest 
at six per cent. A bill for this purpose was 
introduced in the House of Representatives 
September 13, which, after a len^hened de- 
bate, passed that body, and, passing the Sen- 
ate, became a law. The bill was supported 
on several grounds. One was that the issue 
of Treasury notes was absolutely necessary, 
there being already a deficit of $2,000,000, 
which promised to largely increase should the 
then condition of the country continue ; and 
another was that so large an increasje of the 
circulating medium would tend to alleviate 
the prevailing distress. The principle of the 
bin Wf» opposed, however, by those who 
thought that greater ecoAottiy in expenditures 
wouH tend to relieve the Treasury, while 
others denounce^ it as an attempt "to start a 
Treasury bank." 

The bill passed the House by a small ma- 
jority, but in the Senate there were only six 
votes against it ; , and it was approved October 
12, 1837. The President was authorized to 
cause the issu^ of Treasury notes in such 
sums as the exigeQcies of the Crovemment 
might demand (not to exceed in the aggregate 
$10,000,000), of various denominations, not 
let8tlifein*$50,'i«deemable dneiyear after date, 
bearing interest fn»m th^p' respective dates 
for the term of. one year at grates to be fixed by 
the Secretary of the Treasury, . but not to. ex- 
ceed 6 per centl Tliey were .to be issued in 
payment of debts due by the United States 
to such pubUc creditors or other persons as 
chose to receive them in payment at their par 
value ; were to be transferable by delivery 
and assignment indorsed on them, and were 
to be received in pay|uent of all duties and 
I taxes laid by the United States, for all public 



BLITNDEKINQ DEUOOKATIC FINANCIAL ADMIN ISTKATION. 



lands sold by tlie Baid antbority, luid of all : 
debts by the UnitL'd StateH ; crciiit tobe given 
for tbe inti^reKt due on the nolua ut the time , 
of p3.yiuaiit. The SeoretsTy of the TreasQiy I 
woa authorized to borrow, on the credit oi (lie , 
notes, nt not below prtr, such Bums as the 
Preeijcnt might deem expedient. 

1838 l'nava:iahle balancen— ConnictlnK 

HtMtemenli — "Cinvrmmrnt niaitt iitap In 
» few day* " If But relieved. 

The state of the conntry and of the public 
finances woh no more fuvoi-uble at ita close of 
tbe year 1837 thim it bad beun at its begin- 
ning. There van in tbe Treasury January 1, 
ISJH, au apparent bfdanco of over KM, 000, UOO. 
but of this amount tbe lirgest portion van 
unavailable. It conKisted of the amount de- 
posited with thi! xeveml hti\teB, S'28, 101, 644.97 ; 
of money belon^pog to tbe (government de- 
posited 'A'ith BiiRpendeJ or insolvent bankB ; 
of amonnls dne from merchants or bonds 
given for duties on imjiurtH, difficult or im- 
possiblo to collect : nntl of vorioua other items 
^Sgi^goting, HO large an amount that the Sec- 
retary of tue TrenKury entiiuated the available 
balance at the clo.ie of the year at only 
SI, US 393. It ia probable that even this CHti- 
mate wuh too Ini^^e, as President \ un Buren 
informed Congresn in &Iuy, 183H, that the 
available means in the Treuitury amotuited to 
about S'21(>,000, with large demands auspen- 
ded in the depar^meots awaiting payments 
from appropriations yet to be made by Con- 
grcRS, and ttuit tbe Qovemment must atop in 
a few diiya if provision wus not m>ide to 
carry it on. The dues to tbe Government 
being largely paid in the Treannry notea of 
1S37, which the Depnrtment was forbidden 
to reiHsue, the revenue wna almost nothing, 
and it became ueeessaiy to piovide additional 



Farther relief slTen— Anotbcr laaiu of 
Treannry notcit- 

Tbe act of Hov 31, 1838, anthorized the 
Secretnry of the Treaanry, with tbe approba- 
tion of the President, to cause Treasury ooteH 
to be iKHued, according to the provisions of, 
an t Rabje<:t to all the conditions, limitations 
and reEttrietioDH contained in (be net of Octo- 
ber 13, 1S37, in pLice <i Bu.h notes ^ bad 
been or might be iaRued under that act and 
Bflprward paid into the TreBsniy and can- 



Tbe act of March SI, 183B, onthorizing a 
further isaue on similar conditions, waa passed 
at the instance of the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, wlio informed the House that it would 
still be impoHHible to meet tbe demands upon 
the Treaaary without it. 



might be 
notea in lieu of tb 
be redeemed, but 
of notes outstandi 



" eittbamuiaiiieiit "— Anotber 
iMue to relieve It. 

President Van nan>n in a special meaaage, 
dated FebruAry 17, ItMO, informed CongreHs luaiti>dau(u,iutb^c theTrsuurj wiu. 



that, although the mennFi of the Treasnry for 
tbe whole year would prububly be equal to 
the expKQdilurea, yet thu Depiii-tment might, 
notHithstnnding.be unable tu meet theelaima 
□ j>on it vhtn tbt'y foil due, bet'nuae the 
i:irgeat proportion of the chargea ii{>on the 
Trea'jurj', including tlie payment of pensions 
and the redemption uf f /eaanry notes, be- 
come due in the early part of the year, whQe 
the resources on which it might otherwise rely 
woulil moHtly be Dnavailalue until the last 
half of the year, and a portion, being debts 
due Irom banks, might not be punctually 

The »rt of March 31, 1840, was passed to 
remedy this inoonvenianoe, although strem- 
□ously opposed as unoonstitntioQAl uid un- 
necessary, the Hou.'^e of Bepresentatives being 
in session at one time for twenty-Cve honrs 
on the bill. It renewed the provislona of the 
act of October Id, 1837, except «» to the 
ot of notes and the time in which they 
d authorized the issue of 
] which had been or might 
it to exceed, in the amount - 
; Bt any one time, tbe enm 
of $5,000,000 to be icdeemed sooner than one 
year if the means of the Treasury wonld per- 
mit, by giving sixty days notice of those notea. 
which the Department wss ready to redeem ; 
no interest to be allowed thereon after tbe ci- 
)>inition of the siity days, the act to continae 
in force one year and no longer. 



1841- 

clency l~In four years cxtMndltores exccMl 
revenue by aver tblrty mlllloiu — AckIb 

Seoretary Woodbnry, In his report on the 
finaueea, dated Deoember 7, 1840, eatimated 
that at the close of tbe year 1841 there would 
remain in tbe Treasury an available balanoe 
of only (324,273, and that even this small 
balance might entirely diwppear and an aotnal 
deficit of several mitiions be fotmd tinder the — 
operations of the compromise tariff set of 1SS3, 
which was rapidly redaoing the amonnt of~^ 
cuatoias duties levied, aided by D 
in the amount of goods imported, which had _ 
fiUlen off dnring tbe year 1810 neaoriy aucty-~' 
millions of dollnra. 

To ward olf the danger of this possible de — 
ficit the aut of February 15, 1841, was passed, ^ 
with tbe limitatioos and provisions of the sokj 
of October 91, 1837, aa modlBed by the aet oa 



tbe probable deficit in the TreaanxT at tlu^ 

clone of the year at $11,406,133.98, while 8w) 

retory Ewing estimated the defidenoy on th^3 
Ist of September at $S,'2>il, 388.30, and In — 
formed Congress that during the previoua tbu^K 
years the eipenditnres had eioeaded th^s 
revenue by (31,310,014.20. On this point h^ 

-Tliiuuidlotliii axteot. within the bat ftnvTMi^ 
wars lbs upgndllnna puihad bajond Uw amoBiil o^? 
., ta.. ^^^ ^ ibeorb the surplus* 






ibtsdne 



/ 



BLUNDBBINO DEMOORATIO FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION. 1G5 

ICarch. 1841, exhausted of its means and subject to law, and an increase of the duties on certain 

5lS3"?tirrSSri'S».i!ria "J."o?^^:id "l^* f ^^^^'^^ , ^ -^^ authomuxg the is- 

withont any adwiuatereBoiiroeB except the authonty 8U© on^ reissue Of treasury notes was ap- 

^nmted by law to augment that debt. As yetuo pro- proved January Si, 1842, after meeting with 

vision has b^n made to relieve this debt, or to check much opposition on the old grounds of the 

l?^%X;SElSv'STnrinr:'cS?'Ui;iS^^'ru uncons^utioniaity of bills of credit, tbe in- 

Characterize ^t. a permanent and increasing national expediency of adding to the paper money of 

debt. The temporary expedients by which i. has been the country, and the plea that a little econo- 

sostained do not at ail vary its essential character." ^y would enable the Government to meet its 

A funded debt - Ixian bUl of 1841-The expenses without causing a deficit in the 

lMUisoesa-l>erelns-]IIorereUeflnl842, treasury. Its supporters denied that the 

1iyUaaeandre.i88ueoftTeasaryiiotes.etG. measure was unconstitutional, and admitted 

— •• ijnmn bill of 1842 " "^^T provide for the deficiency 

Eioan , - '.V X- 11 would he by obtaining a loan, but asserted 

The only remedy for these contmuallv re- ^hat if a loan bill was passed the money could 

cuning d^cits was by a loan redeemable at not be obtained in this country, and that it 

a time sufficientiy distant to aUow the pubho ^^^i^ i,^ necessary to send the bonds to Eu- 

financeB, aided by returning prosperity among ^pe for sale, which would consume much 

thepeople, a chance for recovery. A bill to time, while the needs of the treasury were 

borrow $12 000,000, redeemable after eight urgent 

years, was introduced in the House,' June 14, rj^^ ^ct authorized the notes to be issued 
1841, and debated dunng many successive ^^er the provisions and limitations con- 
days. It was opposed by some who declared Gained in the act of October 12, 1837. except 
themselves averse to creatmg a national debt; that the authority given to issue was to ex- 
fcy others who professed to see in it a scheme pi^^ at the end of one year from the passage 
for Btartmg a national bank, and by others ^f the act. It was manifest, however, that 
Tivho preferred the issue of treasury ndtes to the power to keep $5,000,000 in treasury 
obtammg a Ioml. It was advocated by mem- ^otes outstanding could not make up a de- 
^ers who said that it was not creating a debt, fldency of over $14,000,000 ; and in order to 
J>ut funding one which already existed, en- provide for this deficit, a bill had been intro- 
iauled on the oo.untry by the Democratic ad- J^^ed in the House, December 21, 1841, ex- 
ministration which had just gone out of tending the time limited by the first section 
power, and that It was the more manly course of the act of July 21, 1841. In the debates 
to opeiJy ask a loan, payable at some distant ^^hich followed t je responsibility for the con- 
day, rather than to continue the issue of notes dition of the finances was charged by each 
vhich must return to the treasury m a few p^^y on the other. 

^eefa or months to cause another deficit. This bill became a law April 16, 1842. It 

ITie biU finally passed both houses, and provided that so much of the loan obtained 

was approved July 21, 1841 It authorized after its passige should be reimbursable as 

^e President to borrow, on the credit of the nhould be agreed upon at the time of issuing 

United States, at any time withm one year, a the stock not to exceed twenty years from the 

sum not exceeding $12.0 -0.000, at a rate of m- fl^st day of January, 1843. The Secretary of 

terest not exceeding 6per cent., payable quar- the Treasury was authorized to dispose of the 

terly or semi-annuaUy, the loan to be reim- gtock below par if its par value could not be 

bursable either at the wiU of the Secretary of obtained, but not until the loan had beenduly 

the treasury after six months rotice, or at advertised and proposals for subscriptions in- 

^y *^°J1 *"®' three years, from January 1, ^jted. The President was also authorized to 

1842. The money borrowed was to be ap- borrow an additional sum of $5,000,000 if the 




Secretary 

any time before the time named for the re- *«■« reUef— Another re-lssne of treasury 

demption of the stock such portions thereof notes In 1842. 

xis the funds of the Government might admit Notwithstanding the favorable terms offered 
of, and any surplus in the Treasury was to investors it was still found impossible to 
pledged for the redemption of the stock. obtain par for the stock ; and to prevent its 
This loan does not appear to have met with sacrifice a bill was introduced in the House 
mnch favor from those who had money to to allow the issue of treasury notes when the 
lend, owing to the unsettled state of the remainder of the stock could not be sold at 
mon'ey market, and the short period which par. It was stated in debate by the Chair- 
was to elapse before it beciime redeemable, man of the (Committee of Ways and Means, 
Up to December 20, 1841, the amount received who introduced the bill, that the immediate 
was only $'>,532,726.88 ; while the estimated liabilities of the Government were $4,«75,000, 
deficiency on January 1, 1842, was $627,559.90, and to meet these demands not one dollar 
and the estimated excess of expenditure over was available, and that the stock must be 
the revenue for the year 1842 was $14,218.- either, "sacrificed to the Shylocks of the 
570. C8. In this emergency Secretary For- country "or some other means must be pro- 
ward recommended an extension of the time viced to meet these liabilities. 
within which the residue of the loan not yet The bill does not appear to have met with 
taken should be redeemable, the reissue of mnch opposition, the necessity for its passage 
Ihe treasury notes heretofore authorized by being apparent. It was approved August 31, 



166 



BLUNDBBING DEMOOBATIO FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION. 



1842. It provided ihat no stock antliorized by 
the aot of July 2L, 1841, and April 15, 1842, 
should hereafter be sold at less than par, and 
in case the stock could not bo sold at or above 
par, and the exigencies of the public service 
should require it, the ^<ecretalJ of the Treas- 
ury was authorized to issue in lieu thereof 
treasun^ notes to the amount of not more 
than $6,000,000 under the provisions and lim- 
itations contained in the acts of October, 1837^ 
and March, 1840. The notes when redeemed 
might be reissued or new notes issued in their 
stead, but none were to be issued after April 
15, 1843, and the amount outstanding at any 
one time was not to exceed $6,000.0(!0. The 
treasury notes issued under the act of March 
3, 1843, were simply issues of new notes in 
place of such as had been issued under any 
previous acts of Congress, and which had 
been or might be redeemed at the Treasury, 
or received in payment of duea. llie neces- 
sity for the issue was in the fact that the esti- 
mated revenues for the year were very little 
in excess, of the current expenses. 

184S— A groifing national debt— A new 
loan ana new Issue o< treasury notes. 

The National debt at that date was said to 
be $27,409,338. of which $11,068,977 fell due 
during the year, and might be presented for 
payment. Under these circumstances it be- 
came necessary either to obtain a new loan, to 
increase the taxes — always an unpopular ex- 
pedient — or to issue new Treasury notes, as 
had been done at each session for the past six 
years. The course was adopted of giving 
authority both to obtain a new loan and to 
issue treasury notes, though this latter ex- 
pedient was characterized in debate as a mere 
makeshift to enable the Government to get 
alon|; from day to day and to maintain its 
credit without repudiation. The bill was ap- 
proved March 3, 1843. It provided that when 
any outstanding treasury notes, issued under 
previous acts of Congress, should, after the 
passage of the act, be redeemed, the Secretary 
of the Treasury, if the public service required 
it, might cause other notes to be issued in their 
stead, under the limitations and provisions of 
the acts imder which the notes were originally 
issued. It authorized the payment of interest 
on notes issued under this act after maturity, 
and also on those issued tmder the act of 
August 31, 1842. The third section of the 
same act authorized the President, if, in his 
opinion, it should be for the interest of the 
United States so to do, to redeem such of the 
notes then outstanding as they became due by 
the issue of stock of the United States, under 
the limitations and provisions of the act of 
April 15, 1842, except that no commissions 
were to be allowed to agents, and the stock 
should be redeemable at a period not later 
than ten years from the issue thereof. Under 
this act stock to the amount of $7,004,231.25 
was issued, most of which was sold at a small 
premium. 

1846— Ilie Mexican war beslns—Larire 
threatenlnur deficiency— More treaj^ury 
notes Issued. 

War with Mexico was declared May 13, 1846. 



On the 15th of June Secretary Walker in- 
formed Congress that if the war should con- 
tinue till July 1, 1847, there would be a defic- 
iency in the Treasury of $12,587,000, To pre- 
vent this threatened disaster a bill was intro- 
duced in the House of Representatives July 6, 
1846, and passed both Houses, although op- 
posed on the ground that the only honorable 
way of providing for the mcreaded expenses 
neoessary while the war lasted was by in- 
creased taxation : that the feature of the bill, 
which allowed the reissue of tseasnry notea 
as fast as they were redeemed, was con- 
verting the treasury into a national bank, 
and that the course of legislation showed the 
inoonsistencv of the Democratic party, then in 
power, which had originated the Sub-Treasury 
bin, requiring payments to or by the Goviem- 
ment to be made in gold or silver, and was 
now asking authority to. issue paper money, 
after having at the outbreak of uiO'War, so re- 
duced the tariff that the revenue was ^ely to 
be lowered at least $10,000,000. 

The bill was approved July 22, 1846. It 
authorized the issue of treasury notes accord- 
ing to the exigency of the Government, and in 
place of the notes redeemed others were to be 
issued; but the amount of this emission out- 
standing at any one time was not to exceed 
$10,000,000. The notes were to be issued 
under the limitations and provisions of the 
act of October 12, 1837, except that the author- 
ity given was to expire at the end of a year 
from the passage of the act. The same act 
also authorized the President, if, in his 
opinion, the country needed it, to borrow on 
the credit of the United States such a sum as 
he might deem proper, instead of issuing the 
whole amount of Treasury notes authorized, 
but not exceeding, together with the Treasury 
notes issued, the sum of $10,000,000 — the 
stock to be issued under the Umitations and 
provisions of the act of April 15, 18^, and to 
be redeemable at a period not exceeding ten 
years from the date of issue; no commissions 
were to be paid to agents. 

1847— Fallaelous Treasury estimates— An» 
other Loan Act. 

The estimate of Secretary Walker, before 
referred to, proved very fallacious. A sum 
larger than his estimate of the amount needed 
to prevent a deficit was obtained; yet in his 
annual rex)ort, dated December 9, 1846^ the 
Secretary was obliged to inform Congress that 
a deficit of $4,779,042.01 was still probable. In 
January, 1847, he appears to have informed 
the Chairman of Ways and Means that the 
treasui*y was nearly empty, and that there wa< 
an immediate necessity for authority to issue 
more treasury notes or to obtain a new loan. 
A bill authorizing the issue of new treasurj- 
notes or a loan to the amount of $3,000,000 
passed both Houses and became a law Janu- 
ary 28, 1847; but the origin and conduct of 
the war with Mexico had been reviewed in 
debate, and various propositions were made 
to so amend the tariff on foreign goods im- 
ported as to increase the revenue, especially 
to lay a heavy duty on tea and coffee. 

It authorized the President to cause treas- 



BLUNDEIUNG DEMOOBATIO FINANCIAL ADMINISTBATION. 167 

ury notes to be issued for suoh soms as were ayowing at the same time his utter want of 

required, but not exceeding in the whole confidence in the estimates of the Secretary 

amount issued the sum of $23,000,000, and no of the Treasury, and stating that at least 

note was to be of a less denomination than $50. $25,000,000 would be required. The bill even- 

The notes were to bear suoh interest from tually passed both Houses; but the adminis- 

date of issue until redeemed as should be tration was charged with having plunged the 

fixed by the Secretary of the Treasury, and country into an unnecessary foreign war, and 

were redeemable at one and two years after the conduct of the struggle was reviewecl and 

date. The Secretary was authorized to borrow severely condemned. The bill was approved 

money on the credit of the notes, bat no notes March 31, 1848. It authorized the President 

were to be pledged, hjrpothecated or sold at less to borrow within a year from the approval of 

than their par value with accumulated interest, the act on the credit of the United States, a 

They were to be paid to such public creditors sum not exceeding $16,000,000 at an interest 

as cnose to receive them at par and were jneaXe of not more than G per cent, per annum, pay- 

teoeivable for all duties, taxes and debts due able quarterly or semi-annually, reimburs- 

the United States. The Secretary was author- able at any time after July 1, 1868. No certifi- 

ized to purchase said notes at any time, but cato was to be issued for a less amount than 

only at par for the principal and accrued in- $50. The expenses attending the execution 

terest. When any of the notes authorized by of the act were not to exceed $16,000,000. 

the act were redeemed, other notes might be The Secretary of the Treasury was authos- 

issued in their stead, but tiie amount of said ized to purchase the stock of the loon at any 

notes outstanding at any time, together with the time before the date at which it became reim- 

.((iock authorized by the same act, was at no bursable at the market price not below par. 

time to exceed $23,000,000. The principal of Under this act stock was issued amounting to 

the notes could be funded at any tin^e in $16,000,000. 

stock bearing 6 per cent, interest, redeemable 

at any time softer December 31, 1867, and this T> A "PT* TT 

privilege was extended to the holders of any -L AlCl 11. 

5Sr:ShS^? S^L^r aTolTuVnt Oontinuea »«««cr««e Mtoman- 

1846, to issue treasury notes, was extended agementorFluttnccslPOm 1851 

by the fifteenth section to the period fixed by to 1801 — Another ISeries ofOlllil- 

thia act on the same terms and conditions, ders-Dissolvine Treasury Bai> 

but the issue under this section was not to „».,«^-. ■?««i^«JL«.«„ ^ .*« _ ^ 

exceed $5,000,000. Section 16 of the same «"«f » " Embarrassments and 

act gives the usual authority to the President, JpefllJiencles become €IUH>nic— 

if needed, to boi row money instead of issuing Continual cry fbr more Treas- 

tbe whole amount of treasury notes and to „py IVotes and more I^oans— The 

issue therefor stock bearme interest at not ■ . • >. »» 

exceeding 6 per cent, redeemable after Dec. 1, vaHous resfionsive ActS-The 

1867. iVational Credit down to Zero— 

i84s-stiu anotberioan. Increasing Expenditures and 

President Polk, in his message of December Diminishing^ Revenue. 

Kl^J* informed Congress that if the war The reyolution in trade and commerce 



with Mexico continued until July 1, 1848, the ^hich occurred in the year 1857 disastrously 




^, - A 1. 1 X • xu ^ ministration which had just declared that 

the sum necessary to be kept in the treasury ^mid such widespread financial wreck and 

to meet tiie wants of the Goyernment, and ruin the Treasury would continue to pay gold 

maintain the en^ged operations at t and silver only, was forced really to the hu- 

would require $18,729,11427, m addition to miliating necessity of asking authority to issue 

the probable revenue. A bill to authorize a paper money •' » ^ 
loan not to exceed $18,500,000 was according- 

ly introduced in the House, January 19, 1848. '■* December, 1851, largre treasury balance 
The Chairman of the Committee of Ways and •^ • ^®^ months back dlssnlvlngr and a de- 
Means, informed the House during the de- llclency threatened— Increasing expendl- 
bate, that an error had been discovered in the tures with a dlmlnUhlniir revenue— An 
financial statement of the Secretary of the Ishuc of $20,060,000 treasury notes. 
Treasury, which disclosed the gratifying fact The Secretary of the Treasury informed 
that there were in the treasury nearly $7, 000,000 Congress in his report of December 8, 1857, 
more than had been stated to the House in that although there was a balance on hand at 
consequence of which It was supposed the loan the closo of the fiscal year of S17, 710, 1 1 4. 27, 
might be reduced to $12,000,000, but that the yet such was the falling off in the revenues 
Secretary of War had since asked an appro- from customs that it was necessary to provide 
priation of nearly four millions to supply cer- the treasury with some additional means of 
tain deficiences in that branch of the public meeting the demands upon it, and that unless 
service, and it would therefore be necessary relief was speedily afforded there was great 
to make the amount $10,000,000, and he danger that available funds might be ex- 
moved an amendment making the alteration, hausted. He therefore asked authority to issue 



168 



BLUNDERING DKMOCBATIO FINANCIAL ADMINI8TBATION. 



$20,000,000 in treasury notes. A bill for this 
purpose was introduced, and in the debates 
which followed it was truly said that the clos- 
ing hours of the ZXXTVth Congress had been 
consumed in efforts to deplete an overflowing 
treasury, while the early days of theXXXVth 
Congress were devotea to efforts to fill an 
empty one. Only a short time before the Sec- 
retary had asked Congress to reduce the ac- 
cumulating coin on hand by a revision of the 
revenue laws, and now he was asking leave 
to fill its empty coffers by the issue of paper 
money. Jbostead of proposing a reduction of 
expenditures an increase was recommended. 
The Secretary of the Treasury asked increased 
expenditures to collect the aiminishing reve- 
nue. while the Secretary of War wanted per- 
mlMsion to raise four or five additional regi- 
ments at an additional expense of four or five 
millions of dollars — ^though the whole busi- 
ness of the country was paralyzed, its com- 
merce almost .destroyed, its industrious classes 
living in enforced idleness, with willing hands 
imploring in vain the privilege of labor, and 
the Government bankiupt, asking authority 
to fill its coffers by the issue of paper money. 
A bill authorizing the issue of $^,(K)0,(K)0 
treasury notes was oonsequently passed, but 
a prediction was mado that this amount would 
be l»rgititj inttuffioient sad that by the end of 
the year the treasury would be many millions 
in debt, and that prediction was soon yeri- 
fied. 

In 19S8 aJBklny a loan to meet expenses— 
lioan Aet of 1S58 passed. 

In May, 1858, the Secretary of the Treasury 
WHS compelled to> inform Confiftess of his dii- 
fioulties; that owing to the appropnations 
having .been increased by legi^ation nearly 
$10. 000,000 over the estimates, and the revenue 
from customs having fallen below the estimate 
about an edual amount, means to meet the 
deficit should be provided. Abilltoanthorize 
a loan not exceeding $15,000 000 was reported 
to the House May V6, 1858. This bill was 
subsequently amended, the amount being in- 
creased by the Senate to $20,000,000, and 
became a law June 14, 1858. The interest 
was not to exceed 5 percent., add the loan 
Vas made redeemable at any time after fifteen 
years. 

Another trcasmr note retesne asked for in 
18S9— Loan Act of ISOO passed Instead. 

Secretary Cobb, in his annual report to 

Congress, dated December 22, 1859, uses the 

following language: 

"In the estlmftted meana of the Treasury for the 
present and fiscal yeun it will be seen that no pro- 
vision is made for he permanent redemption of any 
portion of the $20,(100.000 of Treasury notes. The 
authority for re-issuing these notes will expire on the 
20th of June next, and it will, therefore, be necessary 
for Congress to extendthe law for that purpose another 
period ^ 

Congress appears to have differed with the 
Secretory as to the propriety of reissuing the 
notes; for instead of givinf^ authority to do so, 
a bill providing for their redemption by 
means of a loan was introduced, and passing 
both houses almost without debate was ap- 



proTcd June 22, 1860. It authorized a loan of 
121,000,000 -^^th interest at not exceeding 6 per 
cent., redeemable in not less than ten or more 
than twenty years, 

The failure to realize the whole amount 
authorized was caused by the political troubles 
that culminated in the war of the rebellion. 
Bids were invited for $10,000,000 on Septem- 
ber 8,1860, and the whole amount offered was 
speedily taken. A commercial crisis ensued, 
during which a portion of the bidders forfeited 
their deposits, and the loan was withdrawn 
from the market. The amount finally secured 
was only $7,022,000. 

Anotber issue of trtmxnrj nates needed. 

As a result of this failure authority for a 
further issue of treasury notes was asked for 
by Secretary Cobb. In his report of December 
4 1860, he says : 

"To meet the remaining outstiindtng Treasury notes 
and inteteet theieon there is yet to be negotiated 
$11,000,000 of the loan authorized by the act of June, 
22, 1860. The statement iust made of the difficulties 
attending the payment for the stock already Rold, in 
connection with the fact that capitalists in the present 
condition of the country seem unwilling to invest in 
United States stock at par, renders it aUnoet certain 
that this remaining $11,000,000 cannot now be negotia- 
ted upon terms acceptable to the Gk)vemment. Tbe 
condition of the Treasury is such that no serious delay 
can be Indulged. Authority should be given for the 
issue of treasury notes to an equal amount, to be ne- 

gotiated at such rates as would command the conii- 
ence of tbe country, and to create that confidence 
the public lands should be unconditionally pledged 
for the ultimate redemption of the Tressnry notes 
which it might become necessary to issue." 

Ii»nrioo8 rates of Interest. 

The rate of interest actually paid on the 
notes issued under this act has been the sub- 
ject of frequent dispute, and the fiEUsts, as given 
in an official form, are as follows : 

•« Under the Act of December 17, 1860 (12 Statutes. 
121). treasury notes were issued, redeemable at the 
expiration of one year from date, bearing interest as 
follows : $70,200 at «p«r cent. $5,000 at 7 per cent., 
$24.5000 at 8 per cent., $3^.000 at 8}^ par cent, $10.- 
000 at 8^ per cent.. $65,000 at 9 per cent., f 10.000 at 9X 
per cent., »> 16.000 at 9^ percent.. $77.000 at 931^ per 
cent., $1,027,500 at 10 per cent., >266.000 at 10XP«r 
cent., $62S.OOO at 10^ per cent., $1,367,000 at 10^ per 
cent., $1,432,700 at 11 per cent., $4,840.(100 at 12 per cent, 
making a total of > 10.010,900- Additional offers were 
recedvdd, ranging from 15 to 36 per cent, which were 
refused." 

More embarrassments tfnrinir profound 
peace— The credit of the nation at zer»- 
Proposltion to hack it with that of the 
seyeral States! 

In Januar^^ 1861, the Secretary, in order to 
relieve the treasury from its embarrassments, 
was forced to ask Ck>ngre8s for authority to 
obtain a loan without reiistriction as to the 
price of the bonds. This money was needed, 
not to meet loans falling due, or to pay the 
expenses of war, but was asked for in a tune 
of profound peace, to meet the current ex- 
penses of the Grovemment. Never before, 
since the year 1789, when a small sum was 
borrowed to pay salaries, etc., under the new 
Government, had a loan been asked to meet 
ordinary expenditures. So low had the credit 
of the Grovemment fallen at that time that 
Secretary Dix suggested to Congress, as a 
J financial resource, that the several States be 



RELATIVE WEIGHT OF THE *' SOUD SOUTH. 



169 



asked, as secnrity for the repayment of any 
money the Grovemment might find it neces- 
sary to borrow, to pledge the deposits received 
by them from the Gh>vemment under the act 
for the distribution of the surplus revenues 
in 1836, the Secretary believing that a loan 
contracted on such a basifl of security, super- 
adding to the plighted faith of the United 
States tbat of the individual States, could 
hardly fail to be acceptable to capitalists. 

995, 



Iioan Act of Feb. 8, 1861. 

A bill was introduced February 2, 1861, 
authorizing a loan of $25 OoO.OOO, to bear in- 
terest not to exceed 6 per cent., and to be 
redeemed in not less than ten or more than 
twenty years. The bill became a law Febru- 
ary 8, 1861, after earnest debates, in which, 
however, no opposition was manifested to the 
bill as a whole, but simply to 'details, both 
parties agreeing that a loan was absolutely 
necessary. Bonds tQ the amount of $18,415,- 
00) were sold under the authority of this act 
at an aggregate discount of $2,019,776 10, or 
an average rate of $89.03 per $100. {Secretary 
Cobb in his report before referred to, says: 

" The estimated Iwlance that will be In the Treasury 
on hine 30, 1861, is only $3,630,196.61, and leaves uo 
margin for additional appropriations. If, therefore, 
the appropriations shonld exceed the estimates, or 
Congress should determine to provide within this 
period for the payment of any portion of the public 
debt, it will become necessary to make provision for 
such contingencies. The idea of increasing the public 
debt to meet the ordinary expenses of the Govern- 
ment should not be entertained for a moment. If ad- 
ditional demands are created upon the Treasury by 
the legislation of the present Ck)ngres8 provision must 
be made to meet them by such increase of tariff duties 
M may be required for that purpose." 



How the debt was Increased to meet 
current expenses-rlxmn Act of March 2, 
1861. 

A bill for the repayment of outstanding 
Treasury notes, to authorize a loan and to 
regulate and fix the duties on imports; was 
introduced in the House of Bepresentatives 
March 12, 1860. It was sarcastically said, in 
debate on the bill, that the id a of not in- 
creasing the public debt to meet current ex- 
penses was a very patriotic one, but the Ad- 
ministration had. practically illustrated the 
sentiment by steadily increa^^ing the debt to 
meet these expenses during every year that it 
had been in power. This wa6 shown by the 
following table : 

Public debt July 1, 1867 $29,0«0,38e.90. 

Public debt July 1, 1868 44.91U. 777.60. 

PubUc debt July 1, 1869 63.7 54,699.33. 

In addition to this increase of the public 
debt, there was a rapid decrease in the 
amount of cash in the Treasuiy during the 
years mentioned. It was furthermore charp^ed 
that this had taken place under the tariff that 
practically discriminated against our own 
people, compelling us, for every fourteen or 
iifteen millions of revenue collected at home, 
to foot a bill of a hundred millions abroad. 
The debate on the bill took a very wide range, 
including the subjects of the tariff and of pro- 
tection to American industries, and often 
branching off to the state of the Union and 
the political troubles which brought on the 
War of the Eebellion; but the bill failed to 
pass both Houses at that session. It was 
taken up at the next meeting of Congress, 
and became a law March 2, 1861. 



CHAPTER XIX. 



Relative Weight of the '' Solid South.'^ 



PART I. • 

Weight oftbe '^SoliillSoutli'' Po- 
lltieaUy and CommereiaUy as 
Compared ivith the other 
States - Facts and Figures. 

Should the Democrats succeed in electing 
Hancock, we all know that the Solid South 
will rule. To convince us, it needed not the 
emphatic utterance of Hobert Toombs, of 
Georgia, to a friend in Washington: 

" You may depend upon it, sir, that ' Yank * or no 
'Yank/ if elected, the oLd boys of the South wiU see that 
Hancock does the fair thin(| bv them. In other words, 

to suit tht 



em, OB THEY WILL BUN 

They are not going to be played 



he will run the machine 

THX THING THEMSELVES. 

with any longer." 

PoUtlcal Weiffht. 

So far as pohtical weight is concerned, there 
are in the present House of Bepresentatives 
148 Democrats, of whom 81 members, or 55 
per cent., are from the solid South. In the 



Senate there are 42 Democrats, of whom 24, 
or 57 per cent. , are from the solid South. If 
the States of Delaware, Mainland and Missouri 
be included, the South has in the present 
House of Representatives 99 Democratic mem- 
bers, or 67 per cent., and in the Senate 80 
members, or 71 per cent. In the event of the 
success of the I'emocratic party at the ap- 
proaching election the solid South would cast 
a large majority of the Democratic votes in 
the Electoral College, probably at least 57 per 
cent. If, as is well known, the possession in 
a single interest of 40 per cent, of the stock 
of a corporation can control its operations, 
much more can the possession of over 50 j)er 
cent, of the political power of a party m a 
single interest control the policy of that part^, 
The total population of the United States m 
1870 was 38, 55», 371. of which the population 
of the States of the solid South amounted to 
11,246,435, or 29 per cent, of the whole. This 
undoubtedly presents that section in a much 
more favorable light than will the census of 



170 



BELATIVE WEIGHT OF TOE " SOUD SOOTH. 



I» 



1880. Of the totfll population of the States 
of the solid South, 7,0t)7.213 were white and 
4,179 222 colored. 

Without going into details as to the politi> 
cal proclivities of the two races at the South, 
it appears to be proper to assume that the 
Democratic party in that section representR 
the political sentiments of about six millions 
of people, or 15 per cent, of the population of 
the country. And now let us see what rela- 
tionship the solid South bears to the commer- 
cial and industrial interests of this country. 
The information upon these points is embraced 
in the following official communication from 
the Chief of the Bureau of Statistics in re- 
sponse to a letter of inquiry from Hon. Ed- 
ward McPherson to the Secretary of the 
Treasury: 

Gblef BTlmmo's statistical Letter. 

" Tbbasdbt Depabtmemt, U. S. a., ) 
" BuBEAU OF Statistics, > 
" Watkin^on, D. C. August 19. 1880. ) 
"Hon. Jobk Bhubmak, 

" Secretary of the Treatury : 
" Sib : I aave the honor to acknowledge the receipt 
of a letter addressed to you "by Hon. Edward McPher- 
son, under date of August 7, 1886, and relerrad to me 
for reply. 

" I respectfolly submit the following statements in 
the order of the questions propounded : 

" The expression, * the Southern States,' in each case 
refers to the States mentioned in Mr. McPherson's let- 
ter, ris.: Virginia. West Virginia, North CaroUna. South 
Carolina. Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Loui- 
siana, Texas, Arkansas. Tennessee and Kentucky. 

Internal commerce. 

" 1. The internal commerce of this country greatly 
exceeds in magnitude its foreign commerce. From 
the data furnished by Mr. H. V. Poor, the accepted au- 
thority upon railroad statistics, it appears probable 
that the value of the traffic upon the railroads of the 
country alone, counting each separate shipment, is at 
least twenty times as great as the value of our foreign 
commerce. About 90 per cent, of our internal com- 
merce now finds the means of transportation on rail- 
roads. 

Iitammerce on railroads* 

" 2. The only means of measuring the relative mag- 
nitude of the internal commerce of the Southern 
States on railroads is by the number of freight cars 
employed. This affordis a pretty correct basis of esti- 
mate upon the subject. According to Poor's Railroad 
Manual for 1879 the total number of the freight cars 
employed on the railroads of the United States was 
423,013 cars, of which number 31,248, or 7.4 per cent., 
were employed on railroads in the Southern States re- 
ferred to. 

Tonnage of yessels, 

" 3. The total tonnage of vessels employed in the in- 
ternal commerce of the United States on water lines of 
transportation, including the coast-wise trade on the 
ocean, and the inland trade on rivers and the Great 
Lakes, as stated by the Register of the Treasury, 
amounted, during the year ended June 30, 1789. to 
2,678,067 tons, of which 242,548 tons, or 9 per cent., was 
owned in the Southern States mentioned. 

Foreign commerce— Exports. 

"4. The records of the Bureau of Stati8t;ic8 show that 
the total value of the exports of merchandise from the 
United States, during the year ended June 30. 18K). 
amounted to $835,638,596. and that the value of the ex- 
ports from ports south of the Potomac River amounted 
to $188,629,717, or 22.57 per cent, of the total exports of 
merchandise from the United States. Of the total ex- 
ports of the South, the value of the exports of cotton 
amounted to $158,184,526. or 84 per cent, of the total ex- 
ports of the Southern States. 

" 6. The cotton shipped to Northern States as well as 
exported trom the South to foreign countries, appears 
to be moved chiefly by Northern capital. It is stated 
by the Secretary of the New York Cotton Exchange 



that. ' a very small percentage of the crop is moved by 
Southern capital.' and that. *aU that is taken by the 
North is oontmlled by Northern capital, while thate» 
ported to ioreigjx countries is controlled either by 
foreign or Northern capitaL' 

Foreign eommerce— Imports. 

'*6. The valne of the imports of merchandise Into the 
United States during the year ended^ June 30, 1880, 
amounted to $667,963,302. of which the value imported 
at ports south of the Potomac Biver amounted to $15,- 
934301, or 2.38 per cent. 

Revennes of the National Government from 
customs duties. 

*• 7. The latest report of the Register of the Treamuy 
shows that the total revenue of tne National Ooven- f 
ment fhim customs during the year ended. June 90. 
1879, amounted to $137,250,048. of which $2,146,645. or 
1.66 per cent, was collected at ports of the Southern 
States named. 

Internal revenue. 

" 8. The Commissioner of Internal Revenue has sap- 
plied me with the following information: The Internal 
Revenue receipts of the United States during the year 
ended. June 80. 1880. which can he apportioned among 
the several States and Territories, amounted to $116,- 
848,221. Of this amount $20,332,364. or 17 per cent., 
was collected in the Southern States. Of the amonnt 
collected in the Southern States $19,462,954, or 95 per 
cent., was realised from epirits and tobacco. 

The postal service. 

" 9. According to the latest information fomishedhy 
the Post Office Department, the total weight of mails 
carried on railroads in the United States amounted to 
651.370.158 pounds, of which mail matter 94,394.853 
pounds, or 17.12 per cent., was transported on railroads 
in the Southern States. 

Nann .actnres. 

" 10. The most recent source of information in regsrd 
to manufactures. is the Census of 1870. During tbat 
year the total value of the manufactures of the country 
amountfd to $4,232,825,442. of which $2,777,720,637. or 
^>8 pci^ cent., was the product of the Southern States. 

Nlnlnff. 

" 11. The Census of 1870 shows that the value of the 
products' of mining amounted to $152,698,994. of which. 
$4,996,052, or 3>^ per cent., was the product of the 
Southern States. , , | 

Bank loans ami eireulation. 

" 12. According to the latest report of the Comptroller 
of the Currency the total amount of National Bank 
loans and discounts of the entire country on the 2d of 
October, 1879. was $878,508,097. of which $46,360,007. or 
6.3 per cent., was of banks in the Southern States. 

" 13. The latest report of the Comptroller of the Ou- 
rency shows that the total amount of circulation of the 
State and National Banks of the country on the 2d of 
October. 1879. was $314,103,223. of which $23,478,426. or 
7.47 per cent., was issued by banks in the Soutfaeni 
States. 

Savings Imnks. 

" 14. The latest report of the Comptroller of the Cur- 
rency shows that the total deposits in savings banks in 
the United States during the six months ending l£ay i 
31. 1878. amounted to $783,135,817, of which $2,627,428, 
or not quite 4-lOths of one per cent., was deposited in 
the banks of the Southern States. 

Railroads. 

" 15. The total cost of railroads and their equipments 
in the United States, as stated by Mr. Poor, amounts to 
$4,166,331,921, of which the cost of the railroads and 
equipments, of the States referred to, amounts to 
$556,274,979. or 13.35 percent. 

" I am unable to state, with any degree of precision. 
what proportion of the capital stock, mortgage bonds, 
or other forms of Indebtedness of Southern railroads 
is held in the Northern States, but firom the best infor- 
mation it amounts to a large sum. 

Kducatlon. 

" 16. From the latest report of the Commissioner ot 
Education, it appears that the total income for publio 



BELATIYE WEIGHT OF THE "SOLID SOUTH. 



n 



171 



lohools In an the Btatea and Teiritdries amounted to 
$86,978,101, of wliich the income for public scluools in 
the Southern States amounted to $8,636,797, or 9.8 per 

cent. 

The course of internal commerce. 

" 17. In hl« 17th inquiri^lCr. MoPherson asks for the 
telative magnitude of the east and west toide currents 
over railroads north of the Ohio Biver, and of the com- 
merce of the Mississippi Biver. 

" In answer to this question I submit the following : 

"Thejneat trunk lines of raUway esitending west from 
Boston, «ew York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, now 
constitute the principal channels of the internal com- 
merce of thiA country. Over each one of these trunk 
lines there flows a commerce much larger and more 
Taluable than that which ever floated upon the Missis- 
sippi River. Commerce flows in i^pon these trunk 
lines, on subordinate- and tributary lines, firom the 
North, firom the South, and firom the West. The ton- 
nage of merchandise shipped east across the Mississippi 
Biver, over railroad bridges north of St. Louis, is twelve 
times as great as the tonnage shipped down the river 
to that city. At St. Louis the eastward movement of 
commerce now largely exceeds the southward move- 
ment* 'Twenty-flve years ago. the commerce of St. 
Loids was carried on,eptirelj by river, but the record 
of the St. Louis Merchants'^ ITxcbange shows that, of 
the total tonnage of freights received and shipped dur- 
ing the year 1879, there were 6,948.794 tons moved by 
rail, and only 1,366,115 tons by river. 

" A few years ago a railroad bridge was constructed 
across the Mississippi River at St. Louis, and to-day 
that bridge is a far more important avenue of com- 
merce than is the river which flows beneath it. With 
its double track it has a capacity for traffic ten times 
as great as ever floated upon the Mississippi River. 
Daring the year 1875 the tonnage to and f^m the East 
at St. Louis by rail amounted to 2.930,865 -tons, while 
the tonnage to and from the South by river amounted 
to only 692,520 tons. During the same year the south- 
em movement by rail amounted to 1,952,098 tons. 

"Grain shipped from St. Louis to Liverpool via any 
one of the four Atlantic ports — Boston, New Tork, Phila- 
delphia, or Baltimore— or via New Orleans, is about 9^ 
miles nearer to its destination when it reaches Balti- 
more, and still nearer when it reaches Philadelphia, 
New York or Boston, and about 652 miles farther fW>m 
its destination when it reaches New Orlean». Thus it 
happens that Baltimore and New Orleans are to-day 
shaip competitors for the trade of the great Northwest. 

Change in tbe coarse of trade. 

** 18. In his 18th inquiry Mr. McPherson asks for a 
brief statement as to the change in the course of the 
commerce described on pages 86 to 96 of my last report 
on the Internal Commerce of the United States. 

"In answer to this quention I submit the following 
reply : An Important change has, within a few years, 
taken place in the course of the commerce of tho 
States and parts of States situated South of the Ohio 
Biver, and South of the State of Mibsonri, viz : Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee, Western Oeorgia, Alabama, Missis- 
sippi, Louisiana, Texas and Arkansas. Twenty-five 
years ago the chief commercial entrepots of the States 
mentioned were Mobile, New Orleans, and Galveston, 
but to-day this trade is dominated by the cities of 
Cincinnati, Louisville, and St. Louis. The commer- 
cial ttant of those States has been changed trovx the 
shores of the Gulf of Mexico to the shores of this great 
interior east-and-west current of trade over railroads. 
The aggregate population of the three interior cities 
is nearly three times as great as the aggregate popula- 
tion of the three Gulf Cities. Cincinnati. Louisville, and 
St. Louis have secured a large proportion of the trade 
of the States referred to, with respect to the sale of 
breadstuffs and provisions, dry goods, groceries, hats, 
cape, clothing, and manufactured goods of every des- 
cription. 

•• In retuTO, there is being shipped to those cities a 
large proportion of the surplus products of the South. 
During the present cotton year about 1.000,000 bales 
of cotton have been . shipped overland by rail, 
the greater part passing through these cities. This 
is one of the direct results of the establishment of the 
great east-and-west current of trade over the trunk 
railroad lines north of the Ohio River, and of the fact 
that Cinciimati, Louisville, and St. Louis now enjoy 



the advantages of a system of milr«ads permeating^ 
into lU parts of the Southern States. 

" I am, sir, very respectAiUy yours, 

•• JOSEPH NIMMO. Jb., 
" Chie/qf Bureau of Statistia." 

Tabulated comparative summary. 

The following table sammarizes the facts- 
hereinbefore presented in regard to popula- 
tion, commerce, transportation, the public 
revenues, the ^stal service, manufactures, 
mining, banking, and education : 





SOUD SOUTH. 


• 


Percentage of 
the entire 
country. 


White population. Census of 1870 

Colored population. Census of 1870 


18 
11 


Total population of " solid South " . 


29 


Internal commerce on railroads 

Inter^ial commerce on water-lines. .■••.•./ 
Foreign Commerce : Exports 


7 2-5 
9 
22 1- 2 


*' " .Imports..... 


2 1-3 


" . ' .Total exports and 
imports...... 


13 3« fi 


Revenues ttova. customs 


12-3 


Tfit^^rrtHl rev6nn9 ,. 


17 


Weight of maila carried 


17 1- 8 


Manufactures 


61-2 


Mining 


3 1-4 


Banking : Lonas and discounts 

" Note circulation 


51-3 
71-2 


Deposits in Savings Banks ,..,.... 

Income for Public Schools 


4-10 
9 4-5 


Cost of Bailroads 


13 1- 3 







This table exhibits not only the fact that 
the '* solid South " has a very small share in. 
the commercial, industrial, financial, and ed- 
ucational interests of the country, but that 
that share is very much less than the propor- 
tion which its population bears to the total 
population of the country, and in almost 
every case is even less than the proportion 
which its white population alone bears to the 
total population of the country. 

The foregoing comparison is based upon 
the census of 1870, and it is impossible that 
an honest census for 1880 shall exhibit a con* 
ditioh of affairs relatively more favorable to 
the solid South. 

A few additlomLl eomparatlve figures. 

Only 7.4 per cent, of the number of freight 
cars employed on the railroads of the United 
States are employed on the railroads of the 
States of the "solid South," i. e., the States 
which actually seceded, including Kentucky. 
This represents not only Uie ihareof the *' solid 
South " in the inlemal commerce of the country ^ hut it 
also represenia the relative importance cfthe South vnth 
respect to agriculture, mining f and manufadurex, tince 
the freights transported on railroads are the products of 
Oiese great indmtries. 

t Owuig to the fact that the South has the 
best exportable product of the country — cot- 
ton—she is able to export 22 J per cent, of the 
total exports of the country, but this crop is 
chiefly moved by Northern and by foreign 
capital. 

Although a suflScient number of ships ar- 
rive at ports of the "solid South" to carrv 



172 



BELATIVB WEIGHT OF THB " SOLID SOUTH." 



away 22 J per cent, of the exports of the coun- 
try (almost all of it cotton), yet owing to the 
inertness of that section with respect to com- 
mercial enterprise, it appears that of the total 
imports into the United States amounting to 
$667,050,887, those ships brought to her ports 
imports to the amount of only $15,934,391, or 
2} per cent, of the imports into the country. 

Only 1.6 per cent, of the revenues of the 
National (Government from customs, are col- 
lected at ports of the **solvi South," and of 
the internal revenues of the United States 
collected in the '* solid South," 95 per cent, is 
realized from whiskey and tobacco. 

A very large proportion of the capital stock, 
mortgage, bonds and other forms of indebted- 
ness of the Southern railroads is held in 
Northern States. 

The commercial ascendency of the North is 
clearly indicated by the fact that the princi- 
pal currents of the internal commerce of the 
United Statt-s are over railroads extending 
from the Atlantic seaboard to and beyond the 
Mississippi Biver. 

PART II. 

The << Solid Southern '' Census of 
18SO— The Conspiracy of Uie 
Kel>el Brigadiers to Increase 
the Politicai Power of the South, 
to Sufeduarate tlie Iliorth and 
West hy Bulidozed Census Re- 
turns from the Soutli. 

The great struggle of the Democratic lead- 
ers of the South has been and is one for po- 
litical power for the control of all the de- 
partments of the National Grovemment as a 
means of taxing the majority and wealth of 
the nation for the indemnity of the rebel 
btates and their people for lasses incurred 
through their rebellion against the Constitu- 
tion and the Union. Supported by the De- 
mocracy North, the success of the rebel 
Brigadiers has been great. With the. Ku 
Klux and White Leagues they have sup- 
pressed all opposition in the South — have re- 
captured all the ex-rebel States, and in the 
exultant language of a noted Confederate or- 
gan (the Okolona, Miss., Sjutliern Staiei) have 
"captured the National Capitol" — have cap- 
tured both Houses of Congress. But the 
probable results of the new census of 1880 
filled them with terror, lleasoning from the 
facts and results, the comparative increase 
an 1 decrease North and South in all the ele- 
ments of population and wealth in previous 
censuses, and from the kno^\^l condition of 
the Southern States under Confederate rule, 
it was confidently expected that the results of 
the new census would reduce even their pres- 
ent r-epresentation in the House, and propor- 
tionally their power in the Electoral Colleges. 
A res tilt so disastrous to them the rebel 
Brigadiers determined to defeat, lliey ac- 
cordingly made 

This census the focus of a new conspiracy 
to maintain, and even to increase, their pres- 
ent power in the House and Electoral College. 
Having through violence and fraud, by the 



suppression of the Kepublican vote in 
ex-Confederate States, a minority in th< 
Senate, they rejected the President's n< 
tion of loyal men to supervise the tok 
the census in the South, and demand 
appointment of Confederate or rebel 8 
ihizers to perform the work^ The Pre 
was compelled to submit. Having th 
tained their own supervisors for the y^ 
hand the result is shonvn in the 

Frauds In all the census retumti firoi 
** HOlid Southern*' feitates, 

increasing out of all proportions their i 
tive and aggregate populations. The 
are palpable. They are borne upon tl 
face of the returns thus far public, and 
plications up to Sept. 9 to the Census 1 
for a verified statement of the census x 
from the States have been met with th< 
that it has " no completed results" for 
the States North or South. 

The flffiures utItcu by a **80ll« Sout 
Democratic onnui. 

But the New Orleans Democrat^ a 
organ, as early as the 15th of August 
published what it described as the " 
returns, cfficial, and estimated, from f 
States and all but four of the Territ< 
Alaska, New Mexico, Washington, and ^ 
ing.*' — as follows ; 

BTATKg. 1880. 

AlabaiDA , 1,150,000 

ArkanMS ^.... 760,000 

California 860,000 

Colorado 196,161 

Connecticut 622,166 

Delaware.... U5,000 

Florida 300,000 

Georgia 1,450,000 1 

Illinois 3,100,000 5 

Indiana 2.056.500 1 

Iowa 1.600,000 1 

Kanaaa 1,009,000 

Kentucky 1,734,331 1 

Louisiana 940,000 

I^Iaine 642,000 

Maryland 935,000 

Mafuachusetts 1,783.812 1 

Michigan 1,000,000 1 

Minnesota 780,872 

Missouri 2,300,000 1 

Mississippi 1,044,000 

Nebraska 452,649 

Nevada 63,000 

New Hampshire 347,811 

New Jersey 1.100,000 

New York 5,080,000 4 

North Carolina , 1,400.000 1 

Ohio 3,200,000 

Oregon 176,635 

Pennsylvania 4,226,099 3 

Rhode iHland 276,710 

South Carolina 953,410 

Tennessee 1,675,000 1 

Texas 1,600.000 

Virginia l.COO.OOO 3 

Vermont 334,465 

West Virginia 708.000 

Wisconsin 1,300,000 

Total , 49,302,144 3i 

TEBBITOBIBS. X880. 

Arizona : 41,500 

Dakota 135.000 

District of Columbia 174,000 

Idaho 80.000 

Montana 88,098 

Utah 144,000 

Total 563.008 



NATIONAL POLITICAL PLATFORMS, 1880. 



17:5 



••Fan •fBtolal llinires will not chanire 
these**— feitmnee flffiiiine! 

The Democrat odds : 

" The giand total of SUtcB aud TerritoriGfi ^ivon abovu 

is 49,868^1^ Tiio territorits not yi-t ntported will 

bring the Mtgregato for tlio wkolo couutry up to 

5O.20d.000. Tue incnvuM*. for the docodo in ll,7Ut).00(). 

or wk fraction over 3U ])t'r cent. .Full official flKureri 

wUi not materially chango tkom lii>rH prcM^ntod, ul- 

tbongh a alight iaereaae may bi^ Hhown. (Mtpocially iu 

tlie States of AlalMuna. Oeorgin. Iowa uud Missouri. 
« « • • « • 

The alzteen Soathem States ahow a total population 
of U/W6,l)(}7. au increase of 4,717,4Ud. and again of 
nearly 34 per cent. The aggregate population of tho 
twenty-two Northern and Western Stiiten is 30.707,137, 
an Ittorcaae of 6,4'i'2,407, or 20 per cent." 

A grand and very nitnral rosult. The " ao/w/ 
Southern'* Statet, stagnant ftom the peHtilenoe 
•nd th^ torbnlent condition, ex2>elling 
tbmuandB from within their limits, liecause 
neither life nor property is safe ; repelling 
lU immiff ration ; di8oounigin<{ the investment 
of capitiu ; repressing and degrading indns- 
try ; yet^ inemue in population 34 /vr ctnt ! — while 
ilia popnlition of the N(irthern and Western 
&dn. the great depots of immense European 
immigration of the last ten ye:irs, the great cen- 
tm of capital and marts of commerce and 
■oUiplied industries, increase oily 20 per cent, ! 

IhefUie census llsnres Intended to serve 
, a double purpose. 

But the Democrat^ in a previous issue — that 

I of July 90, 18b0— unwillingly exposes a cause 

buides that of gambling for ])olitical])ower, for 

Ihh disproportionate increase. The South, its 

ndtble and law abiding populations, ha«l 

ken ■* slandered " before the world. It had 

ken aoonaed, and it might have added con- 

tidad a thousand times, of appalling social 

■d political crimes which unsettled all the 

tents or conditions of growth — which 

rendered any marked growth either in 

^npalation or wealth, absolutely impossible. 

*Hb« eoald a State increase in potmlation, where 

fttlaboiiing ofaMS were lynched and ourued and mn 

rf^aathe *Dloody ahirters' were wont to declare: how 

bMld the floBth be improving in wealth and industry 

fltei all manner of crUnes went unpunished?" 

Ihily, how oould it? Hence, 1o demonstrate 

' Aargttfalte, and even unfounded, as sim- 

the " malignant lying ** of the loyal con- 

of the oonfederacY, U wis neeeamryto 

mck ^ifoy cmnu ramU at the above. 



r. 



The solid Aouth uralns In amrreflrate rep- 
resentatioii over ail.tlie other MtateM. 

Hence, the Thmnrrat closes its isKUc of Aug. 15 
with tiie exultant declaration : 

" Ear fh>m loHing r/ongmssmen by thn noxt apportion- 
ment, as bas liur.ii tbo hoixi and c^ilciilatlou of the ](••• 
publican prvas aul p >liticiauM, Ute Hnuth will incrriin' 
her rtprrgnnUtUnn in t.'ie. lowr Itniue. Tlii-* ••ectiou n.)v.- 
has I'hi Reprei«eutHtiv(;H. If thu apiK>rtioumtMit in raim-<l 
to 170/)iM, as is prolublo. the uuxt IIiium: will coutuin 
JiiHt iifO niombvrM from ilio siatoH, or -1 li'ss tiuin lh«fr<» 
anj iu thi» pD'sent Houso. Ol'tlirs*^ /''■ .vili conio fnmi 
the South. The net gain for tliis H'- -.'lion, thereton\ 
will bo tf members. The Now i^nglaud. MiiUllo and 
older Western Slates will lotw largely, wtiiltf tliu new 
W(>rit will gain memberH, together with thu Kouth. The 
ouly Si)Uth(;rn States that will loeu in represeuiatiou 
are Alabama and TouneMHea." 

That is, the whole increase, and the only 
i increase, as between the two sections, will be 
' with the Oonfedemte States. 

CrowiUHT over the bulldoaEed Increane of 
representation under the Fifteenth 
Amendment. 

The Democrat, in its issue of July 20, 1880, 
declares : 

" In 1873, under the apportionment act paRsed by a 
Pepublican Cougrese, the South, thanks to the fltteenth 
I amendment, gained thirty-flvn Representatives. It is 
i this gain then made by the South (a gain subsequently 
I Hecured to the rettel Brigadiers through teirxriMm and 
' fraud] that has enabled the Democratic party to main- 
tain control of the lower Houw) of < '^nt/n*ss for several 
yean*, that gave it a majority [that i-*, aftHUduleut 
miO*>rity notoriously 6b'aiueil, thnmgh violence aud 
crime, or rather no lawful majority at all| iu the Elec- 
toral Ck)llege iu iR77. and that will elect Wiufleld Scott 
Hancock President of the United States iu >ovember." 

The ultimate object of the conspiracy to 
HUtOusate the North. 

Here we have the grand object of all the 
ntimerous conspiracies at the South since re- 
construction—to recapture the control of the 
Southern States— to seize upon their i)olltical 
organizations by the violent suppression of 
the Republican vote, and thus, through a 
"solid South," aided by the Northern De- 
mocracy, to subjugate the North and West — 
to tax its wealth aud industries as a means of 
indemnifying the Confederate populations for 
losses in the rebellion, and to degrade their 
intelligent majorities into •'hewers of wood 
and drawers of water" for the service of the 
rebel Brigadiers. Here also is the purpose 
of this fraudulent census. 



CHAPTER XX. 



National Political Platforms, 1880* 



PAET 1. 
Republican -1880. 

The Bepnblican party, in National Conven- 

■Bsembled, at the end of twenty years 

I the Federal Government was first com- 

ted to its charge, submits to the pe^tple of 

United States this brief report of its ad- 

jigtzatum : 



It suppressed a rebellion which had armed 
nearlv a million of men to subvert the National 
authority [applause]: it reconstructed tlie 
Union of tne States with freedom mstead r>f 
slavery as its comer stone [applause] : it trims, 
formerl 4,000,000 human beings from the like- 
ness of ** things " to the mnk of citizens ! ap- 
plause] ; it relieved Congress from the int:i- 
mous work of hunting fugitive slaves, ai.-l 



174 



NATION A.L POLITIOAL PLATFORMS, 1880. 



charged it to see that slavery does &ot exist, 
[api^aase] ; it has raised the yalae of our paper 
•corrency from 38 per cent, to the par or gold 
(applause]; it has restored, upon a solid basis, 
payment in coin of all national obligations, 
■and has given us a currency absolutely good 
and equal in every part of our extended coun- 
try, [applause] ; it has lilted the credit of the 
Nation from the point of where 6 per cent, 
bonds sold at 86, to that where 4 per cent, bonds 
are eagerlj sought at a premium. [Applause.] 
Under its administration railways nave in- 
creased firom 81,000 miles in 1860 to more than 
^2,000 miles in 1879. [Applause.] Our for- 
eign trade increased f^om $700,000,000 to 
$1,150,000,000 in the same time, and our ex- 
ports, which were $20,000,000 less than our 
imports in 1860, were $265,000,000 more than 
our imports in 1879. [Applause, and cries of 
"Goodr "Good!"] Without resorting to 
loans, it has, since the war closed, defrayed 
the Ordinary expenses of goTemment besides 
the accruing interest on tAe public debt, and 
has disbursed annually more than $30,000,000 
for soldiers' and sailors* pensions. It has paid 
$880,000,000 of the public debt, and, by re- 
funding the balance at lower rates, has reduced 
the annual interest charge from nearly $150,- 
000,000 to less than $89,000,000. All the in- 
dustries of the country have revived, labor is 
in demand, wages have increased, and through- 
out the entire country there is evidence of a 
coming prosperity greater than we have ever en- 
joyed. Upon this record the Bepublican party 
asks for the continued confidence and support 
of the people, and this convention submits for 
their approval the following statement of the 
principles and purposes wmoh will coioutinue 
to guide and inspire its efEbrto : 

1. We affirm that the work of the Bepubli- 
can party for the last twenty vears has been 
8Uoh as to commend it to the lavor of the na- 
tioHL ; that the fruits of the costly victories 
which we have achieved through immense 
difficulties should be preserved; that the 
peace regained should be cherished ; that the 
Union should be perpetuated, and that the 
liberty secured to this generation should be 
transmitted undiminished to other genera- 
tions ; that the , order established and the 
credit acquired should never be impaired ; 
that the pensions promised should be paid ; 
that the debt so much reduced should be ex- 
tinguished by the full ^ayn^ent of every dol- 
lar thereof ; that the reviving industries should 
1t)e further promoted, and that the commerce 
already increasing should be encouraged. 

2. The Constitution of the United States is 
a supreme law, and not a mere contract. [Ap- 
plause.] Out of qpnf^erated States it made 
a sovereign nation . > Borne pcr^etd are deiied 
to the nation, while others are denied to the 
States, but the boundary between the powers 
delegated and those reserved Is to be deter- 
mined by the National, and not by the State 
tribunal. [Cheers.] ' 

3. The work of popular education is one 
left to the care of the several Htates; but it is 
the dutjr of the National Gotemment to aid 
that work to the extent of its constitutional 
ability. The intelligence of the nation is but 



the aggregate of the intelligence in the several 
States, and the destiny of the nation must be 
guided, not by the genius of any one State, 
but by the average genius of all. [Applause.] 

4. The Constitution wisely forbids Congress 
to make any law respecting the establishment 
of religion, but it is idle to hope that the na- 
tion can be protected against the influence of 
secret sectarianism, while each State is ex- 
posed to its domination. We^ therefore, recom- 
mend that the Constitution be so amended 
as to lay the same prohibition upon the legis- 
lature of each State, and to forbid the ap- 
propriation of public funds to the snppoit of 
sectarian schools. ^ [Cheers.] 

6. We reaffirm the belief avowed in 1876 
that the duties levied for the purpose of rev- 
enue should so discriminate as to favor Ameri- 
can labor (cheers); that no further grants 
of the public doEfiain should be made to any 
railway or other corporation ; that slavery 
having perished in the States, its twin bar- 
barity, polygamy must die in the Territories -, 
that everywhere the protection accorded to a 
citizen of American birth must be secured to 
citizens by American adoption. That we 
deem it the duty of Congress to develoj) and 
inprove our seacoast and harbors, but insist 
that further subsidies to private persons or 
corporations must cease, [cheers] ; that the 
obligations of the KepubUo to the men who 
preserved its integri^ in the day of battle 
are undiminished by the lapse of fifteen 
yeaxs -since their final victory. To do them 
honor is and shall forever be the gprateful privi- 
lege and sacred duty of the American people. 

6. Since the authority to regulate immigra- 
tion and intercourse between the United 
States and foreign xiatioins rests with the Con- 
gress of the United States and the treaty- 
making powerthe Bepublican party, regarding 
the unrestrieted immig^ration of Chinese as a 
matter of grave ooncerament under tbe exer- 
cise of boui these powers, would limit and re- 
strict that immigration by the enactment of 
suoh^iist^ humane, and reasonable laws and 
treaties as will produce that result. 

7. That the pttri>hr and patriotisni which 
characterized thd ^rlier career of Rtrtberfbrd 
B. Hayes in peace and war, and whicili guided 
the thoughts of our immediate jpredecessors 
to him fbi a Presidential candidate, liave con- 
tinued to inspire him in his ceacekr a^ C^ef 
Executive; and that history will M^rd to bis 
Administration the honors 'which are due to 
an efficient, just, and courteous discharge of 
the public business, and will honor his vetoes 
inte^rpbsM between the people and attempted 
partisan laws. [Cheers.] 

8. We charge upon the Democratio party 
tk^ h^bitPlfltBaiin^Qep^^^otism and justice 
to a supreme and insaiiaDle lust for office and 

Satronage; that to obtain possession of the 
fational Govemmenljeii^dcoptrolof the place, 
they have obstructed 'aU' efforts to promote the 
purity an^ to oon serve the Imoonx of the 
suffinge, end have devised fraudulent ballots, 
and invented fraudulent certification of re- 
turns ;-have labored to unseat lawfully elected 
members of Congress, to secure at alf hazards 
the vote of a majority of States in the 



NATIONAL POLITICAL PLATFORMS, 1880. 



175 



House of Representatives ; have endeavored 
to occupy by force and fraud the places of 
trust given to others by the people of Maine, 
rescued by the courage and action of Maine's 
patriotic sons ; have, by methods vicious in 
principle and tyrannical in practice, attached 
partisan legislation to appropriatioA bills 
upon whose passage the very movement of 
Government depended ; have crushed the 
rights of the individual ; have advocated the 
prmciples and sought the favor of the Bebel- 
fion a^jains^ the nation, and have endeavored 
to obhterate the sacred memories and to over- 
come the inestimably valuable results of nation- 
ality,per8onal freedom and individual equality. 
The equal, and steady, and complete en- 
forcement of the laws, and the protection of all 
our citizens in the enjoyment of all privileges 
and immunity guaranteed by the Constitution, 
are the first duties of the nation. [Applause.] 
The dangers of a "solid South" can only 
be averted b^ a faithful performance of every 
promise which the nation has made to the 
citizen. [Applause.} The execution of the 
laws, and the punishment of all those who 
violate them, are the only safe methods by 
irhich an enduring peace can be secured and 
genuine prosperity established throughout the 
South. [Applause.] Whatever promises the 
nation make the nation must perform. A 
nation cannot with safety relegate this duty 
-tothe States. The "solid South'* must be 
divided by the peaceful agencies of the ballot 
and all honest opinions must there find free 
(expression. To this end the honest voter 
Imust be protected, against terrorism, violence, 
I or fraud. [Applause. ] 

' And we affirm it to be the duty and the pur- 
pose of the Bepublican party to use all legiti- 
mate means to restore all the States of this 
Union to the most perfect harmony which 
may be posmble, and we submit to the practi- 
cal, sensible people of these United States to 
lay whether it would not be dangerous to the 
dearest interests of our country at this time to 
nirrender the administration of the Nationid 
ovemment^ to a partj which seeks to over- 
sow the existing jwhcy imder which we are 
prospeious, and thus bring distrust and 
"osioii where there is now order, confi- 
enoe, and hope. [Applause.] 
The Bepublican paxty^ adhering to the 
ciples affirmed by its last National Con- 
tion Of respect for the constituUonfld rules 
reming appointments to office, adopts the 
ieolaiution of President Hayes tiiat there- 
of the civil «ervice should be thorough, 
Ridical and oompUte. 'To this end it demands 
^le oo-operation of thie legislative with the 
fx,ecntir& departments of the Government, 
md that Oongress shall so legislate that fit- 
iese, ftscertatned by proper piraefcical tests, 
ball admit to the public service. 

PAKT li. 

Democratie— 1880. 

The Oemocrats of the United States, in Oon- 
imtioii assembled, declaare — ■ 
pl« We pledge ourselves anew to the oonsti- 
^oiial dootrines and traditions of the Dem- 



ocratic party, as illustrated by the teachings 
and example of a long line of Demooratus 
statesmen and patriots, and embodied in the 
platform of the last National Convention of 
the party. 

2. Opposition to centralizationism, and 
to that dangerous spirit of encroachment 
which tends to consolidate the powers of all 
the departments in one, and thus to create, 
whatever be the form of government, a real 
despotism. No sumptuary laws; separation of 
Church and State, for the good of each; com- 
mon sdiools fostered and protected. 

3. Home rule; honest money — ^the strict 
maintenance of the public faith— consisting 
of gold and silver, and paper convertible into 
coin on demand; the strict maintenance oj 
the public faith. State and National, and a 
taxia for revenue onlj. 

4. The subordination of the military to the 
civil power, and a general and thorough re- 
form of the civil service. 

d. Ihe right to a free ballot is the right 
preservative of all rights, and must and shallbe 
maintained in evezr part of tl;ie United States. 

6. The existing Administration is the repre-, 
sentative of conspiracy only, and its claim of 
right to surround the ballot-boxes with troops 
and deputy marshals, to intimidate and ob- 
struct the electors, and the' unprecedented 
use of the veto to maintain its corrupt and 
despotic power, insult the people and imperil 
their institutions. 

7. The great fraud of 1876-77, by which, 
upon a false count of the electoral votes of two 
States, the candidate defeated at the polls was 
declared to be President, and, for the first 
time in American history, the will of the 
people was set aside under a threat of military 
violence, struck a deadly blow at our system 
of representative government; the Democratic 
party, to preserve the country from a civil war, 
submitted for a time in firm and patriotic 
faith that the people would punish this crime 
in 1880; this issue precedes and dwarfs every 
other; it imposes a more sacred duty upon 
the people of the Union than ever addressed 
the conscience of a nation of free men. 

8. We execrate the course of this Admin- 
istration in making places in the civil service a 
reward for political crime; and demand a re- 
form by statute which will make it forever im- 
possible for the defeated candidate to bribe 
his way to the seftt of a usurper by billeting 
villains upon the people. 

9. The resolution of Samuel J. Tildefi, not 
again to be a candidate for the exalted place to 
which he was elected by a majority of his 
countrymen, and from whieh he was excluded 
by the leadei« of the Bepublican party, is re- 
ceived by the Demockttts of the United States 
with sensibility, and they declare their con- 
fidence in his wisdom, patriotism and integ-^ 
rity, unshaken by the assaults of a common 
enemy, and they further assure him that he is 
followed into the retirement he has chosen for 
himself by the sympathy and respect of his 
feUow-K^itizens, who regard him as one who, • 
by elevating the standards of public morality, 
merits the lasting gratitude of his country ami 
his partv. 



176 



NATIONAL POLITICAL PLATFORMS, 1880. 



10. Free ships and a living chance for Ameri- 
can commerce on seas and on the land. No 
discrimination in favor of transportation lines, 
corporations or monopolies. 

11. Amendment of the Bnrlingame Treaty. 
No more Chinese immigration, except for 
travel, education, and foreign commerce, and 
therein carefully guarded. 

12. Public money and public credit for pub- 
lic purposes solely, and public land for actual 
settlers. 

13. The Democratic party is the friend of 
labor and the laboring man, and pledges it- 
self to protect him aUke against tne cormo- 
rant and the commune. 

14. We congratulate the country upon the 
hdnesty and thrift of a Democratic Confess 
which has reduced the public expenditure 
$40,(X)0 000 a year ; upon the continuation of 
prosperity at home and the National honor 
abroad, and, above all, upon the promise of 
such a change in the administration of the 
Government as shall insure us genuine and 
lasting reform in every department of the 
public service. 

PAET III. 
Greenbaek— 1880. 

1. That the right to make and issue money 
is a sovereign power to be maintained by the 
P|eople for the common benefit. The delega- 
tion of this right to corporations is a sorrendev 
of the central attribute of sovereignty, void 
of constitutional sanction, conferring upon a 
subordinate irresponsible power, absolute 
dominion over industry and commerce. All 
money, whether metallic or paper, should be 
issued and its volume controlled by the Oov- 
enunent, and not by or through banking cor- 
porations, and whei) so issued should be a full 
legal tender for all debts, public and private. 

2. That the bonds of the United States 
should not be refunded, but paid as rapidly as 
is practicable, according to contract. To 
enable the government to meet these obliga- 
tions, legal-tender currency should be substi- 
tuted for the notes of the National banks, the 
National banking system abolished, and the 
unlimited coinage of silver, as well as gold, 
established by law. 

3. That labor should be so protected by Na- 
tional and State authority as to equalize its 
burd^OLS and insure a just distribution of its 
results; the eight-hour law of Congress should 
be enforced; the sanitary conditon of in- 
dustrial establishments placed under rig[id 
control; the competition of contract convict 
labor abolished; a bureau of labor statistics 
established; factories, mines, and workshops 
inspected; the. employment of children under 
fourteen years of age forbidden, and wages 
paid in cash. 

4. hlavery being simply cheap labor, and 
•cheap labor being simplv slavery, the impor- 
tation and presence of Chinese serfs neces- 
sarily tends to brutalize and degrade American 
labor; therefore, immediate steps should be 
taken to abrogate the Burlingame Treaty. 

5. Railroad land grants forfeited by reason 



of non-fulfillment of contract should be im- 
mediately reclaimed by the government; and 
henceforth the public domain reserved exclu- 
sively as homes for actual settlers. 

6. It is the duty of Congress to regulate 
inter-State commerce. All lines of communi- 
cation and transportation should be brought 
under such legislative control as shall secure 
moderate, fair and uniform rutes for passenger 
and freight traffic. 

7. We denounce as destructive to prosperity, 
and dangerous to liberty, the action of the old 
parties in fostering and sustaining gigantic 
land, railroad and money corporations and 
monopolies, invested with, and exercising 
powers belonging to the government, and yet 
not responsible to it for the manner of their 
exercise. 

8. That the Constitution, in giving Congress 
the power to borrow money, to decmre war, to 
raise and support armies, to provide and 
maintain a navy, never intended that the men 
who loaned their money for an interest con- 
sideration should be preferred to the soldier 
and sailor who periled their lives and shed 
blood on land and sea in defense of their 
country; and we condemn the cruel class legis- 
lation of the Kepublican party which, while 
professing great gratitude to the soldier, has 
most unjustly discriminated against him and 
in favor of the bondholder. 

9. All property should bear its just propor- 
tion of taxation, but we demand a graduated 
income tax. 

10. We denounce as most dangerous the 
efforts everywhere manifest to restrict the right 
of stiffiBge. 

11. We are opposed to an increase of the 
standing army in time of peace, and the in- 
sidious scheme to establish an enormous mili- 
tary power under the guise of militia laws. 

12. We demand absolute Democratic^ rules 
for the government of Congress, placing all 
representatives of the people upon an equal 
footing, and taking away from committees a 
veto power greater than t^at of the President 

13. We demand agovemment of the people 
by the people, and ror the people, instead of i 
government of the bondholders, by ih( 
boftdholdera, and for the bondholders; andwj 
denounce every attempt to stir up sectioi 
strife, {18 an effort to conceal monitrons crime 
against the people. 

14. In thefuithetance of these ends we 
the co-operation of all fair-minded peopU 
We have no quarrel with individuals, wagen( 
war upon classes, but only against viciouB ' 
stitutions. We are not content to endi 
further discipline from our present aoti 
rulers, who, having dominion over mone] 
over transportation, over land and labor, 
largely over the press and the machinery 
government, wield unwarrantable power oy\ 
our institutions, and over our li& and pi 
perty. 

15. That every citizen of due age, soi 
mind, and not a felon, be fully enfranohise| 
and that this resolution be referred to 
States, with recommendation for their £&▼< 
able consideration. 



ANALYBIS OF PLATF0BM8, 1856-1880. 



m 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Analysis of Platforms, 1856-1880. 



PAKT I. 



General Party Ocictrines. 

Democratic. Reirabllcaii. 



18SO— >That the liberal principles embodied by 
Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, and 
sanctioned in the CJonstitution, which makes ours 
the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed* of 
erery nation, have ever been cardinal principles in 
the Democratic faith; and every attempt to abridge 
the present privilege of becoming citizens and the 
owners of soil among us onght to be resisted with the 
BiMnft spirit which swept the alien, and sedition laws 
from our statute books. [Flank 8. 



ISH^—Beafilrmed. 



1864— 
1868— 

1872— We recognize the eqsality of all men be- 
fore the law, and hold that it is the duty of Gov- 
ernment in its dealings with the people to mete out 
equal and exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, 
race, color, or persuasion, religious or political.* 

[Plank 1. 



1876- 



18S6— That the maintenance of the principles 
promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and 
embodied in the Federal Constitution, is essential 
to the preservation of our Bepublican institutions, 
and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the 
States, and the union of the States shall be preserved; 
that, with our Bepublican fathers, we hQld it to be a 
self-evident truth that all men are endowed with the 
inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness, and that the primary object and ulterior 
design of our Federal Government were to secure 
these rights to all persons within its exclusive juris- 
diction. [Flank 1. 

1866— That the maintenance of the principles 
promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and 
embodied in the Federal Constitution, *' That all men 
are created equal; that they are endowed by their 
Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among 
these are life. Uberty, and the pursuit of happiness; 
that to secure these rights governments are instituted 
among men, deriving their just powers finom the con- 
sent of the governed," is essential to the preservation 
of our Bepublican institutions; and that the Federal 
Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union 
of the States must and shall be preserved. 

[Flank 2. 



1886— Opposition to centralizationism. and to 
that dangerous spirit of encroachment which tends to 
consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, 
and thus to create, whatever be the form of Govern- 
ment, a real despotism. [Flank 2. 



* NoTK. — For the practical application of these 
*' Beoent Southern Outrages and Feonage at the South,' 



1872— Complete liberty and exact equality in the 
enjoyment of all civil, political and public rights 
should be established and effectually maintained 
throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate 
State and Federal Legislation. Neither the law nor 
its administration should admit any discrimination 
in respect of citizens by reason of race, creed, color or 
previous condition of servitude. [Flank 3. 

1876 — The United States of America is a Nation not 
a league. By the combined workings of the National 
and State Governments, under their respective con- 
stitutions, the rights of every citizen are secured at 
home and abroad, a^d the common welfare promoted. 

1886— 2%e constittUion of the United States isasu^ 
preme law and not a mere contract. Out of confeder- 
ate States it made a sovereign nation. Some powers 
are denied to the nation, while others are denied to 
the States, but the boundary between the powers del- 
egated and those reserved is to be determined by the 
National, and not by the State tribunal. [Cheers.] 

[Flank 2. 

pretended Democratic " principles," see chapters on 



* •< 



The Homestead Question, etc.' 



Democnitlc. 



PAET II. 
The Rebellion. 



1S64— That this convention does eai»2ieitiydectore, 
as tlie sense of the American people, that after four 
^ears offaUure to restore the Union by the eaqoeriment of 
war, during Which, under the pretense of a military 
neoeasity or war-power higher than the Constitution, 
the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every 
pctrt, and public liberty and private right alike trod- 
den down, and the material prosperity of the country 
essentially Impaired, justice, humanity, liberty, and 
the public welfiare demand that immediate efforts be 
made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to the ul- 
timate convention of the States, or other peaceable 



Reintbllcaii. 



1864— That it is the highest duty of every Amer- 
ican citizen to maintain against all their enemies the 
integrity of the Union and the paramount authority 
of the Constitution and laws of the United States ; 
and that, laying aside all differences of political opin- 
ions, we pledge ourselves as Union men. animated by 
a common sentiment, and aiming at a common ob- 
ject, to do everything in our power to aid the Gov- 
ernment, in quelling by force of arms the rebellion 
now raging against its authority, and in bringing to 
the punishment due to their crimes the rebels and 
traitors arrayed against it. 



178 



ANALYSIS OF FLATFOBBI8, 1856-1880. 



Demaeratlc 

meaiui, to the end that, at the earliest practicable mo- 
ment peace may be restored on the basis of the Fed- 
eral Union of the States. [Ist resolution. 



Beimblleaii. 

That we approve the determination of the Oorern- 
ment of the United States not to compromise with 
rebels, or to offer them any terms of peace, except 
snch as may be based upon an an unoonditionialtQr 
render of their hostility and a return to Ibeir Just 
allegiance to the Constitution and lawv of the United 
States ; and that we call upon the Oovemment to 
maintain this position and to prosecute the war with 
the utmost posaible vigor to the complete supprM- 
■ion of the rebellion, in full reliance upon the ^Blf- 
sacrificing patriotism, the heroic valor, and the undy- 
ing devotion of the American people to the connt^ 
and its free institutions. [Ist and lid resolutions. 



Demoemtlc 



PART III. 
Aeoonstruction. 



Repnblican. 



• • • 



We regard the reconstruction 

acts (so-called) of Congress, as such, as usurpations, 
and unconstitutional, revolutionary and void. * * ^ 



1868— We congratulate the country on the ummA 
success of the reconstruction policy of Congress, s 
evinced by the adoption, in the majority of the Stated 
lately in rebellion.of constitutions securing equaldTll 
and political rights to all : and it is the du^ of the 
Oovemment to sustain those institutions and prevent 
the people of such States fh>m being remitted to a 
state of anarchy. {^l^nk 1. 

The guaranty by Congress of equal snfltage to all 
loyal men at the South was demanded by every consid- 
eration of public safety, of gratitude, and of Justice, 
and must be maintained ; while the question of saf- 
fhige in all the loyal States properly belongB to the peo- 
ple of those States. [Plank 2. 

That we highly commend the spirit of magnanimity 
and forbearance with which men who have served in 
the rebellion, but who now flnnklyand honestty co- 
operate with us in restoring the peace of the country 
and reconstructing the Southern State governments 
upon the basis of impartial Justice and equal ridits, 
are received back into the communion of the loyal 
people ; and we fiavor the removal of the diaqualiflca- 
tions and restrictions imposed upon the late rebels in 
the same measure as the spirit of disloyaltv will 
die out. and as may be consistent with the safety of 
the loyal people. [Plank 3. 



Democratic. 



PART IV. 
Home Rule. 



Bcimbllcaii. 



18SO— That we recognize the right of the people 
in all the Territories. Including Kansas and Nebraska, 
acting through the legally and fiairly expressed will of 
a mi^ortty <rf actual refidents. and wherever the num- 
ber of their inhabitants Justifies it, to form a consti- 
tution * * * and be admitted into the Union 
upon terms of perfect equality with the other Statea 



18S9— ••••♦• Thedea^ 
est constitutional rights of the people of Kansas have 
been fraudulently and violently taken finom them ; 
their territory has been invaded by an armed force ; 
spurious and pretended l^slative. Judicial, and ex- 
ecutive officers have been set over them, by whose 
usurped authority, sustained by the military power 
of the Oovemment, tyrannical and unconstitutional 
laws have been enacted and enforced ; the right of 
the people to keep and bear arms has been infHnged; 
test-oaths of an extraordinary and entangling narare 
have been imposed as a condition of exercising the 
right of suflhige and holding office; the right of an 
accused person to a speedy and public trial by an im- 
partial Jury has been denied; the right of the people 
to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and ef- 
fects, against unreasonable searches andseizuree, has 
been violated; they have been deprived of life, lib- 
erty, and property without due process of law; that 
the fk^edom of si>eech and of the press has been 
abridged; the right to choose their r o pro s ontatlvee 
has Men made of no effect; murders, robberiea, and 
arsons have been instigated and encouraged, and the 
offenders have been aUowed to go unpunished: that 
all these thinos have been done with the knowledge, 
sanction, and procurement of the present Admin- 
istration, and that for this high crime against the 
Constitution, the Union, and humanity, we arraign 
the Administration, the President, his advisers, 
agents, supporters, apologists, and accessories, either 
before or afUr the fkct, before the country and before 
the world; and that it is our fixed purpose to bring 
the actual perpetrators of these atrocious outrages 
and their accomplices to a sure and condign punish- 
ment. [Plank 3. 



ANALYSIS OF PLATFORMS, 1856-1890. 



179 



Demoemtlc 

1809— That when the settlers in a Territory, hav- 
ing an adequate popnlatlon, form a State Ckmstitation, 
the right of sovereignty commences, and, being con- 
summated by admission into the Union, they stand 
on an equal footing with the people of other States ; 
and the State thus organized ought to be admitted 
into the Federal Union, whether its constitution pro- 
hibits or recognizes the institution of slavery. 

[Flank 3, Breckenridge, Dem. 



1868'Afker the most solemn and unanimous 
pledge of both Houses of Oongress to prosecute the 
war exclusively for the maintenance of the Govern- 
ment and the preservation of the Union under the 
Constitution, it [the Republican party] has repeatedly 
violated that most sacred pledge under which alone 
was rallied that noble volunteer army which carried 
our flag to victory. Instead of restoring the Union, it 
has, so fhr as in its power, dissolved it, and subjected 
ten States, in time of profound peace, to militai^ des- 
potism and negro supremacy. It has nullified there 
the right of triu by Jury ; it baa abolished the habeas 
corpus, that most sacred writ of liberty ; it has over- 
thrown the fireedom of speech and the press ; it has 
sabotituted arbitrary seizures and arre^ and mili- 
tary triiJs and secret star-chamber inquisitions for 
the constitutional tribunals ; it has disregarded in 
time of peace the right of the people to be firee from 
aearches and seizures ; it has entered the post and 
telegraph offices, and even the private rooms of indi- 
widnals, and seized their private papers and letters 
'Without any specific charge or notice of affidavit, as 
required by the organic law; it has converted the 
Axnericaii Capitol into a bastile ; it has established a 
sysrtem of spies and official espionage to which no con- 
stitutional monarchy of Europe would now dare to 
resort ; it has abolished the right of appeal on impor- 
tant constitutional questions to the supreme Judicial 
tribunals, and threatens to curtail or destroy its orig- 
inal jurisdiction, which is irrevocably vested by the 
Constitution, while the learned Chief Justice has been 
subjected to the most atrocious calumnies, merely be- 
cause he would not prostitute his high office to the 
support of the fidse and partisan charges preferred 
against the President. * • • Under its repeated 
assaults the pillars of the Government are rocking on 
their base, and should it succeed in November next 
and inaugurate its President, we will meet as a sub- 
jected and conquered people, amid the ruins of liberty 
and the scattered fhigments of the Constitution. 

1872— Local self-government, with impartial suf- 
frage, will guard the rights of all citizens more securely 
than any centralized power. The public welfiue re- 
quires the supremacy of the civil over the military 
authority, and freedom of persons under the protec- 
tion of the habeas corptu. we demand for the indi- 
vidual the laxgest liberty consistent with public order; 
for the State self-government, and for the nation a re- 
turn to the methods of peace and the constitutional 
limitations of power. [Plank 4. 



* * 



(« 



Home Rule.' 



[Flanks. 



Beimbllcaiu 

186#— That the maintenance inviolate of the 
righte of the States, and especially the right of each 
State to ordOT and control ite own domestic institu- 
tions according to its own Judgment exclusively, is 
essential to that balance of power on which the per- 
fection and endurance of our political ikbric depends; 
and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force 
of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under 
what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. 

[Plank 4. 

1864- 

1888— We congratulate the country on the as- 
sured success of the reconstruction policy of Con- 
gress, as evinced by the adoption, in the minority of 
the States lately in rebellion, of constitutions secur- 
ing equal civil and political righte to all; and it is the 
duty of the Government to sustain those institutions 
and prevent the people of such States fkom being re- 
mitted to a state of anarchy. 



1872— We hold that Congress and the President 
have only fulfilled an imi>erative duty in their meas- 
ures for the suppression of violent and treasonable 
organizations in certein lately rebellious regions, and 
for the protection of the ballot-box; and, therefore, 
they are entitled to the thanks of the nation. 

[Plank 12. 



Democratic. 



PART V. 
The Veto Pov^er. 



BcpubUcaiu 



18&6-^That we are decidedly opposed to taking 18SO~ 
firom the President the qualified veto power, by 
which he is enabled under restrictions and responsi- 
bilities amply sufficient to guard the public interest, 
to suspend the passage of a bill whose merite cannot 
secure the approval of two-thirds of the Senate and 
House of Bepresentatives, until the Judgment of the 
people can be obtained thereon, and which has saved 
the Ajnerican people from the corrupt and tyrannical 
domination of the Bank of the United States, and 
from a corrupting system of ffenerai internal improve- 
ments. [ Resolve vll. 

I860— Reaffirmed. [Plank 1. 1866— 

1864— 1864— 

1868— 1868- 

1872- 1872- 



180 



ANALYSIS OF PLATFORMS, 1856-1880. 



187»~ 



Democratlc. 



1889— Resolve YII of the pUitfonn of 1866 reafClrm- 
ed. and the following added : 

« • ♦ ♦ ♦ and the tinpre- 

oedented nee of the veto to maintain its [the present 
administration's ] corrupt and despotic power, insult 
the people and imperil their institutions. [ Plank 6. 



188«- 



RepubUcan, 



Democrattc. 

18&9--That the Constitution does not confer upon 
the general Qovemment the power to commence and 
cany on a general system of internal improvements."' 

[Plank 2. 



1869— Beafflnned. 



PART VI. 
Internal Improvements. 



Republtean. 

18&9--That appropriations by Congreaa for the 
improvement of rivers and harbors of a national cha^ 
acter, required for the accodtmodation and security 
of our existing commerce, are authorized by the Con- 
sUtution and Justified by the obligation of Govern- 
ment to protect the lives and property of its citizens. 

[PhmkT. 

1889— That appropriations by Congress for river 
and harbor improvements of a national character, re- 
quired for the accommodation and security of an ex- 
isting commerce, are authorized by the Constitution 
and Justified by the obligation of Qovemment to pro- 
tect the lives and property of its citizens. 

[Plank U. 



1872- 

187»~ 

188«— Plank 2 of 1866 reaffirmed. 



1868— 
1872- 



1876- 

1886— * * * That we deem it the duty of 
Congress to develop and improve our seacoast snd 
harbors, but insist that further subsidies to private 
persons or corporations must cease. 

* Nois— >Tet the outrageous River and Harbor Bill of 1876 was a Democratic measure, concerning which the 
following message was sent by President Grant to the Democratic House: 

" To the House of Bqpreientatives : 

" In affixing mv signature to the River and Harbor Bill, "So. 3822, 1 deem it my duty to aimounce to the 
House of Representatives my objections to some features of the bill, and the reason I sign it. If it was obli- 
gatory upon the Executive to expend all the money appropriated by Congress, I should return the River and 
Hwrbor Bill with my objections, notwithstanding the great inconvenience to the public interests resulting 
thereftom, and the loss of expenditures from previous Congresses upon incompleted works. Without enu- 
merating, many appropriations are made for works of purely private or IochI interest, in no sense national. I 
cannot give my sanction to these, and will take care that during my term of office no public money shiUl be 
expended upon them. 

** There is very great necessity for economy of exx>enditures at this time, growing out of the loss of revenue 
likely to arise ftx>m a deficiency of appropriations to insure a thorough collection of the same. The reduction 
of revenue districts, diminution of si)ecial agents, and total abolition of supervisors, may result in great M- 
ing off of the revenue. It may be a question to consider whether any expenditure can be authorized under 
the river and harbor appropriation further than to protect works already done and paid for. Under no circum- 



stances will I allow expenditures upon works not clearly national. 
" Executive Mahszon, Augttst 14, 1877. 

partTvii. 



U. 8. Grant." 



Democratic. 



Pacific Railroad. 



Repabltcan. 



18S6— That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean by the 
most central and practicable route is imperatively 
demanded by the interests of the whole country, and 
that the Federal Government ought to lender imme- 
diate and efficient aid in its construction ; and as an 
auxiliary thereto, to the immediate construction of 
an emigrant route on the line of the railroad. 

[Plank 6. 



18&0— That Democratic party recognizses the great 
importance, in a political and commercial point of 
view, of a safe and speedy communication through 
our own territory between the Atlantic and Pacific 
Coasts of the Union, and it is the duty of the Federal 
Qovemment to exercise all its constitutional power 
to the attainment of that object, thereby binding the 
Union of these States in indiasoluble bonds, and open- 
ing to the rich commerce of Asia an overland transit 
firom the Pacific to the Mississippi River, and the 
great Lakes of the North. 

[Resolution attached to Platform.* 

I860— That one of the necessities of the age. in a 
military, commercial and postal point of view, is 
speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pa- 
cific States ; and the Democratic party pledge such 
constitutional Government aid as will insure the con- 
stouction of a railroad to the Pacific Coast at the 
earliest practicable period. 

[Resolve III. of Douglas (Dem.) Platform. 

* NoTK.— In their platform of 1876, the Democracy, with characteristic inconsistency, denounce the Be- 
publicans for aiding in the building of the Pacific Railroads by grants of the public lands. They declare the 
roads works of " great importance," " one of the greatest necessities of the aKC," and pledge Uie nation to 
their oonstruction, and then denounce the only means by which they could be ouilt. 

[See Part viii.. Public Lands. 



I860— That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is im- 
peratively demanded by the interests of the wh<^ 
country ; that the Federal Government ought to 
render immediate and efficient aid in its constrao- 
tion ; and that, as pr^minary thereto, a daily over- 
land nudl should be promptly edtablished. 

[Plank 16. 



^ 



AJDfALYSIB OF PLATF0BM8, 1865-1880. 



181 



Democratle. 

IThereas. one of the greatest necessities of the age, 
in a political, commercial, postal, and military point 
of view, is a speedy communication between the Pa- 
cific and Atlantic Coasts ; therefore, be it 

Resolved, That the National Democratic party do 
hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their 
power to secure the passage of some bill, to the ex- 
tent of the constitutional authority of Ctongress, for 
the construction of a Pacific railroad firom the Mia- 
flissippi River to the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest 
practicable moment. 



Sepublicaii. 



1864 — ^That we are in favor of a speedy construc- 
tion of the railroad to the Pacific Ooaat. 

[Plank 9. 



PART VIIL 
Public fjands. 



Democratic. 



Repablican. 



18SO— * • * The proceeds of the public lands 
ought to be sacredly applied to the national objects 
specified in the Constitution; and that we are oppos- 
ed to any law for the distribution of such proceeds 
among the States, as alike inexpedient in policy and 
repugnant to the Constitution. [Eesolve YI.* 



18S»~ 



186#— Beafflrmed. 



[Plank 1 



180(^That we protest against any sale or aliena- 
tion to others of the public lands held by actual set- 
lers, and against any view of the £ree homestead poli- 
cy which regards the settlers as paupers or suppli- 
ants for public bounty; and we demand the passftge 
by Congress of the complete and satisfitotory home- 
stead measure which has already passed the House. 

[PlaaklS. 



1868— That the public lands should be distributed 
as widely as possible among the people, and should 
be disposed of either under the preemption of home- 
stead lands , or sold in reasonable quantities, and to 
none but actual occupants, at the minimum price 
estblished by the Government. When grants of the 
public lands may be allowed, necessary for the en- 
couragement of important public improvements, the 
proceeds of the sale of such lands, and not the lands 
themselves, should be so applied. 

1872 — ^We are opposed to all further grants of lands 
to railroads or other corporations. The public domain 
should be held sacred to actual settlers. 

[Plank 10. 

18*76 — Reform is necessary to put a stop to the 
profligate waste of public lands, and their diversion 
from actual settlers by the party in power, which has 
squandered 200,000,000 of acres upon railroads alone, 
and out of more than thrice that aggregate has dis- 
posed of less than a sixth directly to tillers of the 
soil. 

1886— * * * Public lands to actual settlers. 1886— ^BeafflLrmed. [Plank 5. 

[Plank 12. 

* In 1856. and in all their history prior to 1861, the Democracy sternly opposed the homestead principles— 
the granting of public lands to actual settlers. In their opinion the policy was agrarian, unconstitutional, 
And demoraUzing. See chapter on " The Homestead Question." 



1872 — ^We are opposed to further grants of the 
public lands to corporations and monopolies, and 
demand that the national domain be set apart for firee 
homes for the people. [Plank 6. 

1876— Reafarmed. [Plaak 9. 



PART IX. 

The ^rational Debt and Interest, the Publie Credit, Repudi- 

ation, ete. 

Republican. 



Democratic. 



1868 — ^Payment of the public debt ofthe United 
States as rapidly as practicable; all moneys drawn 
teojn the people by taxation, except so much as is 
requisite for the necessities of the Qovernment. eco- 



1864— That the National faith, pledged for the 
redemption of the public debt, must be kept invio- 
late, and that for this purpose we recommend economy 
and rigid responsibility in the public expenditures, 
and a vigorous and Just system of taxation ; and that it 
is the duty of every loyid State to sustain the credit 
and promote the use of the National currency. 

[Plank 10. 

1868— We denounce all forms of repudiation as a 
National crime ; and the National honor requires the 
payment of the public indebtedness in the uttermost 
good faith to all creditors at home and abroad, not 



i 



182 



▲NALTSIB OF PLATFORMS, 186&.1880. 



Demoenitle. 

nomlcally afdministered. being honettlT applied to 
■aoh payment, and where the obligations of the 
Gk>venunent do not ezpxeaaly state npon ttieir fiftce, 
or the law under which they were issued does not 
provide that they shall be paid in coin, thev ought, in 
right and in Justice, to be paid in the lawful money of 
the United States. * [Plank 3. 

Bqual taxation of every species of property accord- 
ing to its re»l value, including Gtovemment bonds 
and other putdic securities. [Flank 4. 



189 S--* We demand a system of Federal taxation 
which shall not unnecessarilv interfere with the 
industries of the people, and which shall provide the 
means necessary to pay the expenses of the Oovem-. 
ment, economically administered, the pensions, the 
interest on the public debt, and a moderate reduction 
annually of the j;>rincipal thereof. * * * 

* The public credit must be sacredly maintained, 
and we denounce repudiation in every form and 
guise. [Plank 7. 



only according to the letter, but the spirit of the 
laws under which it was contracted. [Plaak 3. 

It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation 
should be equalized and reduced as rapidly as the 
national faith will permit. [Plank i. 

The national debt, contracted as it has been for the 

S reservation of the Union for all time to come, should 
e extended over a fair period for redemption; and it 
is the duty of CSongress to reduce the rate of interest 
thereon whenever it can be honestly done. 

[Plank 5. 
That the best policy to diminish our burden of 
debt is to so improve our credit that capitalists will 
seek to loan us money at lower rates of interest than 
we now pay and must coutinue to pay so long as re- 
pudiation, partial or total, open or covert, is threst- 
ened or suspected, [Plank 6. 

1872— * * * A uniform national currency his 
been provided, repudiation frowned down, the na- 
tional credit sustained under the most extraordinary 
burdens, and new bonds negotiated at lower rates. * * 

[Plank 1. 

We denounce repudiation of the public debt, in any 
form or disguise, as a national crime. We witneea 
with pride the reduction of the principal of the debt, 
and of the rates of interest upon the balance. 

[Plank 13. 



1899—* Beform is necessary to establish a sound 
currency, restore the public credit, and maintain the 
national honor. 



* • * 



1876— In the first act of CJongress signed by Presi- 
dent Orant, the National Government assumeid to re- 
move any doubts of its purpose to discharge all Just 
obligations to the public creditors, and "solemnly 
pledged its fiiith to make provision at the earliest 
practicable period for the redemption of the United 
States notes in coin." Commercial prosperity, public 
morals, and national credit demand that this promise 
be fulfilled by a continuous and steady progress to 
specie payment. [Plank L 

18841— It [the Republican party] has raised the 
value of our paper currencey ftom 88 per cent, to the 
par of gold [applause] ; it has restored, upon a soDd 
basis, payment in coin of all national obligations, and 
has given us a currency absolutely good and equal in 
every part of our extended count^ Happlause] ; it has 
lifted the credit of the nation irom me point of where 
6 per cent, bonds sold at 86, to that where 4 per cent 
bonds are eagerly sought at a premium. 

[Preamble. 

* NoTX.— See chapters on " Democratic Administrative Financial Blundering," " ' Solid Southern ' Internal 
Bevenue," " Greenbacks, Public Credit, and Besumption," and " Tariff," to ascertain the difference between 
these Democratic " principles " and the Democratic " practice." 



Honest money — the strict main- 
tenance of the public faith — consisting of gold and 
silver, and paper convertible into coin on demand ; 
the strict noaintenance of the public faith. State and 
national. [Plank 3. 



Demoenttle* 



PART X. 
Resumption. 



Beimbllcan. 



1872— *A speedy return to specie payment is de- 
manded alike by the highest considerations of com- 
mercial morality and honest government. [Plank 8. 

1876— We denounce the financial imbecility and 
immorality of that party, which, during eleven years of 
peace, has made no advance toward resumption, no 
preparation for resumption, but instead has obstruc- 
ted resumption, by wasting our resources and ex- 
hausting all our surplus income; and, while annually 
profMsing to intend a speedy return to specie pay- 
ments, has annually enacted fkesh hindrances thereto. 
As su<di hindrance toe denounce the renimpHon daiue 
Hjfike ojd of 1876, and we here demand ite repeal, 

1880— * * * Honest money, * * * con- 
sisting of gold and silver, and paper convertible into 
coin on demand. 



187S— * * * Our excellent national currency 
will be perfected by a speedy resumption of specie 
payment. [Plank 13. 

1878— In the first act of Congress signed by Presi- 
dent Grant, the National Government assumed to re- 
move any doubts of its purxxxae to discharge all jost 
obligations to the public creditors, and solenmly pled- 
ged its flkith to mske provision at the " earliest practi- 
cable period for the redemption of the United States 
notes in coin. " Commercial prosperity, public monUs 
and national credit demand that this promise be tol- 
filled by a continuaue and tteady progreu to specie pof- 
ment. 

1888— * * * It [the BepubUcan party] has 
restored, upon a solid basis, payment in coin of all 
National obligations, and has given us a currency sl^ 
solutely good and equal in every part of our extended 
country. , . 



* Note.— See chapter on " Greenbacks, Public Credit, and Bedemption. 



*• 



Democratic. 



PART XI. 
Capital and I^bor. 



Repnbllcaiu 



1868— iRetoIved, That this convention sympathize 
cordially with the working men of the United States 
In their efforts to protect the rights and interests of 
the laboring classes Of the countiy. 



ANALYSIS OF PLATF0BM8, 18S6-1880. 



183 



Democratic. 



Bciiubllcaii. 

1872— Among the qneBtions which press for atten- 
tion is that which concerns the relations of capital and 
labor, and the Republican party recognizes the duty 
of so shaping legislation as to secure full protection 
and the amplest field for capital, and for labor, the 
creator of capital, the largest opportunities and a just 
share of the mutual profits of these two great servants 
of civilization. [Plank 11. 



1889— The Democratic party is the fHend of labor 
snd the laboring man, and pledges itself to protect 
him alike against the cormorant and the commune.* 

[Flank 13. 

"* Note.— And manifests its fHendship by cutting down to starvation rates the pay of all the laborers in the 
Departments, by tariff-tinkering, by inaugurating systems of peonage in the South, and by other means. — (See 
chapters on *' Labor," " Peonage," " Tariff," and " Homesteads.") 



Democratic. 



PART XII. 
Tariff; 



18S0— The time has come for the people of the 
United States to declare themselves in fiEtvor of * * * 
progressive free trade throughout the world, by solemn 
manifestations, to place their moral influence at the 
side of their successfal example. ^ [Resolve I. 

Thait Justice and sound policy forbid the Federal 
Oovemment to foster one branch of industry to the 
detriment of any other, or to cherish the interests of 
one portion to the ixgury of another portion of our 
common country. [Kank 4. 

18IBO— Beaflirmed. 



• • • A tariff for revenue upon foreign 
imports, and such equal taxation under the Internal 
Revenue laws as will afford incidental protection to 
domestic manufiicture?, ahdas will, without imi>air- 
ing the revenue, impose the least burden upon and 
best promote and encourage the great industrial in- 
terests of .the country. [Plank 6. 

1872— * * * * Recognizing that there are in 
our midst honest but irreconcilable differences of 
■opinion with regard to the respective systems of pro- 
tection and free trade, we remit the discussion of the 
sufadect to the people in their Congressional districts, 
and to tlie decision of the Congress thereon, wholly tree 
from executive interference or dictation. [Plwok 6 

1870— « * * * fpjg demand that aU cttstom- 
house taxation shdU be only /or revenue. [Plank 11. 



Repabllcaii* 



186#— That, while providlnc revenue tor the sup- 
port of the general Government by duties u|Km im- 
ports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of 
these imposts as to encourage the development of the 
industrial interests of the whole country ; and we 
commend that policy of national exchanges which se- 
cures to the workingmen liberal wages, to agriculture 
remunerative prices, to mechanics and manufEusturers 
an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enter- 
prise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and 
independence. [Plank 12. 



1868- 



1872— * * * * Revenue, except so much as 
may he derived from a tax upon tobacco and liquors, 
should be raised by duties upon importations, the de- 
tails of whiph should be so adjusted as to aid in secur- 
ing remunerative wages to labor, and promote the 
industries, prosperity, and growth of the whole 
country. [Plank 7. 

1876— The revenue necessary for current expen- 
ditures and the obligations of the public debt must be 
larg ely derived firom duties upon importations, which 
so far as possible, should be adjusted to promote the in- 
terests of American labor and advance the prosperity 
of the whole coimtry. [Flank 8. 

18811— Beafilrmed. 



* * * * A tariff for revenues only. 

[Plank 3. 

NoTB— See "Tariff" chapter for the Democratic Legislative record. 



Democratic. 



PART XIII. 
Education. 



Republican. 



Igfjll— The fEdse issue with which they [the Re- 
publicans] would enkindle sectarian strife in respect 
to the pnbUc schools, of which the establishment 
and support belong exclusively to the several States, 
and w^ch <Ae Democratic party hat cherUhedJrom their 



18*76— The public school system of the severa 
States is the bulwark of the American Republic, and 
with a view to its security and permanence we rec- 
ommend an amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States, forbidding the applicationof any pub 



184 



ANALYSIS OF PLATFORMS, IRSe-lSSO. 



Democmtle. 

fnmdaiion,* and is resolved to maintain without pre- 
judice or preference for any class, sect, or creed, and 
without largesses from the Treasury to any. 

188#— * * « Ck>mmon Schools fostered and 
protected. [Plank 3. 



Repabllcan. 

lie funds or property for the benefit of any schooU or 
institutions under sectarian control. [PUnk i. 

1880— The work of popular education is one left to 
the care of the several States, but it is the duty of tho 
National Government to aid that work to the extent 
of its constitutional ability. The intelligence of th« 
nation is but the aggregate of the intelligence in the 
several States, and the destiny of the Nation mast be 
guided, not by the genius of any one State, bat by 
the average genius of all. [Flank 3. 

■•■ NoTB— " Cherished " amid conflagration and outrage— by outraging, violently expelling, or murdering 
school teachers and burning school houses. In the South, prior to the war. common schools for the education 
of the people were contemptuously styled "free*' schools, and their pupils regarded as an inferior caste, on an 
equality with/ree "niggers" 1 



PART XIV. 
Duty to Union Itoldiers and Sailors. 



Democratic. 

1864 — *That the sympathy of the Democratic 
party ia heartily and earnestly extended to the sol- 
diery of our army and sailors of our navy, who are and 
have been in the field and on the sea under the flag 
of our country, and, in the event of its attaining 
power, they wiU receive all the care, protection, and 
regard that the brave soldiers and sailors of the Re- 
public so nobly earned. [Plank 6. 



1868^ ******* That our soldiers and 
sailors, who carried the flag of our country to victory, 
against a most gallant and determined foe, must ever 
be gratefully remembered, and all the guarantees 
given in their favor must be faithfully carried into 
execution. 



,_ -* We remember with gratitude the heroism 

and sacrifices of the soldiers and sailors of the Repub- 
lic, and no act of ours shall ever detract ft-om their 
justly earned fkme for the full reward of their patriot- 
ism. [Plank 9. 



1876—'" * * The soldiers and sailors of the Re- 
public, and the widows and orphans of those who 
have fallen in battle, have a just claim upon the care, 
protection, and gratitude of their fellow-citizens 

[Last resolution. 



Repabltcan. 

1864— -That the thanks of the American people 
are due to the soldiers and sailors of the army isA 
navy, who have periled their lives in defense of the 
country and in vindication of the honor of its flag; 
that the nation owes to them some permanent recog- 
nition of their iMttrlotism and their valor, and ampe 
and permanent provision for those of their survivon 
who have received disabling and honorable wounds 
in the service of the country; and that the memories 
of those who have fUlen in its defense shall be b^ 
in grateful and everlasting remembrance. 

[Plank 4. 

1868— Of all who were faithful in the trials of the 
late war, there were none entitled to more especial 
honor than the brave soldiers and seamen who en- 
dured the hardships of campaign and cruise, and 
imperiled their lives in the service of their country; 
the bounties and i)en8ions provided by the laws for 
these brave defenders of the nation are obligations 
never to be forgotten; the widows and orphans of the 
gallant dead are the wards of the people — a sacred 
legacy bequeathed to the na^on's care. 

[Plank 10. 

1872 — ^We hold in undyinghonor the soldiers and 
sailors whose valor saved the union. Their pensions 
are a sacred debt of the nation, and the widows and 
orphans of those who died for their country sxt en- 
titied to the care of a generous and grateful people. 
We favor such additional legislation as will extend the 
bounty of the Government to all our soldiers and 
sailors who were honorably discharged, and who in 
the line of duty became disabled, without regard to 
the length of service or the cause of such discharge. 

[Plank 8. 

1876— The pledgee which the nation has given to 
her soldiers and sailors must be fulfilled, and a grate- 
ful people will always hold those who imperiled their 
lives for the country's preservation, in the kindest 
remembrance. [Plank 14. 

1886— That the obligations of the Republic to the 
men who preserved its integrity in the day of battle 
are undiminished by the lapse of fifteen years since 
their final victory. To do them honor is and shall 
forever be the grateful privilege and sacred duty of 
the American people. 



* NoTX.— See chapters on " Democratic Hatred of Union Soldiers," and " Bounties and Pensions." 



PART XV. 
Uraturaiization and Allegiance. 



Democratic. 

I860— That the Democracy of the United States 
recognize it as the imperative duty of this Oovemment 
to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, 
whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same ex- 
tent as its native-bom citizens. ]Plank 6. 



Bcpnblican. 

1866— The Republican party is opposed to any 
change in our naturalization laws, or any State legis- 
lation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto ae- 
corded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be 
abridged or impaired; and in fkvor of giving a full and 
efl&cient protection to the right of all claBsesof dtizeoa. 
whether native or naturalized, both home and abroad. 

[Plank 14. 



ANALYSIS OP PLATFORM8„1856-1880. 



185 



Demoenitlc. 



1868 — Equal riglitB and protection for naturalized 
and naHye-born cUizens at home and abroad, the aa- 
sertion of Amerloan nationality which shall command 
the respect of forei^^ powers, and famish an example 
and encouragoMent to people struggling for national 
integrity, constitutional liberty, and individual rights 
and the maintanance of the rights of naturalized 
cittzens against the absolute doctrine of immutable 
atiegiance, and the claims olforeign powers to punish 
them for alleged crime oommitteof beyond their Juris- 
diction. [Plank 8. 



i87e- 



18SC— 



Republican. 



1868— The doctrine of Great Britain and other 
Ewropean Powers, that because a man is once a sub- 
ject he is always so, must be resisted at every hazard 
by the United States, as a relic of feudal times, not 
authorized by the laws of nations, and at war with our 
national honor and independence. Naturalized cit- 
izens are entitled to protection in all their rights of 
citizenship as though they were native-born; and no 
citizen of the United States, native or naturalized, 
must be liable to arrest and imprisonment by any 
foreign power for acts done or words spoken in this 
country; and. if so arrested and imprisoned, it is the 
duty of the Government to interfere in his behalf. 

[Plajik9. 

18'7S~The doctrine of Great Britain and other 
'European Powers concerning allegiance — "once a sub- 
ject always a subt}ect "-^having at last, through the 
efforts of ike Republican party, been abandon^, and the 
American idea of the individual's right to transfer 
allegiance having been accepted by European nations, 
it is the duty of our Government to guard with Jealoua 
care the rights of adopted citizens against the assump- 
tion of unauthorized claims by their former Govern- 
ments, and we urge continued careful encouragement 
and protection of voluntary immigration. [Plank 9. 

1819— It is the imx>erative duty of the Govern- 
ment so to modify existing treaties with European gov- 
ernments, that the same protection shall be afforded to 
the adopted American citizen that is given to the 
native bom, and that all necessary laws should be 
passed to protect emigrante in the absence of power in 
the States for that purpose. [Plank 10. 

18811 — * ♦ ♦ * * Every where the protection 
accorded to a citizen of American birth must be 
secured to citizens by American adoption. [Plank 6. 



PART XVI. 



The Chinese. 

RepubUcan. 
1876— It is the immediate duty of Congress to 
fUUy investigate the effect of the immigration and 
importation of Mongolians upon the moral and mar 
terial interests of the country. [Plank 11.* 



Democratic. 

IS^H^Beform is necessary to correct the omissions 
of a Republican Congress, and the errors of our treaties 
and our diplomacy, which have stripped our fellow- 
citizens of frtreign birth and kindred race re-crossing 
the Atlantic, of the shield of American citizenship, 
and have exposed our brethren of the Pacific coast to 
the incursions of a race not sprung fix>m the same 
great parent stock, and in &ct now by law denied 
citizM3fihip through naturalization as being neither 
accustomed to the traditions of a progressive civiliza- 
tion nor exercised in liberty under equal laws. We 
denounce the policy which thus discards the liberty- 
loving German and tolerates a revival of the coolie 
trade In Mongolian women imported for immoral pur- 
posea, and Mongolian men held to perform servile 
Ukhar contracts, and demand such modification of the 
treaty with the Chinese Empire, or such legislation 
within constitutional limitations, as shall prevent 
further importation or immigration of the Mongolian 
race. 

18S«— Amendment of the BurUngame Treaty. No 1880-Since the authority to regulate immigr^ 

more Chinese immigration, except for travel, educa- tion and intercourse between the United States and 
tion, and foreign commerce, and therein carefully foreign nations rests with the Congress of the United 
gnuadBd, [Plank 11. States and the treaty-making power, the Republican 

party, regarding the unrestricted immigration of 
Ghineae as a matter of grave concernment under the 
exercise of both these powers, would limit and restrict 
that immigration by the enactment of such just, 
humane, and reasonable laws and treaties as will pro- 
duce that result. [Plank 6. 

* NoTB.~The Republican was the first political party to recognize the Chinese question as one of national 
impartanoe. by the dedaxation in ito platform of 1876— the subsequently adopted Democratic plank on the sub- 
ject being simply a demagogical bid for votes. 



PART XVII. 



Democratic. Reimbllcaii. 

IS^i—ThecivUserviceofthe Government has be- 1812— Any system of the civil service, «nder 

<soixie a mere instrument of purtisan tyranny and per- which the subordinate positions of the Government 



186 



LETTBBS OF ACGEPTANOE. 



Democratic. 

soiuJ unbition «Bd an object of selfish gveed. It is a 
scandal and reproach upon tree institutions and 
bzeeda a demoraUzation duigerous to the perpetuity 
of Republican Oovemment. We therefore regard a 
thorough reform of the ciyil service as one of the 
most pressing necessities of the hour; that the hon- 
esty, capacity and fidelity constitute the only valid 
claim to public employment; that the offices of the 
Government cease to be a matter of arbitrary fitvorit- 
ism and patronage, and public station become again 
a post of honor. To this end it is imperatively re- 
quired that no President shall be a candidate for re- 
election. 

1879— Beform is necessary in the civil service. Ex- 
perience that proves efficient, economical conduct of 
Oov^mmental business is not possible if the civil ser- 
vice be subject to change at every election, be a prize 
fought for at the ballot-box, be a brief reward of party 
zeal, instead of posts of honor assigned for proved 
competency, and held for fidelity in the public em- 

gloy ; that the dispensing of patronage should neither 
e a tax upon the time of all our public men, nor the 
instrument of their ambition. 



Reimbllcaii. 

are considered rewards for mere party zeal is fatally 
demoralizing, and we therefore fiivor a reform of the 
system by lawsSrhich shall abolish the evils of pat- 
ronage and make honesty, efficiency and fidelity the 
essential qualifications for public positions, without 
practically creating a life tenure of office. [Flank 5. 



187A--^nder the CJonstitution the President and 
heads of Departments are to make nominations for 
office; the Senate is to advise and consent to appoint- 
ments, and the House of Representatives to accuse ' 
and prosecute faithless officers. The best interest of 
the public service demands that these distinctions 
be respected; that Senators and Representatives who 
may be judges and accusers should not dictate ap- 
pointments to office. The invariable rule in ap- 
pointments should have reference to the honesty, 
fidelity and capacity of the appointees; giving to 
the pa^rty in power those places where harmony and 
vigor of administration require its policy to be repre- 
sented, but permitting all others to be filled by per- 
spns selected with sole reference to the efficiency of 
the public service, and the right of all citizens to 
share in the honor of rendering uiithful service to the 
country. [Plank 6. 

1880 — The Republican party, adhering to the prin- 
ciples affirmed by its last NationalGonventionof respect 
for the Ck>nstitutional rules governing appointments 
to office, adopts the declaration of President Hayes, 
that the reform of the civil service should be thorough, 
radical and complete. To this end it demands the co- 
operation of the legislative with the executive depart- 
ments of the Oovemment, and that CSongress shall 
so legislate that iif ness, ascertained by proper prac- 
tical tests, shall admit to the public service. 

* " To the victors belong the spoils," is the maxim which controlled the Democracy in all its past his- 
torv in making appointments which now govern the rebel Brigadiers, in control of the Senate and House, 
and will govern them in control of the National (Government. (See chapter on " Democratic Hatred of Union 
Soldiers.") 



service. 



♦ • * Thorough reform in the civil 



CHAPTER XXII. 



Letters of Aeceptance of Republican Presidential and 

Vice-Presidential Nominees. 



PART I. 

Honorable James G. Garlleld's 
I^etter of* Aceepian<;e. 

" Mbntob, Ohio, Jtdy 12, 1880 
" Deab Snt : On the evening of the 8th of June last I 
had the honor to receive trom you, in the presence of 
the committee of which you were chairman, the official 
announcement that the Republican National Conven- 
tiqn at Chicago had that day nominated me as their 
candidate for President of the United States. I ac- 
cept the nomination with gratitude for the confidence 
it implies, and with a deep sense of the responsibilities 
it imposes. I cordially endorse the principles set 
forth in the platform adopted by the Convention, on 
nearly all the subjects of which it treats, my opinions 
are on record among the published proceedings of 
Congress. I venture, nowever, to make special men- 
tion of some of the principal topics which are likely to 
become subjects of discussion. 

"Without reviewing the controversies which have 
been settled during the last twenty years, and with no 
purpose or wish to revive the pkssions of the late war, 
it should be said that while Bepublicans fully recog- 
nize and will strenuously defend all the rights re- 
tained by the people, and all the rights reserved to the 



States, they reject the pernicious doctrine of State 
supremacy which so long crippled the functions of 
the National Government, and at one time brought the 
Union very near to destruction. They insist that the 
United States is a nation with ample power of self-pre- 
servation: that its Constitution and the laws made 
in pursuance thereof are the supreme law of the 
land ; that the right of the nation to determine 
the method by which its own Legislature shall be cre- 
ated cannot be surrendered without abdicating one of 
the fundamental powers of Government; that the na- 
tional laws relating to the election of Bepfesentatives' 
in Congress shall neither be violated nor evaded; that 
every elector shall be permitted fireely and without in- 
timidation to cast his lawful ballot at such election 
and have it honestly counted, and that the potency of 
his vote shall not be destroyed by the fraudulent vote 
of any other person. 

" The best thoughts and energies of our people should 
be directed to those great questions of National well- 
being in which aU have a common interest. Such 
efforts will soonest restore perfect peace to those who 
were lately in arms against each other; for justice and 
good- will will outlast passion. But *it is certain that 
the wounds of the war cannot be completely healed, 
and the spirit of brotherhood cannot fully pervade the 
whole country, until every citizen, rich or poor, white 
or black, is secure in the free and equal enjoyment of 



LBITEBS or ACCKFTASOE, 



erorj drfl uid politlM] rigbt giunmlaci] by Uia Oon> 
•Utadon ud tlie Un. WhenverttM enjoj'iDeiit ot 
thiw iWits U not Mmed. diKOnlant vUl ^lenJl, 



III eouUtaUanal ■DUunltr to pat an and to tbeta 
tOMi fPT alt Uupaoiila and ■Utile fit&tea an msmben 

JU7I04IL ThgiiiomHiioai erlla wblcb noir afflict 
tluaciBtliulMtrDm the bet that thFnU not inch 
ttMdmuidtolatatianofpaUtlcal oplDlon and actlun 
that tba nlnoilt; partjr can Bieiciifl an effertlTS and 
ThBlMomt natralnt upon Iha party Is power. Wllb- 
<nt aneli rectnint poriy rnle becomes fyraoslcal and 
uuiiupL The proepenty which la madepoealble 1: 
tba Sonth by Ita snat adyantageaof — "— ■ -" — - 
vDl nerer ba nallied DDtll averyvotc 
laMy anpport any party he pleaaea. 



~Kextln Impor 

•daettlan, without vhlchneitner ireeaom norju 
cvi ba pannanoitly malntalped. Its liiamta ai 



or the improvement of ooi 


harbon and great naTtga- 






urpoMare itricUy Umit«d to works ot National im- 




f people, that the aaTety 




In order to lecnre lo tha 








jr™"i8rritot??axlau™g 




(hs Paoiflo Ocean. The 


plan by which iVt great H 






10 thoae who dweU upon it 


hanH^ and by wblsh iW 


hlpnluR may wfrly carry 
6,UIKJ,IK« of p^ple. The 


ihe iQduBtnalproducteof 


Intereeti of agriculture. 






n wblDliBUYen-twBlfthBofirarpopiilationmangagcd 
M weU aa the iuleieata or manDtbctarera andcom- 


merce, demand that the & 




talion >h»U be InoroWOd by (be BKi or iQlolltgieat 


watei^oouraea. 




ChineM imntiKnttion. 


■ The materiaUnter eele 










DDec the widest hospitality 




ahure. (or Dew and happier 




boufiflt^Dfour-ocioty. «! 


Intending Iha( tbclr poll- 




*<Dn the subject of Ifational JJoancea 
bean ao frequently and fully « 
Bseded in the way or additional i»-»u»u>i. •>» j."'" 
lie debt la now so well secured, and Ihe rate of annaal 
liUnst tarn bten ao ndnoed by rs(anding. that rigid 

of OUT ni^na reTenaea to the payment oT Uie pHncl. 
|sl of Ihe debt will gradually but certainly free the 
fMplefrom Ita bardetu,and close with honor the Bnan. 

.... .^ ortliawar. At the nma time, tbe Oorem- 

" * "ItaoTdlnarreipeiiditures.and 

^ l«atlDni to the soldlen ot the 

Ciilim, and to th« vtdawB and rapbani ot thcaw wha 
Mlln Its delBnae. The resalhptloa ot specie paymente, 
wUeb the BepnbUctn parly so courageonaly and aitc. 
iiMfiiHj accompllahed. has removed from the Oeld oi 



disturbed the cndil ot 
DESi of the country. 
DiUonaJ aa the dag, anc 
it ererywhere equal tc 
ou Stan of golf and si 



pteKDt 

Itltene for Ihe 

likely lo arise from 
ently believed that 
be successful vith- 
ioune between the 

Wl'.ITwm'be tbB duty ot Con- 
greas to mitigate the erlls already felt, and prevent 
their lDCt«aBe, by euoh lestrlctlona as. wllhDUt vlo- 



Lupported by CoiA 
China a commiiaign of dJstlngniHh. 
purpose of securing such a r- --■"'- 
Ing treaty as will prevent tbi 



dignity of 



o( our 1 






Tlie ciTll Berrlce. 



. Thee 



to maintain the equality of all our dollars to insure tc- 
U»T aad capital a measure of value from the nee of 

■hlch the country la now enjoying, should not be en- 
9uigri«d by any violant changes or doubtful financial 

Tbc tmrlir. 

"a latsrenaelo our custom lawn, apoliry ehonldbc 
poisned which will bring revennee to (tie treasury, . 
•Dd will a&aUa tba labor and capital employed in our , 
paat ladiutilea to compete lUr^ in our own msrkelt. 
*tth the labor aud ca^tal of foreign producers, n't' 
kgUat* ew tha paopla of the Untied States, and nol ' 
tetha wbcda wmd; and it is our glory ttiaC the Am^T- 
iaa labOHi la mora InteDlgent and tietter paid thau 
Ui totetgn competitor. Onr country rannot bo ind"- 
pendant iiiiIimi ita people with their tbundaut natuml 
naotoca* pOMeat the nqnisito skill at soy time ic 
clothes arm and eqiiip themselves fur war, and in timi- 
ofpcAoo to produce all the necesury implements of 
Umc. It ma tbe manitui intention of the fonndecx 

Mtbr standing annica alone, but by rBlBtog amoD); 
ttapMolaaetauerarmyofartiaaDB.wliose intelligeuce 
ad aklll ihonld powerfully contriliute to the satetf 
•al 0taj ol the Datloii, 

Imt«mal ImiwvTeinenti. 

~ ------ - uerce, there ia 

ipproprialiona 



>e and Judicial offices of the 
e most difficult of all dutleB 

Isely demands that Cone[» 
e Executive department in ] 



^vemment is, perhaps, 
uliich the ConalitnUon 
Ive. Tbe convention 
, BhaU ccoperate with 



ity nr nccpBHary discretion ot the Eiecutive. Congreae 

of office, and greatly reduce tbe uncertainly which 
makes that service so unsatisfactory. Withont de- 
priving an officer of hia righla aa a cillien. the Oov- 

tial duties with IntoUigonrn, efficiency, and Iblthtul- 
ncBB. To select wlaely. from our vaat population, 

seek and rccii've 'tbeinfannstiou and aasiatance o( 
tUcae wlioae tnowliidgo a! the communitiea in which 

aid la making the wisest choice. 

"Tbe doctrines announced by the Chicago conven- 
tion are nol tbe temporary devices otapartyto at- 
tract votes and carry an election ; they are delibetHio 
convicliona resulting trom a careful aludy of the 



188 



LETTERS OF AOCEFTAKOE. 



the best impalflee of our people. In my jndgment, 
these principlee shotild conorol the legislation and ad- 
ministration of the Oovemment. In any event, they 
will guide my conduct until experience points out a 
better way. 

" If elected it will be my purpose to enforce strict 
obedience to the Constitution and the laws, and to 
promote, as best I may, the interest and honor of the 
whole country, relying for support upon the wisdom 
of Congress, the intelligence and patriotism of the 
people, and the fitvor of Ood. With great respect, I am 
tniiy yours. Jamxs A. Gabtikld." 



PAET II. 

Hon* Chester A« ArUiur's I^etter 
of Aet^ptanee. 

*' To the Hon. Geo. F. Hoas, Chairman, etc. 

"DkabSib: I accept the position assigned me by 
the great puiy whose action you announce. This ac- 
ceptance impUes approTalof the principles declared 
by the conyention, but recent usage permits me to 
add some expression of my own yiews. The right and 
duty to secure honesty and order to popular elections 
is a matter so vital that it must stand in front. The 
authority of the National Oovemment to preserve 
from fraud and force elections at which its own officers 
are chosen is a chief point on which the two parties 
are plainly and intensely opposed. Acts of Congress 
for ten years have, in New York and elsewhere, done 
much to curb the violence and wrong to which the 
baDot and the count have been again and again sub- 
jected — sometimes despoiling great cities, sometimes 
stifling the voice of a whole State, often seating, not 
only in Congress, but on the bench, and in legisla- 
tures, numbers of men never chosen by the people. 
The Democratic party, since gaining possession of the 
two Houses of Congress, has made these just laws the 
object of bitter, ceaseless assault, and, despite all re- 
sistance, has hedged them with restrictions cunningly 
contrived to balHe and paralyze them. This aggressive 
msjority boldly attempted to extort from the Execu- 
tive his approval of various enactments destructive of 
these election laws by revolutionary threats that a 
constitutional exercise of the veto power would be 
punished by withholding the appropriations neces- 
sary to carry on the Oovemment. And these threats 
were actually carried out by refusing the needed ap- 
propriations, and by forcing an extra session of Con- 
gress, lasting for months, and resulting in concessions 
to this usurping demand, which are likely, in many 
States, to subject the minority to the lawless will of 
a minority. Ominous signs of public disapproval 
alone subdued this arrogant power into a sullen sur- 
render for the time being of a part of its demands. 
The Bepublican party has strongly approved the stem 
refusal of its representatives to suffer the overthrow 
of statutes believed to be salutary and Jast. It has 
always insisted, and now insists, that ttie Govern- 
ment of the United States of America is empowered 
and in duty bound to effectually protect the elections 
denoted by the Constitution as national. More than 
this, the Bepublican party holds, as a cardinal 
point in its creed, that the Government should, by 
every means known to the Constitution, protect aU 
American citizens everywhere in the full eojoyment 
of their civil and political rights As a great part of 
itsworkof reconstruction, the Bepublican party gave 
the bi^ot to the emancipated slave as his right and 
defense. A large Increase in the number of members 
of Congress, and of the Electoral College, from the 
former slaveholding States, was the immediate result. 
The history of recent years abounds in evidence that 
in many ways and in many places— especially where 
their numbers have been great enough to endanger 
Democratic control — the very men by whose elevation 
to citizenship this increase of representation was effect- 
ed have been debarred and robbed of their voice and 
their vote. It is true that no State statute or consti- 
tution in 80 many words denies or abridges the exer- 
cise of their political rights; but the modes employed 
to bur thefr way are no less effectual. It is a suggestive 
and startling thought that the increased power derived 
from the enfranchisement of a race now-denied its share 
in governing the country — wielded by those who lately 
sought the overthrow of the Government — is now the 



sole reliance to defeat the party which re preoo nted 
the sovereignty and nationality of the American 
I>eople in the greatest crisis in our history. Bepubli- 
cans cherish none of the resentments which may have 
animated them during the actual conflict of arms. 
"They long for a full and real reconciliation between 
the sections which were needlessly and lamentably at 
strife ; they sincerely offer the hand of good will, but 
they ask in return a pledge of good fiuth. They deeply 
feel that the party whose career is so illustrious in 
great and patriotic achievement, will not folfill its 
destiny until peace and prosperity are establie&ed in 
aU the land, nor until liberty of thought, conscience, 
and action, and equality of opportunity shall be not 
merely cold formalities of statute, but living birth- 
rights, which the humble may confidently clidm and 
the powerful dare not deny. 

"The resolution referring to the public service seems 
to me deserving of approvaL Surely no man should 
be the incumbent of an office the duties of which he 
is for any cause unfit to perform, who is lacking in 
the ability, fidelity, or int^rity which a proi>er ad- 
ministration of such office demands. This sentiment 
would doubtless meet with ^neral acquiescence, but , 
opinion has been widely divided upon the wisdom and 
practicability of the various reformatory schemes 
which have been suggested, and of certain proposed 
regulations governing appointments to public office. 
The efficiency of such regulations has been distrusted 
mainly because they have seemed to exalt mere edu- 
cational and abstract tests above general business ca- 
pacity, and even si>ecial fitness for the particular work 
in hand. It seems to me that the rules which shouki 
be applied to the management of the public service 
may properly conform, in the main, to such as regu- 
late the conduct of successful private business. Orig- 
inal appointments should be based upon ascertained 
fitness. The tenure of office should be stable. Posi- 
tions of responsibility should, so far as practicable, be 
filled by the promotion of worthy and efficient officers. 
The investi^tion of all complaints and the punish- 
ment of aU official misconduct should be prompt and 
thorough. These views, which I have long held, re- 
peatedly declared, and uniformly applied when called 
upon to act, I find embodied in the resolution, which, 
of course, I approve. I will add that by the acceptance 
of public office, whether high or low, one does not, in 
my judgment, escape any of his responsibilitids as a 
citizen or lose or impair any of his rights as a citizen, 
and that he should eujoy absolute liberty to think and 
speak and act in political matters according to his own 
will and conscience, provided only that he honorably, 
faithfully and fully discharges all his official duties. 

'*The resumption of specie pay ments,one of the firuits 
of Bepublican policy, has brought the return of abun- 
dant prosperity and the settlementof many distracting 
questions. The restoration of sound money, the large 
reduction of our public debt and of the burden of 
interest, the high advancement of the public credit, all 
attest the ability and courage of the Bepublican party 
to deal with such financial problems as may hereafter 
demand solution. Our paper currency is now as good as 
gold, and silver is performing its legitimate function for 
the purpose of change. The principles which should 
govern the relations of these elements, of the currency, 
are simple and clear. There must be no deteriorated 
coin, no depreciated paper. And every dollar, whether 
of metal or paper, should stand the test of the world's 
fixed standard. 

"The value of popular education can hardly be over- 
stated. Although its interests must of necessity be 
chiefly confided to voluntary effort and the individual 
action of the several States, they should be encouraged, 
so far as the Constitution permits, by the generous 
co-operation of the National Government, ^e inter- 
ests of the whole country demand that the advantages 
of our common school system should be brought 
within the reach of every citizen, and that no revenues 
of the nation or of the States should be devoted to the 
support of sectarian schools. 

• "Such changes should be made in the present tariff 
and system of taxation as will relieve any over- 
burdened industry or class, and enable our manufac- 
turers and artisans to compete successfully with those 
of other lands. 

" The Government should aid works of internal im 
provement national in their character, and should 
promote the development of our water-courses and 
harbors wherever the general interests of oommerce 
require. 



OENEBAL W. 8. HANCOCK. 



189 



"Four yean ago, as now» the nation stood at the 
UiraBholcl of a Presidential election, and the Repub- 
lican party, in soliciting a continuance of its ascend- 
ency, founded its hope of success, not upon its prom- 
ises, but upon its history. Its subsequent course 
has been such as to strengthen the claims which it 
then made to the confidence and support of the 
country. On the other hand, considerations more 
UT^gent than have ever before existed forbid the acces- 
sion of its opponents to power. Their success, if suc- 
cess attends them, must chiefly come fh>m the united 
sapport of that section which sought the forcible dis- 
raption of the Union, and which, according to all the 
teachings of onr past history, will demand ascendency 
is the connoils of the party to whose triumph it wiU 
htLYe noAde by fiu: the largest contribution." 

"There is the gravest reason for apprehension that 
exortiitaat claims upon the public Treasury, by no 
moans limited to the hundreds of millions already 



covered by bills introduced in Conprress within the 
past four yean*, would be successfully urged if the 
I>emocratic party should succeed iu supplementing its 
present control of the national legislature by electing 
the Executive also. 

*' There is danger in intrusting the control of the 
whole law-making power of the Government to a party 
which has in almost every Southern State repudiated 
obligations quite as sacred as those to which the faith 
of the nation now stands pledged. 

" I do not doubt that success awaits the Republican 
party, and that its triumph will assure a just, econom- 
ical, and patriotic administration, 

•*I am respectfully, your obedient servant, 

" C. A. ARTHUR. 
" To the Hon. Qeobob F. Hoab, 

" President of the Republican National Convention, 

" New Yom. July 15, 1880." 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

deneral W. S. Hancock. 



PART I. 

• 

Brtefrevieiv of events, etc.. In the 
Hepartment of the Gulf prior 
to Hancock's assignment to it 
— Tiie Re€N>nstruction Acts— 
Ne^v Orleans IHeciianics' Insti- 
tute massacre of July 30, 1800 
—Its atrocious character— Sher- 
idlan assumes command, march 
19, I80T-Oeneral Order IVo. I 
—Disloyal Officials — President 
Johnson's sympathy — Sheri- 
dan's EfOyal Code — Attorney. 
Creneral Stanbery's opinion that 
the Re€N>nstruction I<a\vs are 
un<MHistitutional— Bad goes to 
i¥orse. 

The ftct of March 2, 1867, and the supple- 
mental act of March 23, 1867, "to provide for 
the more efficient government of the rebel 
States," passed over the vetoes of President 
Andrew Johnson, declare the civil govern- 
ments of those States to be ** provisional only,'' 
and *'in all respects subject to the paramount 
authority of the United States at any time to 
aboli^, modify, control, or supersede." They 
divide those States into five military districts, 
and make it the dutv of their several comman- 
ders, who shall not oe below the rank of brig- 
adier-generals, ** to protect aU persons in their rights 
(fpenon and property , to suppress insurrections, dis- 
orderSf and violence, and punish, or cause to he pun- 
iahed, tdl disturbers of the public peace and criminals." 

These laws also provide for the reconstruc- 
tion of the rebel States through conventions 
elected by its loyal masses, and for their ad- 
mission into the Union when thus rehabili- 
tated. They placed the registration of voters 
in the hands of boards to be appointed by the 
military commanders, defined the quaUfica- 



tion of voters, and prescribed thd *' iron-clad 
oath " to be taken by all applicants for regis- 
tration. 

Under these laws Creneral Sheridan, in 
March, 1867, was assigned to the command of 
the Fifth Military District, comprehending the 
States of Louisiana and Texas. But Shendan 
for a year previous had commanded what was 
ciJled •' the Department of the Gulf," embrac- 
ing the States of Louisiana, Florida and Texas, 
and had, amid a terrible experience, studied 
and ascertained the true character of their na- 
tive populations. It was during this command 
that the massacre at New Orleans of July 30, 
1866, occurred. 

The mechanics' Institute massacre —lt» 
atrocities — fe^herldan's denunciation — 
Fort Pillow over agrain !— Report ot the 
military commission. 

The Louisiana Unionist Convention of 1864, 
which had adjourned subject to the order of 
its president, K. K. Howell, attempted, under 
his call, to reassemble at Mechanics' Institute, 
in New Orleans. It met July 30, 1866. It was 
promptly suppressed by Mayor Monroe and 
nis police, aided by the rebel State authorities. 
General Sheridan, in a dispatch to Creneral 
Grant, says: 

" The mayor euppressed the convention by the use 
of the police force, and in doing bo attacked the mem- 
bers of the convention* and a party of two hundred 
negroes with fire-arms, clubs, and knives, in a manner 
so unnecessary cmd atrocious <u to compel me to say that it 
was murder." 

In a subsequent dispatch, the General says: 

"The more information I obtain of the afbir of the 
30th in this city [New Orleans], the more revolting it 
becomes. It was no riot; it ttKU an absolute massacre by 
the police, which wcu not excelled in murderous cruelty by 
that of Fort Pillow. It was murder which the mayor 
and police of this city perpetrated, without the shadow 
of a necessity. Furthermore, I believe it was pre- 
meditated, and every indication points to this." 

The military commission, composed of four 
brevet major-generals — Mower, Quincy, Gregg, 
and Baldy — ^which investigated the massacre^ 
report: 



190 



GENERAL W. S. HANCOCK. 



" The work of mauaere vhu pursued with a cowardly 
feroeUp unsurpassed in the annals of crime. The escap- 
ing negroes were mercileaely pnnmed, shot, beaten, and 
stabbea to death by mob and police— wonr. led men on 
the ground begging for mercy were savagely dispatched 
by mob, police, firemen, and. incredible as it may ap- 
pear, in two instances by women !" 

Even "ladies** advocated "the immediate 
killing of the leaders, Dostie and HendeTson, 
in their houses." The report continues: 

" Finally, the assailants obtain full possession of the 
building; tiie negroes in hiding are brought out and 
dispatched; others i>erched for safety on cross-beams 
and rafters are picked off like game by well-aimed 
shots, the whites taken to the station houses with blows 
and abuse, and at last. Just as the advancing bayonets 
are seen to glisten on the levee, the ' riot ' is over for 
the lack of victims i" * ♦ • •• Three-fourths 
qfthem [the police] were ex-confederate soldiers, and at 
least one of their officers » * * a notorious 
thug, assass in, and former leader of the very men of 
blo<M who might be expected to be foremost in the 
attack." 

The commission ^dd: 

" They would also call attention to fbe evidence on 
the subject of the renewal of the attack on nesroes and 
t:ie shooting of them in their dwelliugs, by both citi- 
zens and po ice, late on the same n gfat in Victory 
street. Tha board wiU state it as their firm c mviction 
that, but for the d claration of martial law and the 
presence of the troops, fire and blood -hed would have 
ragdd throUe^hout llie night in ail negro qnartersof 
th.i city, and that the lives and property of Unionistj 
and Northern men would have lain at the mercy of the 
mob. The conservators ot the pea'^e bei'ig. for the 
time, the ins igators of violence, nothing would have 
re miUned but an arming for self defence, »<nd a scene 
might have ensued nparalleled in the history of the 
a:.el* • * • ' The board would respectfully 
ciil attention to the small proportion of negro testi- 
mony taken, and to the &ct that all itnportant points 
regarded ai established rest upon white testimony 
alone.' " 

The absolute impunity with which this 
causeless massacre was perpetrated, a fact as 
revolting as the massacre itself, and the shame- 
less character of the judiciarv, and other au- 
thorities of New Orleans and Louisiana, are 
shown in a subsequent dispatch of General 
Sheridan, dated March 27, 1867, to General 
Grant. Sheridan says: 

"Mayor Mmroe controlled the element engaged in 
this riot, and when backed by an att<'mey-geueral [A. 
J. Herron] who would not prosecute the guilty, and a 
Judge [E. Abell] who advised the grand Jury to find the 
innocent guilty and let the murderers go free, felt 
secure in engaging his poLce force in this riot and 
massacre." 

Sheridan assumes command— His general 
order No. 1— General Griffin's declara- 
tion as to Texas— Sympathy with the 
*' Lost l^ause." 

In general order No. 1, dated March 19, 
1867, in assuming command. General Sher- 
idan describes the provisions and purposes of 
the laws under which he is appointed, and 
declares: 

" No general removal from office will be made unless 
the present incumbents fail to carry out the provis- 
ions of the law or impede the reorganization, or un- 
less a delay in reorganizing should necessitate a change. 
Pending the reorganization, it is desirable and intend- 
ed to create as little disturbance in the machinery of 
the various branches of the provisional governments 
as possible, consistent with the law of Congress and 
its successfal execution ; but this condition is de- 
pendent upon the disposition shown by the people, 
and upon the length of time required for reorganiza- 
tion." 



In his official report, dated November 21, 
1867, Sheridan declares: 

" I found, upon a close examination of the existing 
civil governments of those two States (Louisiana and 
Texas), that nearly every civil functionary, ttom. the 
Governor down, had been soldiers or aiders and abet- 
tors in the rebellion ; and that in nearly all cases they 
had been elected on Ck>nfederate grounds, and solely 
for services rendered In their attempt to destroy the 
General Government. In iact many, if not all. had 
advertised, when they were candidates, their services 
in this respect as a meritorious api>eal for votes. I 
found also, that they were nearly all disfhmchiscd by 
the law, and were substantially aliens. It is scarcely 
necessary to state that frt>m this condition of affairs 
nearly every civil officer within my command was 
either openly or secretly opposed to the law, and to 
myself as the authority held responsible by the order 
of the Executive of the nation for its fkithful execu- 
tion. It was a difficult situation in which to be placed , 
rendered still more so by the apparently open sympa- 
thy of the Preaident with the functionaries above 
alluded to." 

Major-General Charles Griffin, commanding 
the Department of Texas under Sheridan, in a 
dispatch to the latter, dated March 28, 1867, 
urges: 

" I cannot And an officer holding position under the 
State laws whose antecedents will Justify me in repo- 
sing trust in him in assisting in the registration." 

Again, June 10, 1867, General Griffin de- 
clares: 

" Many of the officers [of the State government] 
were nominated on their record of disloyalty to the 
General Government, and elected upon the merits of 
their services in the attempt to destroy it. Numbers 
are disfranchised, while the sympathies of others are 
with the ' lost cause.' " 

Up-hill work— Sheridan's loyal code. 

In the Administration of the Fifth Military 
District, General Sheridan acted with charac- 
teristic decision and vigor. With the ap- 
proval of General Grant and Secretary Stan- 
ton, he digested or formulated the provisions 
of the laws and oath into a brief code, defin- 
ing the classes disfranchised, and prepared a 
series of questions to be answered by all ap- 
plying for registration as a means of deter- 
mining whether they were disfranchised or 
not. These, with specific instructions as to 
their duties, Shendan furnished to the 
Boards of Registration, which he constituted, 
as far as practicable, of loyal and intelligent 
men, to whom he could trust for a faithful 
execution of the work, promptly removing all 
who failed, or who placed or connived at im- 
pediments to a proper or lawful registration. 

Andrew Johnson and cabinet to the res- 
cue— Attorney-General 8tanbery's opi«k- 
ion that the Reconstruction Laws were 
unconstitutional— Chaos antlcliiated. 

Attorney-General Stanbery's opinions, in 
which he denounces the reconstruction laws 
as unconstitutional, were digested into a new 
code of registration, by which a multitude of 
confederates, a "host of officers" under the 
Confederate State and municipal govern- 
ments, were declared qualified voters. It 
was approved in cabinet by all except Secre- 
tary Stanton, and on the 20th of June, 1867, 
was dispatched to the several military com- 
manders for their government. 

General Sheridan, in a dispatch to Grant, 
dated June 27, 1867, urges : 



QENEBAL W. B. HANOOOE. 



-^rMnltofBtaQlxry'iopInloiiiinow beginning 
to diov ItKlt br & deflint oppoaitlon to sU bcU of tbe 
mlllt^TCDiiuauiderb^lmpedLnsvHlnn^riiig hslp- 
ln( tbe ciTll offlcen aoUng ondor hts ippointment, 

"I fB«r the obiKW wMoh the opinion will nuia.if 
CKTJed oal, i> bnl little nnderatood. Every civil otB- 
eor in the 8t»te will (uimlniitec Joetlce icoonitng to 



ir»/of 
■1 b; pennltiii 



id bad will HO to 



I interfere— 



■MtOTKtlMi Of iBW Mi« Order. 

Aa Kieridau ttntidpated, bad went 
SheiiA And their depntiea refused 
writ! for the airrest of Confederate t 
yiAaea and gr&nd jnrieB to indict them, and 
petit juries to conrict them. Confederate 
mnrderen, tirtested bf the military and 
tnmod OTer to the civil anthorities, were re- 
leued by habeai corpai, enlarged upon trifling 
or boroB bail, or otherwise flowed to escape. 
Shai& and jnrors, indeed, were often the 
nuKiilnntB — the distnrbeiB of the public pence. 
Bnt tha ianooent loyal Tictims of the rebel 
(hot-gun, pistol, or knife, if so nnforttinale 
■I to survive, vere indicted and convicted, 
mtilclad in heavy fines, or imprisoned and 
fined. The St^e courts attempted to enforce 
or mfin tain the Confederate act conGscaling 
the property of Unionists ; to annul the laws 
of CongreM authorizing the United Btat«B 
Goremment to release or dispose of aban- 
doned rebel property ; to perpetrate, 

I rights 

enforoe the Johnsenian acta "r^alating con- 
tracts of labor." by which the laborer was 
maltreated and swindled, and to indict and 
convict loyal men as a meons of robbery. 
HBgistrates defiantly declared that they 
woud enforce the diabolical Lonisiana and 
Texas "Black Codes" until the supreme 
conrta of their States declared it nnlawful ; 
■nd judges, lite Dougherty, of the twelfth 
jndioial district of Texas, even "in the office 
md presence of the military commander," de- 
nounced the Government of the United 
Btateo, denounced the laws of CongresB, denied 
their supremacy, end declared that they 
wonld not obey or enforce them where thpy 
confiicted with those of their States. Union 
men were aipelled from the jury box. Jjoyal 
voters were disfranchised, and loyal judgea — 
aitiTa Unionists — elected, as in the fourth 
and eleventh judicial districts of Texas, by 
Isige majorities, were legislated out of office 
under a pretended reorganization or consoli- 
dation of the districts. 

The Uniontsts were absolutely ontlftwed, 
uid their lives and property were wholly at 
the mercy of their confederate ruIerB. The 
militaiy vere compelled to interfere for their 
— I — ■ — . to displace the confederate gov- 



ernors of Louisiana and Texas; and other 
olBceni of the State governments ; to remove 
municipal officers like Mayor Monroe of New 
Orleans ; to expel disloyal judges, clerks of 
courts, m^strates, sherifb, and policemen ; 
to supply their places with Dnionista, and to 
force the local courts to open the jury box to 
loyal men. Thns peace, law, and order were 
restored. 

PAKT II. 
Sberidan to be Removed and 
Hancock to Iteplace him— The 
Command Baited witta a Presi- 
dential TVomination -The Han> 
cock - Jerr.v Black - walker • 
Campbell - Conspiracy agataut 
Reconstruction. 

The President and Cabinet at Washington, 
seeing that loyal reconstruction was now a 
SQCcess, hastened to remove Sheridan from 
his command, and to assign General W, S. 
Hancook to it — the command being baited 
with the Democratic Presidential nomination. 
Hanoock's aasignment is dated August 27, 
1867. Ha did not reach his command until 
November 29. 1867. In the interim at Wash- 
ington, Hancock was closeted with Jeremiah 
8- Black, Robert J. Walker, and ei-Judge 
Campbell, of Louisiana, notoriously the ablest 
and bitterest enemies of reconstruction, and 
in conjunction with them concocted the plot 
against reconstruction, which he afterward at- 
tempted to carry out as commander of the 
Fifth MiUtary District. 

At a serenade in Washington, given to him 
by this disloyal Democracy elated over his 
appointment, Hancock, in a speech in re- 
sponse, declared : " As a soldier 1 am to ad- 
minister the laws rather than to discuss 
them." At the same serenade Robert J, 
Walker arpied ; "His [Honcock'aJ duty is 
purely ft ministerial duty. ■ • ■ Noteven 
the President, much less any Hubordinate offi- 
cer, possesses any judicial power whatever. 
The judicial power, according to the Consti- 
tution, is vested exclusively m the courts of 
the country "—-that is, primarily, in the local 
State courts. But the ft-eaident hid exercised 
judicial powers : had, through the opinions 
of his Attorney-General, approved b^ his Cab- 



tioual ; bad placed upon them an interpreta- 
tion hostile to their meaning and the pur- 
poses of Congress, and had instructed the 
commanders of the several military districts 
to enforce them in accordance with that inter- 
pretation. 

In newspapers of the day the whole hostile 
programme was boldly Einuounced and ap- 

§ lauded. Hancock wbh to explode all Sheri- 
an's loyal work— to practically annul Sheri- 
dan's registrutiou upon a loyal basis In con- 
formity with the laws of Congress ; to rein- 
state the Confederate enemies of the nation 
removed by Sheridan, and to reassemble the 



192 



QENEBAI. \ 



rebel legislatnre ; in a word, to revive the | 
reign of terror and blood by which the Con- 1 ! 
feSratea hoped to defeat reconstructioa. , 

About a month previous to his recall, Sheri- i 
dui telegraphed from New Orleana to General , ' 
Grant: ' 

'■lut ulgtit the turxest pclltlcil usembljr wblcb ' 
ever eoUecled together In tliis city— moatlj of colored ' 
people— pttisded the Blreetg without the eltghlest die- | 



, . Lfipertty and hspplaesaof tba people, idwbya fur- 
xii^ the Btrongeat ludncerDeQtfl to pobce and order, 

L,i referred to the coneideraUaD imd Judgmeiil ot tbe 
regular civil tribunals, and those trilmaalfl vill be 
biipported in their Uwtul Jurisdiction. 

fibould there bo violation of eiiating UWB which are 
nul inquind into b; the civil maglatnla, or should 

\i.; i-oDiplaiiicd of. the cases will be reported to theas 
titadquarters; when auchordera will be made as u 



While 1 



U to uuden 



[^t the lit 






lie. 



PART ni. 

Hancock Assumes Command — 
Tbe Immediute Ettfects— Chooa 
and Terror Retura— General 
Order Wo. 40 Issued In the 
mldat or it-He Pretends that 
"Peace and Qnlet" still Reign 
—This MlUtary Satrap Overrides 
the "Civil Power" otCoBgretm 
under Uie Pretense of ** Subor- 
dinating tbe IHUItary to tbe 
<9vU Power." 

In Lonisiana and Texas tbe removal of 
Sheridan and the aaaignment of Hancock to 
the command, emboldened the Confederates 
in the State governments and oourta, and 
among the people, to openlj assume the ag- 
gressive, "niey no longer cfoalted their hos- 
tility to teconstraction. In Texas the Ku Klux, 
and in Louisiana the Knights of the White 
Comeliii, murdered and pliindercd, and by 
the terrorism which they created paralyzed 
all civil government. General Mower com- 
manding ID Hancock's absence, was compelled 
to remove the whole executive government of 
Louiniana^all but its loyal governor Flanders ; 
in both (States M diaplaca judges and magis- 
trates, the attochijH of courls, police Jurors, 
etc. , and to command the military to be vigi- 
lant and vigorous in its pnrsait of the gangs 
of organized murderers. 

Upon bis arrival at New Orleans Hancock 
iwoed the following : 

QENERAI^ OBDEBS NO. 40, ) 



n. T 



NkwObli 






naudlag 



! OppOSl 



^r 



l^fu'ffi 



>Tiij. 



power should cease to lead, and thu civil adnilniBtr&- 
tlon resume Its nslunlaud rightful dominion. ScL 
emnlf impressed with these views, the geueral an, 
n0UDe« that the great principles of American liberty/ 
still ai« the lawful InheritAnce of this people, and ever 
Bbonld be. The right ot trial by jury, the AoiKU cor- 
pat. the liberty of the preaa, the freedom ot speech. 
—J... , — . ^giiuof per —' '•-■ —'-•' - 



will be h 
Dy cammaadoflUJar-GeDeralW, B. Hancock. 

Hancock's work of restoration— Tbe •!< 
disloyal crowd In power asaln—HU anl-' 
inus— No power to remore disloyal olB- 
rlals, but full power to expel loyal onea — 
General Grant on seneral ordcn No. 4#, 
The work of restoration began with Han- 
cock's assomption of tlie oommand. X>fBcialB, 
,'>(Hte, municipal, and judicial, removed by 
Sheridan and Mower and Griffin, were rem- 
stuted in their former places, Hany of them 
hiid been removed for malfeasance and frandn- 
Ifut practices in office, as well as for die- 
tovalty. Hancock restored them and annonil- 
I'f d that if any charges were preferred against 
tbem, the civil aathorities, the local conrts, or 
tlieir official superiors were fully competent to 
inveetigate and decide upon them. In cases 
wliere, by the notorious character or guilt of 
tjje officials, he was forced to acquiesce in 
til eir removal, Hancock ousted their loyal snc- 
<.'<'SsorB and supplied their places with the 
o]>enl; disloyal or with covert sympathizers 
u'ith treason. 

Confederate officials engaged in a new le- 
hi;llion against the laws of the nation. Tbe 
military, in Hancock's judgmentr— which he 
liild to be superior to tbat of the people's 
iVingress — had no lawful or jast aathority to 
remove, and be was equally clear that no legal 
L,r just impediment esisted forbidding Qie 
summary espulsionby the military of Unionist 
!>i£ciBlH. He proposed to guillotine Uiem all. 
Ayoin and again was General Grant obliged to 
restore end protect upright and offioient 
olflcerH removed by Hancock without a shadow 
I Lit' cause except tbat they were loyal men lavor- 
lilile to reconstruction, B, F. Landers, the 
loyal Governor of Louisiana appointed by 
Sheridan, was recognized us an eneraelio tmd 
tfQcient officer, Sheridan remarks, after 
Flanders hadbeen some time in office: "He 
[Flanders] is a man of integrity and abili^-, 
itnd I now feel as though I was relieved of 
)mlf of my labors." But his int^pity &nd 
id ility, his loyalty, and bia fealty to Congt«B8 
find Uie laws, rendered him an impediment to 
tbe confederate plot — a shitrp thorn in Han- 
cock's side. Hancock did not venture to 
flirectly remove Flan ders because Grant wonld 
bjLve instantly reinstated him; but hy a seriee 
of hostile and impudent acta, be forced Ui« 

The New Orleans Board of Aldermen was a 
loyal body, elected by the people. Shortly 
after Hancock's advent at New (Means, the 



GBNBBAL W. B. HANCOCK. 



office of Recorder of the seoond district of the 
ci^ b«auiie vacant. Under the laws and the 
order of the court, it was the duty of the 

Aldermen to fill the vacancy, and an otteiQpt 
was made to perform that duty, llut » number 
of tlieiu sufficient to destroy a quorum, dieiul- 
ing Hancock, refused to participate in the 
election, and the Aldermen failed to elect. 
But tbis ' ' attempt to hold an election " in obe- 
dience to the laws and the instructions of the 
coTirt^ Hancock oonstrned into a " contempt " 
of the military by these civil functionaries and 
summarily qected nine of them from the 
board. This audacious nine were loyal men 
— some of them were blacks. Their presence 
as a part of the dvil administration of the city 
was highly offensive to the confederate aristoC' 
racy — to "the better class of citizens." Hence 
Haocock'i motive for gnillotining them. Gen- 
eral Grant, in reinstating them, caustically 



reapeotiDs the BQpremacy of (he civil authori- 
ties over toe miliUry. 

Oenetal Qrant now prohibited all further 
lemoTsla. 

PART IV. 

HnneoiA Appoints Xen- RegiHtra- 
tfon Boiu-dsanil Eiiltorced Attor- . 
ney Geueral Stnuberj's Opiu- 
lonfl— Geiierol Grilllu and Gov- | 
emor Pease Deuounce State ' 
CoarCa aud Juries as tiie 
Protectors of Kel>el Assas^ 
sliu— Himcock Sustains the 
COMTtfl— General Reynolds ou 
General Order Xo. 40— Hancock 
Annuls Griinn's celebrated Or- 
der No. 13. 

In faither execution of the confederate plot 
against Teconatmction, Hancock appointed 
new boards for the revision of the registration. 
He pompously announced his repudiation of 
Sheridan's loyal registration code, and iu- 
stiTicted the boards to rely for their govem- 
mentupon '< the laws alone." witll Attorney 
OeDsral Btanbery's opinion placing upon them 
an interpretation hostile to their meaning and 
parpose. 

0«neral Orif&n, in a dispatch to Sheridan, 
dated Hay 29, 18€7, in referring to the rebel 
deuundatioa of his famous circular No. 13, 
compelUug all jurors to take the "iron-dad 
oath," says it was simply " an attempt to open 
the Donrts of Texas to loyal Jurors for the 
proteotion of all good citizens." He odds; 
"Thalr tUianbclii- otdi'ct la fttUlnad if Iher iso 



dUnloD 



Theli 



be: 'Bnfauc 

Bnt Hancock announced a different judg- 
ment. He declared that ' * the qualiQcation of 
K juror tinder the [State] law is a proper sub- 
ject for the decisions of the [State] ooarta." 



He therefore abrogated circular No. 13, and 
again, as predicted by Griffin, loyal men 
were e:icLQded from the jury-box. Again the 
murder and outrage and robbery of Unionists 
multiplied over the State, and went unpun- 
ished. General J. J. Reynolds, commanding 
iu Texas, after the death of Griffin, in a dis- 
patoh to Hancock, declares that the rebels' 
construction of General Orders No. 40 "super- 
sedes the laws of Congress," practically nulli- 
fies them, and "renders the military force 
powerless to execute the 3d section of the act 
of March 2. 1867 "—powerless to protect loynl 
and peooeable men in their rights of person 
and property. 

Governor Pease, of Texas, in one letter to 
Hanoock, encloses a telegram from Judge 
Noonan, a loyal judge, with other evidence of 
the lawleksness of the rebels in Uvalde and 
other counties — of the impossibility of trying 
criminals in the civil courts, of even prevect- 
ing their' escape from the jails where they 
were confined, and prays Hancock's interven- 
tion for tlie protection of loyal men. In an- 
othec letter to Hancock, Governor Pease de- 
clares that, since the promulgation of General 
Orders No. 40. crimes and hostUity to the 
United States Government had increased ; 
that "it is a lamentable fact that over one 
hundred cases of homicides had occurred in 
Teias in the past twelve months;" that 
"within the last tew months United States 
officeift and soldiers have been killed in the 
discharge of their dotieK," bat that not "one 
tenth " of the perpetrators had been arrested, 
and not "one twentieth" tried. None were 

Sunished. Rebel grand juries refui^ed to in- 
ict, rebel petit juries to convict, and the 
military were paralyzed by General Orders 
No. 40. 



PART V. 

Tlie loyal LJndseys petition Han- 
cock Tor Itedress — Hancock 
consigns them tu the Ku Klux 
and they are Hurdered I— Han- 
cock's reply to Pease—" ' Peace* 
Kelsus iu Warsaw!"— He slan- 
ders the Judiciary — General 
Grant Ibrced to Remove him. 

The CBSea of the Lindseys, father and mn. 
moy be cited in illustration of a multitude ot 
others. They were native Texans, but Union 
men. At tift opening of the rebellion the son 
was coKKripted into the rebel army. The 
liindsevs abandoned their homes, fled to the 
Union lines, and the son joined the national 
forces. At the close of the rebellion they re- 
turned to 'Feias, and actively opposed the 
execution of the peonage lawa^the infamous 
■■Black Code" of Texas. They collected the 
proofs of numerons ontrogeB perpetialed 
under color of the Code, put them in the form 
of a petition, and transmitted it to Hancock. 
Hancock referred it to the local authorities. 
His doing so he knew was equivalent to Hieir 



194 



QEHBIKAL W. B. HANCOCK. 



death-vamnt. Again the Ljudxeyn, for tbeir 
loyalty and hamanity, were obliged to sbnn- 
don their homes. They fled to nn n^JBeent 
county (Atascosa), puisned by a wtuTant 
upon an ntrocioas bnt tromped-iip cliaige of 
boiBe-st«aIing, were broaaht buck to Bell 
county and placed in jail. Ex-coafederate 
T. X. Teal, a prominent lawyer, coliected the 
facta in the case, demonstrated that the charge 
was a fraud, that the arreet was merely a 
means to the assassination of the men, and 
appealed to General Mason, commnndiM the 
district, for the protection of (he mihtary. 
Under the instrnctions of Haticock the GenerBl 
dared Dot interfere. A few nights Inter n party 
of Kd KIqx entered the jail, and with shotgun 
and pistol assassinated both father and son. 

In his reply to Ghivemor Feiiso, appealing 
to him for protection for the lives and prop- 
erty of Union citizens. Haccocli says : 



1> In Ui8 fnU BietciEfi cfallilB i r ■ 



Hence, the State courts, uotorionsly the 
refine and defenders of rebel asBaasinH, were 
the legitimate or lawful tribunals to which 
Union men must look for protection or re- 
dress. With civil matters, eicept to enfran- 
chise the rebels, to redress their grievances, 
enlace their power, or to support them in 
their tyranny, the military, m Hancoek'f 
judgment^ Lad lawfully nothing to do. What 
if the lives and property of Unionista were 
unsafe? Whatifitwas difficult, impossible. 
in Texas, to enforce the criminal laws ? What 
if rebel sherifls refused to Rrrest the perpe- 
trators of brimef What if grand juries r^fuaod 
to indict rebel ofiendem against the lawB, and 
petit jurors protected the ({uilty by verdicit 
of acquittal? Was that any reason why he, 
aa military commander, should interpose 
with the iword? Ht dedani Vml ■• lAt fadt"— 
tht utter daHomlaatiOB qf thtjaiiiriory, Ut convfmoi 
tnlo a KBigaaiiny engint tf brulal tyranni/, — "or, 
oontiniially hmpaimg ' in nery Stale yorth ! 

General Orant could endure no more. H< 
runored Hanoook. 

PAKT VI. 
1%e terrible reaulla vf Iloncofli's 
1nr%e€ Slal-admlnistratlon re- 
vleived — Oeneml Reynold's Ke- 
port of nioTetnbcr, me7— tiei)- 
M^ Sheridttu's Beport— Iteport 
of Committee ou Law ledsiioss. 
etc, — Offltdal armlgiimoiit ol' 
Htincock Ibr lutiuniernblc 
niurdera Hud otber Crimes— 



lolored and white, of LauiBiaiia ai 

Inflicting upon loyal men, snpporting the 
Government and lawg of the nation, the 
greatest evils and the severest HaJferiugK. 
liancock enfranohised the rebel enemies of 
the nation, advanced them to authority and 
place in the tjtate govemmentH, and supported 
them in their tyranny and crime, fie brought 
the authority of the Nation into contempt, 
degraded the laws of Congress, encouraged 
their -violation, and thus stimulated in the 
State govemmenta and courts, and among the 
masses, that Rpiiil of lawlessness and vio^nce 
which, even to-day, cmshee out all freedom of 
speech, all liberty of the press, all the rights 
(^person and property] 



Ker<MU'> repsrt— The Kn Klux— 
ClvU law a dead letter. 

General Reynolds, in his report dated No^ 
vembet, 1867, says : 

loiiatloni. gm^raJly known u ■ Ibe Kn 
■'-' 'ndepsuflBntlj or Ir ' — '"■ 




Jar from belM euBgentted, do not* 

teU tbe wbols mth." 

This condition of aflairs " made it neccasary 
to order more troops " from the ftontier to tiu» 
interior. General Beynolds says : 

" Thl» ttoremenl weakens tbe frontlet ports to n 
■gtinat iDdlHU, 
urgtni demand firr UK troqpt bk 






Hancock's mal-odministratiott extended only 
four months, from Nov. 29, lB(i7. to March 
28, 1868. But in that brief time, slthongb ho 
failed in wbolly defeating --.-■-- 



L indutH dtpmlattau." 
report -1,884 kllle* 
and waundeii. 

In 1876, In a )'<|Port upon the atrodties in 
lioaisiana in 18^-68, General Sheridan da- ' 

" BLnea the je«f 18M neirtr 3.500 pemat. a gnat , 
ni«)orHy of wLom were colored men. limve been ktUed 
and woaodBd Jn this State, /nl8«§ i*eD«cia/™«rJ ' 
UowiMoll.BStictre Kited anii»™«d«(. ftmn lB88to , 
tbe present time no offlclnl Iniesllgittion Lm been i 
made, aod the civU ■olbodUee. in aU but ■ few caH^ 
liave been unabLa to arreat, convicL. and puntab pel- J 

Ktnton. Consequentlj there are na cornet leeraOt A 
b« coDsnltad for Information, Tbere le ample evl- ^ 
dence, however, to ahow that more than 1,300 pereona -»j 
have been killed and wonnded during tliia time oh a»- 1 

have occaiwdlD the parlnliee of BobhTrt, Caddo. Caata^J 
lionla,Balnt Bernard, BaiDt Loudly. OnnluidOrlean>.'l 



GENERAL W. S. HANCOCK. 



195 



The general character of the mamacres iu the above- 
named pariuheu ia so well kuowu that it iB uuuecc^nary 
to deaczibe them." 

Another skockln? maMsacre. 

And the Presidential election of 186S, wa^ 
j)rec6ded by a massacre rivaling in its atroci" 
ties that of July, 1866, at the Mechanics' In- 
Rtitiite in New Orleans. For days the Ilepub- 
lioans, colored and white, were hunted through 
swamps and fields, and over two hundred 
were killed and wounded. Thirteen helpless 
captives were taken from one jail and shot, 
and a pile of twenty-five dead bodies was 
found in the woods buried. The Bepublicnns 
having thus been conquered, their leaders 
asaasamated or expelled, and tho masses cap- 
tured, the rank and file were collected in bod- 
ies^ marked with badges of red flannel, en- 
rolled in dubs, led to the i)olls, compelled to 
TOte the Democratic ticket, and given certifi- 
cates of the fact Thus at the election of 1868. 
in the parisli of Orleans of its 15,020 registered 
Republican voters, oaly 1,178 were polled for 
General Grant In the parish of Caddo, of 
its 2,987 registered Bepublican voters, only 
one 'was ]X)]ied for General Grant. In the 
TMurish of St. Landry, of its 3,000 registered 
Sepnblioan votes, not one was polled for Gen- 
eral Grant ; the whole vote of the parish, 
4,787* were polled for Seymour and Blair, and 
so on throughout the State, wherever the jan- 
izarias of Hancock's " better class of citizens " 
reigned. 

£i these official reports and their terrible 
story we have some of the results of Han- 
cock's work as a soldier-civilian in 1867-8 in 
Lionisiana and Texas. These atrocities, this 
wholesale butchery of unoffending men, as- 
sassinated because of their loyalty to the na- 
tion and its laws, because of their fealty to 
loyal principles —the utter demoralization and 
lawlessness of courts and juries— were the 
achieTeoients of the men whom Hancock, in 
18ti7-'68i restored to authority— of Hancock's 
'■better elaas of citizens " — of the brutal and 
sanguinary tyranny which Hancock estab- 
lished over the States of Louisiana and Texas; 
in c^mx words, V9rt the imTtediaU remdls of Han- 
eoek*a own rtMlion againat Omtffrett and itt authority, 
aniif kit tj^^emake degradation qf (he atdhority <md 
iawif tUnaOml 

mt the CieBiSilttee en Lawlessness, 

'• acconntalilllty asaln 

deeiareA— A fearftil inlietment. 



Hon and three times the number under the Sheridan-Pecue 
admiuvttratiwi. 

" Moreover, the fuller reports show that since the policy 
of General Hancock was inaugurated, sustained as it is by 
l^esident Johnson, l/te homicides in Texas have averaged 
ffty-Jine per month, and for the last five months they have 
averaged sixty per month. And it is for Comman/ier of 
the Fifth Military District to answer to the public for at 
least two thirds of 'S'30 or more homicides committed in 
Texas since the first of December, 1M07. Charged by law 
to keep the iMutce, aud afford protection to life and 
property, aud having the Army of the United States 
to assist him in so doing, he has failed. Ho has Tper- 
sistently refaacd to try criminals, rejected the prayers 
of the Exooutlve of the State aud Commanding General 
of the District of Texas for adequate tribunals, and 
turned a deaf ear to the cry of tried aud persecuted 
loyalists. And, knowing whereof we affirm, and in 
the iace of the civilized world, we do solemnly lay to 
his charge the death of hundreds of the loyal citizens 
of Texas — a responsibility that should loa>d his name 
with infkmy. and hand his very memory to coming 
years as a curse and an execration." 



The report of the Committee on Lawless- 
ness and violence, made June 30. 1868, to the 
Reoonstraotion Convention of Texas, says: 

■■ l>iuliic thzea months of Governor Pease's admin- 
Jitestioii. aided and sustained by Oenerals Sheridan 
sad Mower, and prayiously to the advent of General 
'Haapoek* the morden in Texas, as already seen, avcr- 
^ifBd ninepflr month. The numbcx during the other 
aotttlu oxtli'eaama year averaged eighteen per mouth. 
JkaA eoailiiliig our estimates to the records of the 
l's Bareau, the number since the first of Do- 
; 1867, has averaged thirty-one per month. 
[ng tbe first month of Hancock's administration, 
smber. thers were thirty murders reported by the 
in. In other words, according to the lowest calcu- 
Uihaveaet administration of OenercU Hancock and 
Aof to account for twice the number oj murders 
iCHed under the Sheridan-Throckmorton administ a- 



PART vn. 

Hancock admits he soogtit the 
Presideucy hi 1808-But ''uot 
fbr Jc^e, uot for Joseph, oh uo, 
no I''— He glories iu the Sontheru 
^^principic^" he has, throiig^i 
massacre, promoted— His stipu^ 
lated re^vard eomes at last— He 
^ts the Hemocratic IVomina- 
tion! 

That Hancock was after the Presidency in 
18GS is shown clearly enough in the following 
effusion, although when he touches upon the 
* 'Spirit of revolution" and * 'every sacred pre- 
cinct of liberty," he has sadly confused things. 
Says he : 

" I never aspired to the Presidency on account of 
myself. I never sought its doubtful honors aud cer- 
tain labors and responsibilities merely for the posi- 
tion. My own wish was to promote, if I could, the 
good of the country, and to rebuke the spirit of revo- 
lution which had invaded every sacred precinct of lib- 
erty. When, therefore, you pronounced the statement 
in question false, yon did exactly right. Principles 
and not men, is the motto for the rugged crisis in 
which we are now struggling. Had I been made the 
Presidential nominee I should liave considered it a 
tribute not to me, but to the principles which I had 
proclaimed and practised. But shall I cease to revere 
those principles because, by mutual i>olitical ftiends. 
another has been api>ointed to put them into execu- 
tion? Never I Never I Never I" 

But Hancock sighs no longer. He has at 
last received the promised reward for his ter- 
rible work — the Democratic nomination for 
the Presidency. He is, as we have already 
proved, the nominee of a " solid South " — 
chosen because of his record in resistance to 
construction ; and hence, Ms success at the 
polls, his occupancy of the Chair of "Washing- 
ton, would transfer the national authority and 
power to the confederate enemies of the Pe- 
publia In his own words, ** principles and 
not men " are the points at issue in this crisis 
of our national history. The Confederates 
range themselves on one side in this struggle 
to regain through Hancock the ** lost cause f 
all loyal men should range themselves on the 
othor. 



196 



HON. WILLIAlf H. ENQLISH. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 



Hon. William H. English^ 



PAET I. 

Bleeding Kansas— The Great 
Strnsg;le from 1854 to I860, 
in and ont of Ccraig^ress, fbr Free- 
dom, Free Ballots and Mcyority 
Bule— liVm. H. Eng:lisli Opposed 
to all These. 

In consequenoe of the Propagandist deviltry 
for the subjugation of Kansas, natural out- 
crop of the repeal of the Missouri compromise, 
a mighty |jtruggle, from 1854 to 1860, in Con- 
gress and the country, was maintained bdioeen 
the frieruk qf free and dove Kansas — between the 
friends and opponents of a free ballot— ^he friends and 
opponents of the right of a majority to rule ! Whaty 
in thai conflkty wa* the attitude of Wm. H. English ? 
Was it not that of an opponent to free Kansas — an 
opponent qf afru bcdlol and qf tlie right qfa mcQority 
to rule ? . ^ ' 

Mr. English voted in the first instance for 
the " Kansas^Nebraska infamy" — for the re- 
peal of the Missouri compromise, and for a 
renewal of the slavery agitation which enabled 
the "Propaganda" to precipitate the South 
into rebellion, and ta involve the North in an 
appalling war for the preservation of the Union ! 
He voted against aU investigation into the 
sanguinary and brutal Propa^|[andist outrages 
in Kansas, and voted to seat in the House the 
Kansas pro-slavery delegate elected through 
outrage and fraud. At the second session of the 
34th Congress, Mgl English voted against the 
Grow Bill, which denounced the pro-slavery 
legislature of Kansas, as chosen in violence and 
fraud — ^aa ** usurpers** — which repealed its 
"cruel and oppressive laws," and provided 
for the organization and Grovemment of the 
Territory by its actual or bona fide settlers; or 
in other words Mb. English voted to maintain 
'* the brutal pro-slavery code of Kansas," and 
to justify the "Border Ruffians,*' in their out- 
rages and. crixnes for the subjugation of 
Kansas. 

Tlie bloniay fMsaalt on CSiarles Sumner— 
Wm. H. Eoffltsh opposes expalslon of 
Brooks, or the eieiniire of his aeebmpUces. 

Charles Sumner, in the Senate of the 
United States, on the 19th and 20th of May, 
1856, dared, in severe but parliamentary lan- 
guage, to denounce the " crime against Kan- 
sas —dared to arraign it9 authors and sup- 
porters as guilty of crimes against humanity 
and freedom ! For that, for the exercise of a 
plain constitutional right, for the performance 
of a duty which, as a Senator, he owed to the 
nation and his State, Mr. Sumner two days 
later was assaulted in the Senate by Preston 
S. Brooks, of South Carolina. Says Anson 
Burlingame, in a speech in the House : 



" The Senator from Massachti8eti43 [Mr. Sumner] sat 
in the silence of the Senate Chamber engaged in the 
employments appertaining to his office, when a mem- 
ber from this House, who had taken an oath to sustain 
the Constitution, tioU into the Senate — ^that place which 
had hitherto been held sacred against Tiolence— and 
smote him as Cain smote his brother. * * * 

" One blow toas enough ; but it did not satiate the wrxUh 
qf that spirit tohiehpursued him through two days. Again 
and again, quicker and faster, fell the leaden blows until 
he was torn away from his victim, when the Senator from 
Massachusetts feU into the arms of his friends, ami his 
blood ran doton on Vie Senate fioor." 

The whole nation was startled, outraged by 
this transfer to the United States Senate of the 
murderous methods of the " Border Euffian " 
forthe suppression of free speech. The House 
promptly investigated. Its committee reported 
a resolution for the expulsion of Brooks and 
the censure of his accomplices. Keitt, of South 
Carolina, and Edmundson, of Virginia. Every 
law-abiding man throughout the civilized 
world condemned and reprobated Brooks' act. 
But William H. English did not feel it so 
deeply. As he voted against the repeal of the 
" brutal code of Kansas,'* so Mr. English vojed 
against the resolution for the expulsion of 
Brooks and the censure of his accomplices, 
Edmundson and Keitt ! As he voted to pro- 
tect the •' Border Buffian " in his tyranny and 
crimes, so Mr. English voted to shield Brooks 
and his accomplices from the consequences of 
their attempted assassination of Charles Sum- 
ner ! 

And the animus or spirit which manifestly 
influenced these votes characterizes Mr. Eng- 
lish's congressional career during all this great 
struggle between Freedom and Slavery ! 

He attacks the Repablicmn party as a party 
'* wltli iMit one idea, and that one idea the 
TVegrro I" 

In the 33d, 34th, and 35th Congresses, while 
supporting the Propagandist measures for the 
aggrandizement of. slavery, Mr. English 
proudly announces the doctrines qf his politi- 
C£d faith. He also treats us to loa^ elaborate 
indictment of the Bepublican party. Its 
heaviest ootint is, that m^ every State 'where ^ 
the Bepublican party had obtained control it * 
had instantly banished the iilfiimoTis •^* Black ^ 
Code" with which the Democracy had dis- 
p;ra(5ed the Statute Book — had remodeled the \ 
institutions of the State in conformity with . 
the civilization and progress of the age. It- .• 
had even admitted that the African was a> t 
human being capable of improvement like J 
other men, had admitted him to colleges and ^ i^ 
established schools for his instruction — ^had.* .^ 
even established precedents which admitted "^ 
that by labor and culture he might become a j* 
lawyer or doctor or a member of any learned J 
profession. To Mr. English's comprehensive '2' 
statesmanship, therefore, the Kepuolican was- ^ 
a sectional party — "a party with one idea^ t^ 
and that one idea is the negro !" He exdaimsi f'^ 



HON. WILLIAM H. EXOLISH. 



19T 



^'SeiMTtte them [the Bepublicanol from Sambo and 
Gnffee and thvy are aa helpless as bal>cs. * * * How 
long will it be [if the Bepublicaus obtain power] before 
Hon. Pompev Uniash, Fred. Douglas, or some other 
kinky-headed and thick-lipi)ed darkey preseutR him- 
self here, all redolent with the i>eculiar odor of liis race. 
to claim a seat as one of the x>eoplu's representatives." 

Hence, in Mr. Enolish'h judgment, the Bal- 
yation of the nation, the perpetuity of its insti- 
tutions, and the liberties and rights of its 
people, rested wholly upon the pro-slavery 
Democracy. 

Amid the din of comlnir treason and rebel- 
iron ke Is for fiilave-Deniocrary— He pro- 
i»iMiMM» tke alUect cowardice and meanness 
•f Nmrtkem Democracy. 

All around him, i^i both Houses of Congress, 
as throughout the South, was heard the defiant 
and treasonable declaration that if the North 
closes us out of the Territories, if it elect a 
President upon an anti-slavery platform, the 
Union will be dissolved. All around him was 
lieard the barbarous doctrine that " Slavery is 
natitmal — Dreedom tecUovutl" — that *' davery ia the 
mUuTtd and normal condition qf the laborer ' — that 
*'«2iat«ry vt right and rucettmry whether white or 
bliKkf' At his very side Lawrence M. Keitt, 
of South Carolina, aniiounced as a cardinid 
dootrine of Democratic faith that — 

" GEUvenr is a great primordial fact, rooted In the 
oirigiii of things. As a corollary to this it may bo 
aaf^y deduced that the existence of laborers and 
mecnaaicB in organized societies was the result of the 
mrtlal and progressive emancipatiou of slaves * * * 
Hiatoiy tells us also that when the [white] working 
rlaiwiTii stepped out of the condition of bondage by 
the process of emancipation, they branched into four 
oonBtantly recurring subdivisions — the hireling, the 
beggar, the <At^. and the prostitute, which have no 
general existence in slave countries unless there have 
oeen a coaunencement of emancipation." 

Hie North at the same moment was also 
aflame at the infamous dragooning of its cities 
in Hxe execution of the " Fugitive slave law." 
The venerable Josiah Quincy, acm., in 1864, 
in Boston, Mass., exclaimed : 

** tVliat haa boen seen, what has been felt, by every 
xxuuGi* woman, and child in this metropolis and in this 
oonununity, and virtually by every man, woman, 
And child in Maesaehusetts ? Wo have seen our 
conri-liouBe in chains, two battalions of dragoons, 
eisht companies of artiUery, twelve companies 
o/' infantry, the whole constabulary fori'e of the 
dtgr police, the entire disposable marine of the United 
atatea, with its artillery loaded for action, all marching 
in aupport pf a pretorian band consisting of 130 friends 
aad aaaoc^tee of the United States MarHhal, with 
loaded pistols and drawn swords, in military costumo 
and array — for what purpose? To escort and conduct a 
pbar • tremblino ileive from a Boston courthouse to the 
fbU/tTB and IcuM qfhis master I " 

Nevertheless Mr. English "proudly" an- 
nonnceci his fealty to the Democracy — not to 
tlie IX>agla8 Democracy— he belonged ** to no 
sncih party" — but ''tothe great Democratic 
party — to the " rro2)aganaa ! " Inutead of 
denonncinc Keitt and his barbarous doctrines, 
he applauded him as a distinguished leader of 
tlie Oemocracy ! Instead of denouncing the 
triMnmnnMn doctrines of secession, he admitted 
tlie right, but pleaded that his associates, the 
iPtopagandist leaders, would not exercise the 
Tight — that they would stay in the Union, not 
far theaake of the Union, nor for the institu- 
tiona and liberties which it guarantees, but 



! for the sake of the Northern Democracy, who 
I would be sacrificed by the Republicans if 
abandoned by the Propaganda. He and the 
Northern Democracy were ready to vote all 
they demanded. They were troubled with no 
"sickly sentimentality on the subject of 
slavery." As he had voted to sustain the 
brutal pro-slftveiy code of Kansas, and the 
outrages by which it was maintained, so he 
was ready to vote for the extension of slaverj' 
— to admit slave States, to vote lor the enforce- 
ment of the " Fugitive tdave law," to dragoon 
the North into obedience to its mandates — to 
coerce every Northern freeman to become a 
slave hunter at the command of the Propa- 
ganda I 

The " Ensllsk blU '* for the admission of 
Kansas exposed. 

In that spirit, and ^ith that declaration of 
principles, Air. Engubh addressed himself to 
the solution of the pending Lecompton issue. 
Senator Green's bill for the adinission of 
Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution 
passed the Senate, but was defeated in the 
House. In the Senate Mr. Crittenden, cf 
Kentucky, 'had offered a substitute. In the 
House Mr. Montgomery, of Pennsylvania, 
also moved the Crittenden substitute, which 
was adopted by that body, but the Senate 
refusing to concur, a committee of conference 
was asked. Mr. Welmam H. Engush, as 
chairman of the House branch of that commit- 
tee, reported what was called the ''Engush 
bill " for the admission of Kansas. It sets out 
with the patent falsehood that the Lecompton 
Constitution, the violent product of the Mis- 
souri Kuffians, was framed by the people of 
Kansas. It then provides for the submission 
of the Constitution to a vote of the people of 
the territory, but meanly attempts to bribe the 
majority to accept u Constii.4tion, to which 
they had again and again expressed their 
repugnance, by large donati* iis of public lands 
for "school purposes," '• for the support of a 
State University," and *'for tlie purpose of 
completing the public buildings " — by grants 
of "five per cent, of the lu t proceeds of the 
sales of all the public lands within the Statt; 
for the purpose of making roads and intemnl 
improvements " and of " salt springs " for the 
use of the State. If the people rejected these 
munificent donations, Kansas was to be re- 
manded to a territorial condition, and pro- 
hibited from comiiig hi under any other con- 
stitution until it had the full population of 
93,340. Either Slave Kansac or no Kansas. 

How It was passed— Both Kansas and the 
nation spit npon It— Enforced retirement 
of the Lecompton plotters to private life. 

Under the dragooning and influences of the 
President, aided by Cornelius Wendell with 
the plunder from the public printing, this bill 
finally passed both Houses. But the people of 
KansaK, indignant at so disreputable a propo- 
sition, a bribe for the abandonment of great 
principles, and being no longer under the 
terrorism of the Missouri Buffians, rejected it 
by an overwhelming majority. The nation 



198 HON. WILLIAU H. EKOUSU. 

in ito jndnueiit ntifled that of the people of •tnmp "«i BU.t». ma ym tssre Bpp«u«<l rtin » uck of 

K«.««. ilr.E«omH«.d,LU&omtE.«Sorth t^^^^^:'^^^^,S:JS:^?^«:^.^t'S^i. 

ooDcemeu in tne IjeoomptoQ plot were reie- uidiuu tiwptiiUuitiiropiai uid uie poor mu'i triand 

CI to priTste life, and ue attempt now by dw not Ham to im ippncimtad. On ths othH hud. 

Democracy, by his nomination u Vioe tb» loai™ Eepubl cm. wm JubUimt Tl»r »•- 

Pwddent, to rertore Jb. E«ou«l. to pt> bUc ^eSSt ^^T'^Z^^S^^fi^^'Z,"'^ 

life wiU be defeated by an oTe""*""''"'"" — ■• ■- - - '■ ■ ■-- 

nif^ority of the Ameiicau people. 



life mil be defeated by an OTWwtaelming loiullj DDpopnUr whoceYer knotnj : (htt'vMLs'ha 
uf^oHty of the American people. v*> rlcb, be bwl uuuIa the m«Joriij of bJ 



-D li^lUnuto biulDaa. u ._ 

""^^^ ally Kiiudljifl tbB ntoe of Uia poor; tbstthfl worttDK 

Ti 1 -Dm TT clMMtet wan bli bittar snamiai : thit tba tndu*- 

I'AKi IL nnloDB or kU gimd« wan ujuuit blm. uid that. It 

^^ tbay tud bad tb« nukUig of & ticket for tba benadt of 

Tbe ** Poor Mao's Frinid ** In In- UiBir ciuh id indium, & better wnld not huTS been 

dlana— now the "Hon." Wm, ""Tbeu'imitiioiuwneMoaiiaiotUK. tiwt,H omtm- 

— Xbe Tale told by COUrt-UotUe piupoaaof*ktlif*lBsni7omeiuloiiltTudlBf0nuliiB 

VtoKMrnntm lAtamttllrur Itmt at tnttir- u>e world Kbst Uia true coudltlaii ofi&ln «>• In Uie 

KeCOrUS-StartUng USt or inng- g^,, nni»er»llT »e«*^ •.•ItoUI. Acting upon 

ments and fbredfwures orniort- 't* tmt nrtuni hipotnert* tt.t » nwn'i enuKtv 

__ . . . ouibe eullT leHsad tcom tboae with whom ha turn 

ItaiEe— How he lecured personal \i-nawt7oAta»r lot itu put twtatjjMn.iq.aiMr 

iudsmenbi aiKO A «vni-He tiian *>*e'^ clnnlitlng unong tha old bulnaatman of tba 

juuKinenu mwo— j«. *t utbo uiuu ^j,^ Hera Ihew w«. « dlyenltr o[ onlalon, oolored 

Mb VhlCk. to > gi«t artaot by polltlal blu, bnt nil agreed apoa 

. . , onapolnt, tit,: that hawM • ttnid nun Id mouajr 

In the Cincinnati Comneraal of Avg. 9, 1880, suttata, ud wonld euct tbi ottennoat tirtblng. 

BPiieoTed the following corroapondence : K»t »* '■'•'>' ■'•d foroierlT bald penonal reutiun* 

'^"^ e i~ with him while acting u Fceddanl ot theFlritNk- 

w_ .K. •_ m™ r "?S"?f^ _ ". .S*^^ i^«- U*™! »»'*■ ""I ""I" f»^ l*^ l"""^ ramow of hia 

??*.^i?*^j'^.,"'?'''""2^'"" DamoaaWe buah duUnga with aU whom he actnallj had in hla 

partythaWl of theWlali awarded aamneb prnml- power, bnt iTitle more Uuui graeml npoiU wen dU- 

nenaaathaklleltaalL a-tu^nmataaoeaniinmnd- Sacowrad that day. In the i^lng 1 £vUed anniid 

tojlha nominaUoD o( Bo^ ware »p«OBito tttt, ij„ ^i^^_ .her. U bla reaWanoiTln the alnoM tear 

erenDOW. ISwInllrnahEehowltwaabnniEhlabodt: of which ha La bnUdlni an alesant open.ho(iae. Aa I 

^J°?^i5",F^""?7E?^"™.°*'^'ii?'' "*^ oontempUUretf obaSflii the bnUdIng now 

•eeiued tb* tvaoli U one ef the ilngtiiar clraamatu. ,,^ qq^,, ,^0^ and the ban«dl wlndowa of Ota ai- 

ua ol the e a mp ai gn , bongb, how^ir, U known to l),niier» ileepiog-niom, a benarolantippearlng old 

ti" '"^"^^''^.V^^^"^:^*- '^iS^"2J5.i* '^ gentleman at^pid beelde me, and pweSlbe eSmpU. 

the ooaTlctlon that tba BomUM for Vlee-Praaldont menu (rfUio day r—~ i»" 

waaadaetodtorthnerwniai PritnarOy, to appwe -Mr. Kngllah Ubolldinga Teryflneopera-hooM," 

H;^'"'? 1?™?5;1^ ?!!*?*• S?".?"'? ^S iMmarkedr^-HidaeematoTM |lrb>guniJormu.tta a 

paoed. and who propoaad that the hnmUlaCloa abonld i^^^ nnmber of laborlnii men *' ° "^ ' 

ba aa deep aa poaalbU ; aeooBdU, to molUIJ tba Bltw •■Ya." waa the anawe?, ■' he' la bnlldlBii the opata- 

BMtbem alemeut, which might lake nmbiin at the h,o« (oriioSa^d bewtotadSmrSff IhSSK 

-b^toWuiDantrtTb killing 7^^it^^^u-^ib'^^»n^^^^^ 

lad nlrita - and thIrdlT. bfr ■■-_. ^ 7 ,„ ii. ?. r A_ ■, 



annmbetot the mlagnldedaplrlta: and thirdly, bf lltLe B^m^J^^m^ta th^riiniT™.-^ 

S^ifJ S! "^fSPi? ""5^''^*^ earrjiiia Indiana at „ j^ building op and Unprortng tba eltyr ■ I aakad. 
tba October eleetlDU, and It liad bean widely dron. ,. ^^ TiT^waa the anawerT^ In buUdlnjt nn and 

'"^Jj^4'Si*i?:'""",r**>'''"'Kl?"^''_S:?t3?^ pottlag;GbdlrtMoo.tobl.hS;«L KeaW^bSSt 

nry-barT" It U mne than pmbaUe. howenr, that ..^...J'l..^ h.„ ,«.,.„>. .h.riM .n^ .,«,_- a..^ 



m^--;^"'uiM.^tj^'^^^,^<,»^i sroV;^"E;;rbSrd^'s^:: 

thelannv oUaae W UeliM IMKO waamora »Un( Iddltionalparttcul««at4e«u*-honae." 

than i dl elee eemblned. Bethat aaUmar,nobilalIl- Hera, aoeldantally, bad I dlaooTend the lead t had 

f^'.?"?^ 'i^ """"^^ ff" ii1?ifv '"J!? been looking for. and the salt moralDg tound meat 

''?"K^**^''?™'"^°"H?^'"'**^*^*«'''™ the SbetW? omoa. Upon making miidf known to 



loat. There waa a whoop and bar- aranmallyhadto o 
■a eonntry, to he ann. bnt an oml- (>,. r^^^iSi, nt the 
obaerrable In the backwooda and nwCnintr Oerk'n 



at Handr.cke. Tba looal 



after diligent as 






IF tnipaetkni. 



loaa nopiliitor knew ""gi'*'' to hia i 

b.alid It waa fonnd that thaprflaaDC ___, „ _, 

i^^a^ and neaHy all er than within the paat t . _ 

Jndgmant and fOieclDBnieof mortgage. A "poorm 
\ WIU baldly hare time to aiamlnaltln detail. 



Ppe»,,^™ol.?nliidtaSMlSir^edirSe^ and nearty aU ^ftheo. wl^ tt. paat thie. yearMbr 
-■- ■- — onianda that EuglU*- ' lndmwiitaiidft™.lami»o(morti!.«!. A 'Doornuii'- 

impte enryyonna a 

a bad atarted oat a 



weltto ImltMa : ba bad atartad oata poor bar, and nuaUK ihuiui. k'ui nuW 

by bianwn unaided eurtloDa ndia atiletly legltl- Dutii. OaiIuI.i. 

mat* inathada.badaecnninlatMI a arge f0rliine;he Bngllnh. Bebecca P. Sinker et al IT Fib. ail. -71 



<apblbiBlhioptit.llbaralta aBtnltlnhiaehaiitin. EnKllHh. 



■rnady with bla waallh la aid the worthy In BagltBh. John O. Hardeaty et bL . . . . IT Feb. U, Td 

•.v—ualatlnii aeompetanoe. Theranlpreaa iindu- Euullih. Jobn H. Batty at al IT Peb. 3f , '71 

allyla.kDpnwrM)aiB,whlletheerEaabe.HDtopjpe Bnuliib, Chaiiei O. Uilcbriet et U. . . IT Jen. », 'TS 



n-»t la a lODR-anllKtDa ealnul, and tboa^ih Kui<I1bii. Sanh Dunbar et at 17 Jan. 3», 'Td 

—■■ ■■la back baa bum wed-nlgb brukan by many EUKllah. Weltkina Lacy elal 10 Oct, g, 'TA 

bnrden. ha Tery aeldom. U eyer. klcka oter Eugllah. Otwey Allen etal IV Aag. 10, 'TB 

. The leaden whipped. Uo[>iniald an- EoKlinh. CarollneB, BnttarfleldetaL 19 Ang, lOv 'TA 



a grleroot bnrdea. ha Tery aeldom. ir ever, klcka otev EuKllahj 

.^ . „-, __, EnKliiih. _. .. . 

< Eu^lish. SllaaUppiUGOttatal Ifl Ang, M, TB 



HOK. WILLIAM £ 



Ulh, WilaoQlxJckluutc 

ll*b, JahnL. UaBiUbt 

■Kb. Jiillua C. Wbrdit 

Uth, JobD C. Bbwmakr 



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Eogllsh. 
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EDgllib, 
EngUib, 
EogllBb, 
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EagUiIi, 
£nglUb, 



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Wm. D. H 



EogUsll. Wm. D. Seston < 



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J«niila a. HorwDiHl et >1 . . . . 

Jiimea liennett «t nl'l!'.'.'.!'. 

SiiDuelKeuDedyetal 

JiwmbaehlrctBtiO. 

JTederiuk W. Winter «t tl.. 
WmbmW BUkeclAl.. 

Uirir U. Sbeeti et b1 

Ti.D.LoMr'i.t'S."'.. '..... 

JUDS* A. Hoore et al 

Hut a. Fitcna etil 

Jane Oreeaaeld etal 

ft.>b<'rt !I. I'&titTfluu et al 

Cuobse Uollwart e't'al. '. 
Hurr K. MIntboral elAl.. . 
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Jalin B. Renard etui .... 

UlltonH. Lundlietal 

Jorduia. Mott atal 

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Aug. IB, ;; 
Aug! i»'. II 



200 



HON. WILLIAM H. EKGLISH. 



StaerUTs Deeds fir»m StaertflT of marlon 
County to Wm. H. Enffllsli. 

Dftte. No. No. 

of Description of Property. Book of 

. I>eed. Record. Page. 

Oct. 7, 76.. Lots 19, 20, 21, Outlet 17, OuUy & 

Goodwin's addition 101 52 

Dec. 5, 76.. Lots 233. AUen's Woodlawn add. 101 619 
Dec. 5, 76.. Lots 221 and 222 Allen's Wood- 
lawn addition 101 621 

Feb. 20, 77. Lots pt. 317, Outlots9l. 98, 98, 

97, A. Stone. Jr. 's subdivision. 106 199 
Apr. 28, 77. Lots pt. 8i7. outlots 96. 97, 98, 

91, A. Stone, Jr. '8 subdivision. 105 612 

May 16. 77. Lot 4. Square H5 107 81 

June U.77. Lot. S2. Woodruff Place... 1U7 171 

July 7,77.. Lot4, SqaareS 107 248 

Aug. li>, 77. Lot 176, Woodruff Place 107 424 

Oct. 9, 77.. Lot 13, Outlot 2. Master's subdi- 

vison. Drake's second addition 111 17 

Oct. 5. 77.. Lots 1 and 2. Outlot 63 Ill 20 

Oct. 9, 77.. Lots 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 16, 17, Ife, 

19, Frank's subdivision Ill 24 

Dec. 10. 77. Half of Lot 80. Outlots, 10, 81, 

184, WUey's subdivision HI 826 

Dec. 18, 77. Lot 12, Square 86 Ill 338 

Dec. 26, 77. Lots 1 and 2. Square 61 Ill 880 

Jan. 11. 78. Lot 18, Woodruff's subdivision, 

Morris' addition Ill 499 

Jan. 11, 78. Lot 86, Woodruff's Place Ill 602 

Feb. 20, 78. Lots 14 and 15, Squaie 1, Wright's 

first north side addition 113 246 

Feb. 26. 78. Lots 19. 20. 21, 2j, Squafe 1, 

Wright's north side addition. . 118 248 
Feb. 20, 78. Lot 7, Frank's S. Meridian street 

addition 118 261 

Feb. 25, 78. Lot 175, Allen's north addition, . . 113 254 

Mar. 6, 78. Lot 10. Square 87 113 302 

Mar. 6. 78 . Lots 10 and 11, Outlot 103, 

Downie's addition 113 307 

Apr. 10, 78. Lot i% Outlot 108, Frank k 

Byan's subdivision 115 123 

Apr. 10, 73. Lots 87 and 88, Allen & Root's 

north addition...., 116 125 

May 3, 78 . . Lot 36, Patterson's addition 116 263 

May 22; 78. Lot 2^, Kapi)e8 & Naltner's ad- 
dition 115 447 

May 14, 78. Lot 29, Kappes & Naltner's addi- 

.tion 116 449 

May 21, 78. Lot 33i, Kappes & Naltner's ad- 
dition 115 452 

May 22. 78. Lots 27 and 28, Outlot 108, Frank 

& Ryan's subdivision 115 455 

May 14, 78. Pt. Outlot 122 115 468 

May 21.78. Lots 1, 4, 5, 6. 12. 14, 16. Pool's 

subdv'n. Johnson's addition.. 115 461 
May 14, 78. Lots 2 ani 24, Allen. Root k Eng- 
lish north Woodlawn addition. 115 464 
June 11, 78. Lot 1, Woodruff k Morris' addi- 
tion 115 601 

June 11, 78. Lot 30, Outlot 159, Ray Trus- 
tee's subdivision 115 604 

June 4, 78. Lot 6, Kappes k Naltner's addi- 
tion 115 607 

June 16, 78. Lots 41 and 42, Outlot 168, Spaun 

& Ck>'8 addition 116 192 

July 23, 78. Lot 10. Kap es' addition 116 829 

July 30. 78. Lot 14, Square 36 116 332 

Aug. 13. 78. Lots 43, 51, 55, 8U, 8t, 85. Out- 
lots 166 and 167, Blake's divi- 
sion 116 454 

Aug. 13. 78. Lot 3, Outlot 16J, Ray's sub- 
division : 116 457 

June 7. 78. Lots 92. 93. 94, 95, Lewis' sub- 
division of lean's addition ; 
Lot 10, Square 14, Star's addi- 
tion; Lots 2, 3 and 4, in Terry's 
subdivision, and part of Lot 6, 

Square 36 116 516 

Apr. 25, 70. Lot 16, Deutsoh's subdivision, 
Morris addition; Lots 4 and 71, 
Brown's subdivision; Lot 6, 
Kappe's addition; 23 and 22, 
Rosep's subdivision; 8, 9, 10, 
11, li, 13, 14. Car Company's 
addition 

Pursuing the even tenor of my way I next visited 
the office of Recorder of Deedg and found the sub- 
joined description of 



Deeds issued to Wm. H. Bnyllsli under 
decree of foreclosure. , 

This startling list is submitted without comment: 

Date No. No. 

of Description of Property. Book of 

Deed. Record. Page. 

Sept. 10, 78. Lot 4, Outlot 99, Hendrick's sub- 
division 118 7 

Sept. 10, 78. Lot 3. Outlot 18, Stem's subdivi- 
sion 118 9 

Oct. 23, 78 . Lot 237. Kappes' addition 118 304 

Oct. 24, 78. Lots 13, 14. 15, Lozier's Highland 

addition 118 807 

Oct. 22. 78. Lot 19, Vagen's addition 118 11 

Oct. 22, 78. Lots 25 and 26. Square 13 Hub- 
bard's addition 118 314 

Oct. 23, 78. Lot 44, Outlot 108, Franks' sub- 
division 118 817 

Oct. 24. 78. Lot 2. W.iodruff's subdivision, 

Morris' addition 118 841 

Nov. 5. 78. Lots 5ti. 59, 60, Hanni heirs' add. 118 408 

Nov. 19, 78. Lot 5 and Half-lot 4, Lots 91, 92 

in Blake's addition 120 46 

Jan. 14, 79. Lot 63. Outlot 160, McChe ney's 

subdivision 120 401 

Jan. 15, 79. Lat 130, Allen k Root's north ad- 
dition 120 489 

Jan. 15, 79. Lots 26 und 86, in Wo draff's 

subdivision 120 492 

Jan. 21. 79. Lot8l.Outlo 89 120 494 

Feb. 8, 79.. Lot 2, Indianapolis and Cincin- 
nati R. R. Co.'s addition 120 617 

M'ch 3, 79. Lots », 9, 1.^ 20. 21. 22, 23, 26. ^7, 
28. 39, 40, 41, 42. 43 44, 45, 46, 
47, 58. 59, 207, 2u8, 209. 250, 
251. 291, 292, 293. 294, 295, 48, 
49, 106. 107. 1«>8. 109, 110, 111, 
112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118, 
119, 120, Allen's Woodlawn ad- 
dition....: 121 442 

M'ch 17, 79. Lot 4, Square 60, Martindale's 

addi iou 121 676 

Ap'l 22. 79. Lots 15 and 16. AUen's subdivi- 
sion , 121 687 

May 26. 79. Lots 4. 5. and 6, Ch s. St. John's 

addi'ion 126 215 

May 26, 79. Lot 3. EUiot's subdivision, Hen- 
derson's addition K6 218 

May 29, 79. Lot 4, Elliot's subdivision, Hen- 
derson's addition 126 221 

May 29, 79. Lot 5. EUiot's subdivision, Hen- 
derson's addition 125 524 

May 24, 79. Lot 18, Square 22, Sangster, Har- 
rison's addition 126 824 

July 8, 79. . Lots 12 and 13, Moore's and 

Fletcher's addition 126 65 

July 8, 79.. Lot 4, Moore's and Fletcher's ad- 
di ion :. 126 128 

July 8, 79.. Lot 16, Outl 1 108, Frank's sub- 
division ... 126 31 

July 8, 79.. Lot 36. Ou lot 130, Tande'd sub- 
division 126 34 

July 22. 79. L»: 332, Allen's nor h Woodlawn 

addi ioa : 126 137 

July 22, 79. Ix) s 35, 36, 33, 34, 88. 86, 87, i^5, 
66, 74. 63. 27. 30. 64, 76. 81, 84. 
25, 29, 26. 31. 77, 72, 86, 72. 73, 
80, 67, 31, 79, 18, !W, 20, 21. 22. 
23, 17. 16, 37. 38. 39, King's 
subdi vision. Bryan's additio a. 126 132 

Oct. 7, 79.. Lot 23, Outlot 108, Fr nk's sub- 
division 128 169 

Oct. 21. 79. Loti 22 and 25, Square 26, Beaton's 

subdivision 128 192 

Oct. 29 79. Lots 17 and 18, Outlot 108. Frank's 

subdivision 128 354 

Nov. 5, 79. Lots 1, 2, 5, 6. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. 

Moo e's subotvision 128 114 

M'ch 2, 80. Lot 2, Square 19 131 469 

Feb. 6, 80. Lo s fassignment) iVom 13 to 384, 
inclusive . 371 pieces, Davis' 
Sugar Grove addition. 

Deeds Issued but not yet recorded. 

May 24, 80. Lot 230 and north h If 229. Allen's addition. 

July 2, 80. Lots 55 and 66. Outlot 1%. 

Aug. 2, 80. Lots 1 to 12, 32 to 6% 89 to 100. King's 

Arsenal Heigh s. 
Aug. 3, 80. Lo s21, 22, and 23. Churn's subdivision, 

Outlot 182. 



HON. WILLIAM H. SNGLI8H. 



201 



While delving thfongli theae records I alio disooyered 
that, not eatiafled with Sheriffs deeds, this " friend i>f 
the poor man " had also been investing in tax titles. 
The law in Indiana in r gard to these titles is some- 
wha. peculiar and is rotiardid as bo particularly "hog- 
gish " that Vfry f w p mons care to appea** at the sales 
aud speculate "upon the misfortunes of impecunious 
fellow-cit.zena. Ufllcials st«ite that Mr. English was 
rarely, if ever prese t, at these sales, but indications 
are that e " hired a hand," as tha deeds a e made to 
him. The lawp ovides that the pu. chaser can ex -ct 
16percen\ for the first six months, even if the re- 
dempUon m'iney is tendered the next day. 10 per cent, 
addition tl for the remainder of he > ear, an. 1 15 i. r 
can*, for the second year. There ifter. according to a 
decision of the Supreme Court, 25 per cent, per annum 
can be cha ged far a i eriod of twenty y afs, if the 
parties ard not dead or b n^rupt by that time, other- 
wise the tax title becomes absolute. It will thus be 
seen that the security can be classed as reasonably 
good. 

Tta. deeds from City of Indianapolis to 
William H. Cnsllsk. 

No. No. 
i^^t^ Amount Tax Dea^riptioa of Book of 

"***• Paid. Property. Reoord.Page. 

Mar. 22. 80. $27 60. .Lot 3. OuUot 150, Bay's 

subdivision 133 360 

Mar. 22.80. 49 04.. Lots 39 and 40, Bay's 

subdivision 133 363 

Mar. 22.80. 50 61.. Lots 87 and 88, Allen's 

addition 133 365 

Mar. 22, 80. 25 74 . . Lots 58, 59 and 60, Hanna 

heirs' addition 133 368 

Mar. 22.80. 22 00. .Lots 23 and 38, Wood- 
ruff's subdivision, Mor- 
ris'addition 133 370 

Mar. 22. 80. 13 74 . . Lot 2, Woodruff's subdi- 
vision, Morris' addition. 133 373 

Mar. 22, 80. 6 70. .Lots 25 and 232, Kappe's 

Meridian addition 133 375 

Mar. 22, 80. 19 56. .Lot 26, Outlet 130, Yan- 

de's subdivision 133 378 

Mar. 22.80. 53 12.. Lot 233, Allen's Wood- 
lawn addition 133 380 

Mar. 22. 80. 51 19. .Lot 54, Outlet 108. Byau's 

subdivision 133 383 

Mar. 22, 80. 262 89. .Lots 6, T. 9, 19, 20, 21, 22, 

28, 26, 27, 28, 39, 40, 41, 
42, 43. 44, 45, 46, 47, 58. 
59, 207. 208. 209. 251. 291. 
292, 293, 294 and 29. Al- 
len's Woodlawn addition 133 385 

Mar. 22, 80. 40 86. .Lots 253 and 254, Allen's 

Woodlawn 133 888 

Mar. 22, 80. 70 02 . .Lot 230 and north half of 

229. Allen's Woodlawn.. 138 391 

Mar. 22, 80. 23 16. . Lot 22, Square 25,Seaton's 

subdivision 133 394 

Mar. 22. 80. 12 37 . .Lot 56,Outlot 108, Frank's 

subdivision 133 396 

Mar. 22.80. 22 00.. Lots 27 and 28, Outlet 

108, Frank's subdivision 133 399 

Mar. 22.80. 12 38.. Lots 46 and 49. Outlet 

103. Frank's subdivision 133 401 

Mar. 22, 8Q. 184 04. .Lots 2. €. 7. 8, 9, 10. 11. 

14, 15, 16. Moore's subdi- 
vision of Fletcher's ad- 
dition 133 404 

Mar. 22,80. 81 62.. Lot 59. Kappe's addition 133 406 

Mar. 22, 80. 76 79 . . Lots 92, 93, 94, 95 Lewis' 

subdivision 133 409 

Mar. 22, 80. 21 78 Lot 63, Outlet 160, Mc- 

Ghesney's subdivision.. 133 411 

Mar. 22.80 144 45.. Lot 1, Outlet 83. Mc- 

Quatt's subdivision.... 133 414 
r. 22,80. 42 76. .Lot 30. Outiot 159, Bay's 

subdivision 133 416 

r. 22,80. 36 00.. Lets 2 and 74, Allen's 

Woodlawn 133 419 

Mar. 22, 80. 4 72. .Lot 6. Kappe's addition. 133 421 
ApL 18,79. 70 42.. Lots 4 and 5, Outiot 9. 

Blake's subdivision 125 248 i 

ApL 18.79. 123 42.. Lets 92, 91, 85, 81, 80. 

Outlet 157, Blake's sub.. 126 250 
▲pL 18, 79. 118 55. .Lots 1. 5, 6. 14, 16, Sq. 18, 

Johnson's heirs' aidditien 125 253 
Dec: 5, 76. 32«15..Lotl, Sq. 5 101 5«0 . 



No. No. 
j)^l^^ Amount Tax DeseriptioD of Book of 

Paid. Propertjr. Beoord.Page. 

Nov.20, 77. |9142..Let 2, Sq. 51 Ill 194 

Nov. 20, 77. 9142..Lotl, Sq. 61 Ill 197 

Jan. 19, 78. 123 42.. Lot 2. Sq. 5 Ill 603 

Apl. 18, 79. 62 28. .Lots 43, 61. 53, Outiot 167, 

Blake's subdivision 125 265 

Apl. 18, 79. 300159.. W. ^ and E. ^ Lot 2, 

Sq. 61 12.'3 268 

Apl. 18, 79. 160 17. .Lot 4, Sq. 35 125 260 

Apl. 18, 79. 21 56. .Lot 4.-i. Outiot 108, Bry- 
an's subdivision 125 263 

Apl. 18, 79^ 35 42.. Lot 11, Outiot 99, Hen- 
dricks' subdivision 126 266 

Apl. 18.79. 9 36.. Lot 1, Sq. 46, Frank's 

subdivision of Morris' 
add 125 268 

Apl. 18, 79. 87 20. .Lot 2, Outlet 99, Daugh- 

erty 's subdivision 125 270 

Apl. 18,79. 69 75.. Let 3, OuUot 181, Ste- 
vens' subdivision 125 273 

Apl. 18, 79. 74 88..Partlqt in Outiot 102... 125 276 

Apl. 18, 79. 36 12. .Lot 81, Outiot 89, Bates' 

subdivision 125 278 

Apl. 18, 79. 36 89. .Let in Allen et al.. sub- 
division 126 280 

Apl. 18, 79. 37 17. .Lot 20, Outiot 169, Wi- 
ley's subdivision 126 288 

Apl. 18,79. 24 90.. Lot 176, Allen's subdi- 
vision 125 285 

Apl. 18,79. 80 63..Lotl2, Sq. 36 125 288 

Apl. 18,79. 16 91..Lot44,Outlotl08,Frank'8 

subdivision 125 290 

Apl. 18, 79. 18 63. .Lot 26, Patterson's addi- 
tion 125 293 

Apl. 18, 79. 119 78. .Lot in City Council and 

City Com. addition 125 318 

Tax Deeds from County Auditor of ]IIarIon 
County to Wm. H. English. 

No. No. 

Date Amount Tax DescriptioD of Book of 

Paid. Propertjr, ReconLPage. 

April 8, 79. $21 72.. Lots 263 and 254, Allen's 

Woodlawn addition 126 96 

April 8, 79. 46 00 . . Lota 81. 85, 89, 9 1 , 92, Out- 
lot 167, Blake's sub 125 97 

Aprils, 79. 35 49.. Lot 85, Woodruff Place.. 126 99 
April 8,79. '39 90.. Lets 41 and 42, Frank's 

subdivision 125 101 

April 8, 79. 14 46.. Lot 2, Woodruff's sub- 
division, Morris' addifn 125 103 
April 8; 79. 11 22.. Let 18, Woodruffs sub- 

div., Morris' addifn ... . 125 106 
April 8, 79, 18 32.. Lot 26, Patterson's add.. 125 107 
April 8, 79. 52 06. .Lets 1, 5, 6, 14, 16, Pool's 

sub. , Johnson's add 125 109 

April 8, 79. 21 28. .Lot 30, Outiot 169, Bay's 

addition 125 ill 

April 8, 79. 37 68. .Lot 130, AUen et als. add. 126 113 

Jan. 19, 78. 141 33.. Lot 1, Square 51 ni 502 

Feb. 26, 78, 82 88.. Part Lot 4, Square 38.... 113 274 
Mch. 4, 78. 15 35. .Lot 48.0utlot 108, Frank's 

subdivision 113 292 

Mch. 4,78. 57 36.. Lots 15 and 16, Allen's 

sub., Hendricks' add. ... 113 296 
Mch. 4, 78. 34 93 .. Lot 93, Woodruff's PUce . 113 300 

Feb. 22, 78. 265 85.. Lot 10, Square 87 113 3 i5 

Nov. 6, 78. 136 95.. Lot 2, Square 61 H8 404 

Nov. 6, 78. 110 61.. Lot 1, Square 61 118 406 

Feb. 18, 79. 16 08 .. Lot 16,Outlot 108, Frank's 

subdivision 128 413 

Aug. 11. 79. 32 45.. Lots 51 and 52, King's 

8ub.,Bryant'saddition.. 128 417 
Mch. 8, 80. 25 06.. Lots 34 and 35, Outlet 

108, Frank's subdivision 133 340 
Mch. 8, 80. 12 29.. Lot 67. Outlet 108, 

Frank's subdivision. ... 133 349 
Mch. 8.80. 46 46.. Lots 23 and north half 

229, Allen's subdivision.. 133 344 
Mch. 8, 80. 32 11 . . Lots 43, 51, 56, Outiot 167, 

Blake's addition 133 347 

Mch. 8.80. 89 60.. Lots 87 and 88. Allen's 

subdivision 133 349 

Mch. 8. 80. 22 27. .Lots 4 and 12, Square 18, 

Pool's sub. Johnson's 

heirs 133 351 

Mch. 8, 80. 20 80 .. Lot 63, Outiot 160, McCar- 

ty's subdivision 133 353 



H. KHOLISH. 




hla mortiti^. 



Mr. Euullnli. 



er prDtol7p» not onlj e: 





» «econd growth. The «ppendea It 


tekeUKtrudomb 


urn Uu UM o( ShertlTi niH mid Ulli 


ltio<ni«toiT: 




FnWrtJ 








Oet. T, 7»-Lol M 


Ontlot UW, 




■ ■ddiuoa.. Mw (MiM nun 


Out U, n-LoU 


n «Ki js. 




• ■ddiuoD.. §00 ijitsao Mseo 


K«. fl. TO-I^ 




■u'tdl 




Hob. a. W-Part 


of i^t'i^ ^^^^ '^^ 


Ojuu. 





hM I Hiuld da a. 

qneaUy rocwIoHd od tha lalM, bid tl 
■nd Becnivd wi addltloul penotiAl JndMiDeQt aoitinst 
ma or |i:«». When I kwwd ttab fwenl to U> 
crfBcfl And Hkad him what 1 owed ft tbDQAnd dollUB 
(bri Ihntlhidp^dhlmllMO. aul Uyil ke had the 
lot* btcb, uid whut uon cvold be uk? He aid what 
he laked wis hla moner. aod be nnipaaed to haTa It 
■nd that right ■wm]'. llbeDtohl blm what 1 thmight 
□f bla Tobtierj, and ha onlend me ont 11 fail office. I 
hkd a mukO hirneaa ahop on Delawatii Btnet, and waa 
compelled to go Into faaoknipICT." 

Mr. CbariM W. V«a«r. 

Fonneiij a prominent draggtst on Tw'H*"* avenue, 

waa Deit Tlslted, and waa ven' bre in giriug bU 

oplalon of* Hum wht^ be Bimlj beliered, wh 

A w&U IB hMBMB tmrm. 

Ur. Urx-djuld: "Inisrac 



7, eO-Lui I*. OnUot 13, 
Pabr. a), TI'Fart of lAt SIT, 



Apr. M. ll-Patt of lot SW, 

Btone'aaddlttoD.. MO l.MS 38 1 
lla.j 3. T9-LciU«,».19,3D,tl. 



lU. I J 



IW, 117, 
, 130, &1- 



IfiW I 



Jalj S, T»-Iots la uu 

JniT e, IS-tot 30. Ontlol 

Yande'i addltl 

Jnly U, TS-Lotai.Allan'i 

Alter atndTlng tbeaa ncordi, iMunpiled from 



.too 7Sg21 



ttreel.uid owned tbaboUdlng. Waa didug welL but 
concluded to add to m7 building. Bi>d.»al bMIa litll* 
eitn mouey, uul there WM a liege amonnt of boUd- 
iDg KolDg on, I tbanght I would bo; topu nonnd and 
■tart a brickyard, and tbat, tbermbw, I could make the 
brick for mj bouae free of eoM, 1 aocodlugly bonSht 
len acrea auinib of town bom R r. Bel^ien Ibr tWO 
per acre, and paid on tbe propartr ttJM. leaTliutwo 
IraC-Bongage note* of |1,D00 eaeb jM unpaid. Theae 
SeOiien aold to EngUab, and on tben 1 paid lutU I 
ived him (898.4.1. accoidlng to mj Agoring. I atao 
iiald the tuee. ajid Ihia waa t£a mdy locambancB <a 

srlck, bUHlneaa naa doll, and tluHigh I wi 
Lnd day 1 was anabla lo meet tba Intern 
:hen forecloaed, and tbongb 1 met him at 
lauae, and on the Blepa aaked Um to be tai 
iraa ilolDg all moital man conid dc, and tt 
1*7 blm as man la pOBBlbla, be aald. and tb 



But thla la not aU." oontlnnedMt. Moody, "ba 
igbt In the propert; and cioasd my drag aton on a . 
aoual judgment of I3.KU. How ha got that I eonld 
. duoover. until I lOnnd that the notei were •jidd 
,rln', and (hat he had eucted tbe pramlnm. When 









ileal Dt ererythlDg. tiSfiOa, and Bin 
>w engaged in the roannlhetnre at 



people of tbe more Ignorant daaa, who had tmen atrtpptd 
ol their UtUa hemM, and knowing ancb would be un- 
duly pr«llldlced 1 aonabt two or three of the better 
olaaa of oabtora who bad become acquainted with lie 
onttle-fiah laeUc*. Tbe dot one I met waa Captain 1 
Bieter.an emplayeB In the mall.bag Mrvlce at the Foat 

BepnbllCMi NMNlnee for county recorder. 

Ba la a harneaa-maker by trade, and atande very high 

ke la Intimately aaaoclated. particularly. In anawer 
to Inquiries vtth regard to bia bualneaa relallena with 

aubatantially, the fiillowlng statement : 



.R on Waabtngton atreet. oppalls 



Mr. M*-dT la noi 
baking powder, aniJ 

Oeone Scbriter. waa next Tldtoi 

tliat he had felt the grip of th 

formerly In tbe aaloon bnaf~~' 

etory brick bnlldlaR 01 

tile Court-bouae, and la 

Ke is now quite feeble, and when 

! ne«a with EngUah growB Tery ei „ __ 

I hla Btatemeut, n« traded hla pinwr^ with tbe ootc^Q* 
' for four bouaea and ail lot* In SngUah'a addition, anil 
Bubeeqnently mortgaged tbe propert;. *bleb waa 
Taluedby Engtlshlntba tmda at tlOMO-to bin fW 
tl.aouiopay BBecnrltydebt. Tbe Inerltabla Amdoa- ' 
ureral1owed,BndwhenfHendahdnadr*a*a«ilb*pro- . 
perty ou the laat day there waa an Item of tlU Idr at- 
toney'a feci for hla aon. who attended to " 
Tbe "poor Bu>n'B(Hend"ali>o exacted tba fu 
on Ibe tax certificate which Sobrtter ma tmtl 
np tin aoconnt of alckneae- 



HON. WILLIAM B 



ewllr turn. 



il lUtta, Blelar being K I 
il. uid Scbiitsr ■ Dumoa 



■pnd befcffa tb- . 
MCded wlUi tbe 



lepubUop Aa ^oar correvpondent pnv 

ouua from eTerr lide. ud a«peclAUy frnm tha pnor^r 
bIhi. It woald b« ui emj luttcF to tllt the Cim*,"- 
cial with affld&TltJt of pivtiAfl who lud b«eii glivl to i;^- 
OBpo witb their bvBA, uid there is itlnuidwit roam ]V>r 

An; doubting Thomuwho nwThsTS hadfein ru- 
pidlDg the capacitj of Hr. £ngllBh'i tiurel n>-ed Uir- 
raw DO tnrtheir Ironblo. Seuly elffht hundred ptoiva 
Dt Int-olua ral eatite gitli«n»1 In will fluntHti 
■nongh to fuUUl hla put ot the Dt>IlgUlaDa dT the okm- 



L hul to pAj their wagee ad 



. »ly K 



rhtr.Sf 



Hon- L. H, CampbelL When the f ft«e came up ^ 
by eweATlng to lomethlnK Mr. £n|(Ueh got It itavei 






FART III. 

"l^ePowr Man's Friend "agaln- 
An AindiiVlC that shona some oi' i 
hla "true funarduewi "— Tli<' *',;■ 
Vnlne placed upon the l>efl<l|not 
CMMoflui Employee—How li<- 
baggled over It— "¥ou set tiH» 
hlub a price on your damned | 
yeung one "—The corpse portly 
pnM Ibr In Street Car Tlckete- 
IMunn the Irish I- Court Kec- 



lowiUg IB tl 

irdered by 



tba Cincinnati ComiBcr- 



than 

tackaaalnadT been 



banbU* 









Mbronght 



Co IndlBiupollA u( 






1th kulni 

dmamaj. ot which Wl 

■Dd aiSBODtromng owi 

- John Bmitb, draym. 

lMit]i.tlutha cua<_ . 

■■ WM w An employes ot tbe Street Bsllroad 
jmii . bit ha vu engaged a* car Btancr at the iiabkn 
((aaomnpanj and waaatalthfalaudefflcieDt huiLl, 
" ' ~iaiB«of UiaaUblMatnlgbtand in theearly 
That William H. EnfelitB, the Prealdent ur 
did bring from&ott Count; ' " 




f Pennerlvania and Wasoii 
□d Bharpe'a bank, when Uf, 
•aid: ■tine.amtih. weoug 
nd not be lawlug about It 



•M Bft too high a price on 
"poor man my child waa 



A.^. Wheeler 
dn>r>, and lu< 



roperty In Fayetlo al 



sd on Order Book 13 ot the Mar 

mdant and payment of coeti. 
ppeantthat Wm. C. Smock, C 
■om defondant IWD. leaving a 



U yel nnpj 

ia t\,e ol 



Y\ 



204 



HOX. WILIJAM H. BNOLI8H. 



*'In company with Mr. E. C. Howlen, the grain dealer, 
I called at Father Beaaoniea' residence, on Maryland 
avenue, and he indorsed Mr. Smith's character in high 
terms as a man of truth. He said he was a member of 
the temperance society, and what he said could be re- 
lied upon, though so far as he was individually con- 
cerned he did not wish to make any written state- 
ments that might be dragged into politics. Father 
Bessonies, however, remembered perfectly the death 
of the little girl, and the manner In which a change, of 
venue was taken, together with attendant circum- 
st«aice." 



PART IV. 

'«The Poor man's Frieud" gives to 
the poor Chii^ago (Sufferers out 
of his HUlUons the sum oTOue 
DoUar! 

A reliable correspomdeDt of the New York 
7Vt6u7ie, writing from Indianapolis, Jnne 27, 
says : 

"Since the 'one dollar subscription * story is now 
onrrent, I will give the true yersion : When the Chi- 



cago Are occurred, public meetings were held in this; 
as in every other city in the land, to raise means to 
aid the suOerers. People, with unheard of liberality, 
gave of what they had. Mr. English attended none of 
these meetings, but committees who were appointed 
to solicit subscriptions presented their papers to 
Mr. Snglish, who was worth over $2,000,000, and the 
wealthiest man in the city. Others not worth one- 
hundredth part as much as Mr English.had subscribed 
$100, and yet Mr. English subscribed only $L The 
committee was amazed and departed. Aftmr some dis- 
cussion on the streets among citizens to whom the 
facts had been communicated, the $1 was returned to 
him. Of course this incident became the talk of the 
town, and great indignation was expressed at Mr. En- 
glish's miserly conduct, and some of the directors of 
the First National Bank called upon and told him of 
the indignation of the people, and that he must make 
a larger contribution or it would ii^ure him and the 
business of the bank. Thereupon Mr. English sent 
word to the committee to return and he would make 
another subscription. They did so, and he subscribed 
«100 and explained to the committee that he did not 
fully understand the matter when the paper was first 
handed to him. In the meantime the facts had gotten 
into all the leading papers, and Mr. English continued 
for some time to receiTe papers fiwm all parts of the 
country soundly berating him for his miserly conduct ; 
he also received a large number of leather medals, and 
similar reminders firom persons who had seen the ac- 
counts of his small sabeoription. 



HTATIBTIOAL TABLSfi. 



CHAPTER XXV. 
Statistical Tables. 

,— Popular Vate for Fresldcnt from 184M to ISia. 





i; 



i^= 






, o > ;..33B« j.t-i-«x*.-, =,<. ju :-«a 



;-' ;;;ii' : iri* 



pli:iiyi;j.|m:|jipij 



t 



BTATIfiTIO^ TABUtS. 



No. 4,— Democratic Htinin Eeonomy. 



Tlirre jeara of Kepubllran cnmpaml nitta 
tttree years of Demi»crBtlc appropriations 
—A fearfnl exposure. 

To demonstrftte the hollowness of tlia Dem- 

garj to oompnrEi the Ust three years diirinK 
which they Lave mEula approprifttionB, with 
the last three j-eara daring whichaKepablioan 
CongreBB mftde appropriations. Prom an of- 
floiBl Htatement published Aagnat, 1880, by 
the TreaBaiT Department, it appears that 
doling the lait three j'eara of a Repnblican 
GongresB, the appropnatiouH were, for the 
flouJyearB: 

IBTB.. IM.01T.7H ColnTalaa] IST.CM.tOS 

ISTS.. 117,714.MO I I 1W,S»3,71S 

While during the last three years of Demo- 
oBtic GoDgresBional role the appropriations 
haTO be«i, for the fiscal years: 

im.. iiTi.ore.Boe ( i im.MXTm 

lan.. in.tot.MT tcoiDTniiiel im.vn.ui 

ISn.. 1U,I1H,«1 ( ) lM,UB.tll 

On a onrrency ba^s, the compariaoii be- 



i of the two parties 



IBIS js6.on.iM 1 



On a comparison of the I'oin valne of the 
amoants appropriated — which is the tmest 
teat — the comparative economy of the two 
parties standa thns: 

1874 tiS3^ss,s»<|ia7> tni.Bll.TIB 



IS for 

each flacal'year from June, 1B^3 to 18B1, in- 
clnsive, together with the coin value of sach 
appropriations, computed npon the average 

8 rice of gold for each year in qnestioii, pub- 
shed by the Treaanry Department, Augnst, 
1S80," is taben the foUowins detailed state- 
ment (omitting cents, whi^, however, are 
added together in mt^.-'.g the totals^, cover- 
ing the three-year cotnpHriiton above institated: 




STATI8T1CAI. TABLES. 
No. S.— Sovemtnent BeeelptK wid ExpendltureB rram 18K6 ta 188*. 

lOFFICIiL.] 

(CtrUi omiUed tseerpl u vddijig totaitJ 
B BY FISCAL YEABS. 




NET OBDINARY EXPEMBITUBBS BY FISCAL YEABS. 







Civil, AND 


Dop«rtment. 


Dep'lmenl 


— 


^^. 






y™, 


PKmlDDl 


laueoiiB 


.■jE'.s.psss: 


1801 
18M 
IMS 

1§SS 

jMg 

ItlM 
MOT 

IHH 
J810 

W17 




(380.371 
674itt3 

IM.47« 

i;a74;i(B0 
16.998,000 

:::::::: 


»35,HU,«* 

*3.7(«.»fi 
wIlCTioiO 

gas 

13.(M7,S0ti 
-»1,0M,W!1 

«0;9H*;767 
J3.3M,no 

U.1M,<MS 
B3.m,70J 
65.7*1,618 


|I6,MB,1M 
W.S81.771 

i.oailsan.sfiu 

i!M,«e,701 
7B,6M,WO 

3«'a7a!i67 

46.333,133 

«,sia,»M 

41,1».H5 

3e.OT0.a«i 
4u!iaB!oo(i 


»u,oi)i,7ai 

13.741 .BIB 
13,984,661 

isltsaluST 
ia,«68.a77 

KI,3at,9SI 

13l!ai9!B46 
43,334,118 

aB;766!sM 

aO.000,767 

ai,7so,?» 

3l|349!a«l 

aa.nas.iM 
lalwalaoe 
ifiliM.m 


la. 780.420 

3.eis,037 

a.B49,Wl 

(i!27s!wa 

8,184,807 
2,929.803 

9[347!oe4 
4:M!!,S31 

3'.407:Mtl 

olfloslisa 
B.sti4,c8e 

S,0M,fi88 

4!833iȤ0 
6.2(l«.109 
6.P4S.457 


|l.39B.aos 

1J13.043 
1.217.4BM 
1,230,378 
1.102.038 
1.03SM4 

4:ill«,024 

ie.«Do[3£a 

20.BiMi.fi61 

9s!4T8!lI3l 
33,840,202 

2B;3«i;4M 
29,033.414 

23!3e7',S9S 
17.083,782 


Hi 

4:ooo;m 

63!eS0!421 
77.BB7.7W 

40;424>46 

M,6IBJM 

Ot!7iC;fl8» 
07.113,810 
103.098,61+ 
100.243,271 

]0li60lli874 


$88,671,020 
67,708,707 

ta'.mo'.me 

83.130,698 
*«,6M,644 

7m!140;736 
8fi6.3M,6U 
1.297.666,224 

8G7i64%616 
377.340.384 
323,866,177 
309,668,680 

PSSffi 

287,133.873 
a71.623,3»2 
JS8.4S9.7OT 
238.600,008 
238,984.826 

2671842.987 



Noi* ,— The expandltures tor tnWreat on the pnbllc debt iDclude u 
to Ibe Pacific Bullnvds. asfoUom: Id 1888, (i^.Til 0<; In 1M7, $1 
*1.794.867 66; Id 1870,t4.*M,3«0 15; in 1871, $3,874,146 68; iD 1S73, JS,: 

I; ia 1310, $3,883,900 73; Id 1876, $3^,280 T2i in 1877, 

no It; liil8«0, $3,878,160 72. 



a 1888, $480,018 W 



eTATianoAL tables. 



uia 


Spirtu. 


TobMjoo. 


l.iqao«. 


■ssr 




FeiuUlea. 




Aial>Bm».... 


(ST.SIS M 


»86.710 90 


1868 eH 


|14.Bsao8 


»a.3«7 27 


$14,768 77 


|13i.B80 38 




76;7U3 9a 


^1.^M 41 


1,7mm 


a.BSB BS 
















iaW.M7 l.i 


761.1*0 T^ 


Aw.aaot 


437,060 68 


■"iiim'M 


8!018 79 


a.783.'lKM 84 














1.900 43 


168.161} 64 




miliwUlQK 


ITIlisU 6i 




3li0B4 81 


"Ktw'io 


10.811 03 


461.180 13 




llt.113 3<^ 


lU.H-iT 49 


7!841 76 


9.747 98 




1,833 86 






W.ia-t B] 


W.a33M 


10.068 as 


fliMSW 


wioe 


iflsaa 


30l!393ai 




















ii.na K 




»3 7t 






373 » 


304.690 63 




ui.Gsa It. 


7lil47 01 


11.7M99 


38,060 8S 










n,uu3Ta 




a,006 6 


338 81 




'816^ 


aaiew 64 








787,018 87 


166.078 64 




30.614 18 


33.036,814 49 




a.siisifii- w'l 


'uaiisn U6 


V/l.lti 13 


83,7as 93 


a,9M0fl 


7.879 39 


8,913.836 49 




l^D.IHM 11 


29H,XI7 B( 


Sfl.tlHjy 


78.816 31 


1.069 66 


11.020 66 




KIUUIU.V.'.'.' 


et.rai K) 










«07 10 


361J34 01 


h>.uiui'ky,. 


B,8BU.ISJ M 


i.eHiisai a. 


I73I9I6 11 


imlsttssu 


■■■■!a;4i8'a7 


10,083 70 


8,886.641 BO 




iu.u:iu 0: 


431.390 a-1 


64.t)0B12 




18,134 7'i 


31.788 34 


712,049 86 








1.«1S 34 


aisMS,' 


173 a: 


3.098 00 


7fl.VU7 87 




8m;i1« a' 


1^1191 1i 


»7.UMa3 








a,393,0.'i7 01 




j.iw.iw 1: 












3.6S6.S6J Ifl 






l.llfliwB 3- 


3«e[4IM8t< 




»!43a 37 




1.811.767 99 




«;««»■ 






17',397 !>J 


SM3: 


i;8sa4B 


384.689 84 


UwMmicipl 


U.H>t a 




ijoa 38 








91,2a3 60 


ll,»«mr,^.. 




3,^J.(M 94 


- 711.684 63 


lBi;7» 3[' 


1360 3' 


9.306 18 


6,449.864 DB 




'SI- 


3.7:» 6" 


9,274 81 


9,648 a.. 










io'oo 


■'■i,6MM 






M.tOl IW 




lfli!3S66 


iai»»8ui 










e'J.HIUI 41 


3l!u7a Pi 


177.426 33 


4.389 a> 


*" i',7M 93 


173 W 


57m|iS9 06 






a,SBO.WlM 


ei«.jia8 6^ 


W.BM * 


19.980 13 


6,658 77 


4,207.807 Bl 




mImi »■ 




4,3S3.31)« ij 


mI'^*' ' 




10 80 










K. Cvullui 


'mi!wi9 B 


i!iS!>!m7 0' 






8A<9St 




3i864!ooa Tl 


OIjI.p 


a,a«.iMi» 


3.W1.381 «. 


1,181.303 41 


1Bo!b09 6- 


4,810 8 


2fi!666 80 


18,018,998 09 




i,s5a!iu 9 


14.71S «3 
3JtXl.1W 71 


i».»7aii 
l,W9,Bse ar 






16,163 39 




Wumylint'i 




6^e!930 86 


J(li..lrLJn'd 






S;),«68 4J 


66,7S8 6' 


' 76 M 


930 33 


310.883 98 






S4.947 1. 


8.397 8! 






2,693 91 


111.960 ja 




Kti.axM 








""'•i.msi 




l,003.73i 38 




W>^>UM 




14.983 94 


43.963 9- 


162 Oi 


aieoo 7t 




tUL 




«,UNi4S 




sijno h 




ll,M It 








33.D3ti -a 




10.387 Q. 


91 a- 




ia.B(6 74 




»M.7*S3 


S^M.-Utt HU 


18,069 7 




1,817 i 




«,781.«» M 




SHisHS a 


ISoiiuD » 


10.889 a 
83.168 4' 


341371 S 




4883™ 




w. vinjiuu 




370!g71 16 








B12.B88 7 








3.SU8.6I6 79 


Wjfiuniug ! 


8,007 86 


1 JB4 K 


6,890 ft 


i;88i 7 




a sa 


15.9(7 96 


T-m... 


f>1l.lB«.S0H 19 


|3flW,140^ 


tn.>as,m m 


$:l.3«l.9S(! : 


fM!B.0-J7 7 


S333,756 08 


J116,848.31B M 




r^Z^^'i*!! 


amps, whloh a 


innol be iipport 


'"""It.'!'. 


liflSttt^san 


TeiTilories 


7.133,838 30 







•FutofClitTUlrdDI 



SlaHttict nlatiHt to mc^/renliJxrmaiBrtKmjitJbrl»tfitoai]i4ariiididJlmt SO, lB7t 



^kptsCrDDlAlLflO' 



onwhlclitaiwuiiiiia, 
itured ubiHna, 33^417. 



. 118.976,293 ponodi. Amount of tu p 
3.386 pomidA. ADLDont of Ui p*iA Uien 
1,21)7,833.681. Amount of Ui luld tbnn 
I>D.oriwdd]eii " 



Inge-lKDki. t3,691,'Jua. CkplU 

l>ei)i«iU ol bouka uid BiiiJi 

■irted oudupotiitflot ItiuikqaDd: 



U BukB itiii] Buikan. 1193,781,110. Dspoaita of SutId^- 
i, 1407,081,079, Tax co11ecl«d On dapoaita of BavlQ^s-bajilo. 
,1. — ...nc^^o TiaoolleclBaonmpltBlof SavlngB-bBJika, 



a, (H12.1M. Total r 



ill daKriptlniulHlwd.S09,B14.4I 

taiiipa. $11.708.374 06. PsrcenU 
ucelptH fTDlD ullsaune^ (113.91 



)4.18. Total »o«lpll 



SIO 



STATIBTIOAX TABLES. 



Kb, 1.— Coat «f me Demoei 

In 1870, Bepreeentative MibUck (Dem.) 
Indiaiia, declared in the Hoose OM tlie ez- 
penditnies ind bnrdens of the rebellion 
properly chargeable to the Bepablic 
To this James i. Garfield at c 




dsbt. 1 come. Uuietera, to i)ia dour of joai puljr. 
antlemen od tba Dtbat (Ids, and 1 Uj dowa at j Dm 
ttareahold avarj dollar of thQ dQlJt, erozy item of tlM 
Btnpend'ina lolnl wtilcli aip niim i tha enmt eott ct tha 
vu-; and I Bj U ;oD bad ftollDWSd Donglia Uura 
would have booc no dtbt, no blood, lui burd^ 
laroD^er'biitlSi would be^Dion The following statement, prepared b7 the 
en. and (lud (oasthsr aicpond ite flag until the re- Secretary of the Treaaniy in rsBpouse to Senate 
g^.IL'll^n^t^.SS^.^^.^t'hoa'S^ESl reeolution of March 8. fsSO. ahowa what and 
wwooldbaTe lattiAind bow ioaeb the ™«oiSd ^°'^ •"™'h tioee expendttoiBs have thnB <Ht 
haTs esati I do not liaaltaie to b«; clmt It could sol bean : 



thB lead of Omi^ and Daiulu, ai 
Tod, and all the otliar giaatlialita 
partj ; had thrown awa^ the Dfimc 
that the; would ba Demi. 



fnm July 1. 18til, to Junt 30, 1870. indumK. 




4PPKOPR1ATI0N, 


E.pSZ^ 


i^p=nd,lMa 


growing out of 




snirasliM « 
i,aoB,3oi,«B IS 

sIeIsIhO 7E 
9,»15.!B3 IB 

39G.«78 H 
I.a-JB^IS WJ 

at4,ai6 10 

7,ou:eeB OS 
ij.sai.BM w 

33,9M,017 «7 
lll.MU.Ml 31 

430i0U>a7 7S 
367.E1B,H6 Bl 
lUl.B38,m S7 

;i:Giiui!io« ai 
iao.B«i.7«i es 

KF,B72,6fie Ml 

1M,^7B:7!I M 
1,011, 102,1 irj [B 

11,3§6!778 K 
e,l£D,9Bl OS 

Ml.lMSe 

'sBtiilltl 11 
9.6M.6ia B! 

3].rf7/i42 6G 
M.IM 00 
MB,0fl7 21 

u!713;!f:3 1! 

«1,BS1.1W K 

BSIUOOW 

S.2W,7M 12 
1^,4B7 41 

Oilljwloia 71 




te 1.1^^,730 77 




"jia.MB.SM'T* 
67491,6(10 44 

6ai,«a8 07 












4,0«1.SM OS 




BdKl«a^ii^ena« of American and BTltlidi Caainii Com- 




3T1.311S3 

39e.B1B M 
1,928.819 «. 




















a:7u;fl»3 79 

10.110,745 70 


e.ne.78s os 
ia,siBASi 79 

iisleoa^sti Bl 




sa.gisliey i7 

M,0S7.048 9i 

'iImiiIooo h 

ll.!07.B»e 11 
1s|b01>M Bl 




381,417,618 5a 
399.4^1,017 09 








3.0M.aiB « 












MB,7ai 4» 






i/)iijoi,7oa fi9 










11,888,778 » 






iV.^-. to oni«^™ «"a men In the Deiikriment ol lh« Mis- 




841,160 Ht 
l,8-il,S77 BS 










Bouat; w yolnutecis ai.J tlirlr widuwaaud legal heirs 




31.7W),31S S» 
«9,988:7M Bl 










9.636.613 » 
31.29J.M2 60 

se.15! o« 
ao«,D07 98 

l.lBn.9U8 u 
U! 10^1770 M 






BEtlmdinK lo BtaUuj eipenset incumsd un Bcoouut of voluii 














l.MO,BTS U 




1.B46.370 4 




























l.Ml.OOl B7 

3,8,1,110 b; 


io;aiB%7a u» 



BTAHenOAI. TABUB. 



APPHOFSUflOS, 


„„»=„. 


Elp«nJlI>l» 
other IbBQ Iw 


^^y^™"^ 




(39,780.711 M 

i«,M8.wa la 
Bi.m w 

>.in,DOG H 

17^168 15 

lffl,BM0O 

8,MS.184 70 

moon 00 

tll,74*;i0i 80 

Si 

ao,es7,7te w 

1.370.730 411 
S.1M;B1* IB 

Wii 

sao^KiasQ 
fcie».§*a SB 

88,000 00 
M.0OQO0 

»,74B 40 

8,610 00 
lI,*64.aS7 30 

Bso.awoi 
M.Msn 

4470.801 64 
136.UM00 

1.000 00 

4.381.731 01 

883.743 It 
144,6.9.073 96 
83,771.031 16 
a.700.101 88 

mwljsi as 

wiosalsST 67 
3,178.769 71 

BSisaallM 69 

19,963.764 88 
3,8S6.»la 69 

19,307,318 67 
3.6M,M7 00 
876,183 a 

18.7-JB;900 01 

t.iti'.tta a: 
i;»i*:o4* 77 

7,610,018 DO 

2,su.rao 11 
as9.0MSi 


18.1 37 .228 31 






171 
'l7l 

ilosi 

H 

407.49! 
7;65S 




TnvEllng Eii>9iueB Flnt Uloblgui QantHj ud ciuiOiniM 




























Baiipon of NMlionalHomB for disabled TOlnnleer KddiBii.... 










568,136 39 


C9B15 






























30.316.000 00 














Peramuenl loOe md toniOoOima; sunojB (or military do- 


1.483.166 81 


HI 80 








78.1T3 33 












1648.96 67 










































TempDiary reMoi to destitute people in Dietrlot of ColambU. 








1080186 61 






33 719 IS 








RemoTing wreck of ganbosit Otegoa Is CliBfnnol Blvar. 




6600 














OUtDB of lojfsl ciCiieus lor HUpplli'E fnctliBbed dnilng the 


11.113 11 


47411 00 
























4,»1.7M 91 






""nmjiih. 
i.iujoi 00 

M.S39,e81 80 














1JS04,790 65 










6.611 .aca 30 

M1.0U 68 
3,331.861 63 
6,613.631 68 
1.938.601 13 


81,432.094 87 

].»n,iii oe 

30;»00,303 07 


SS^S^SEE}}}}}rF^"=- 


















34ftl390 4l 
8,S)60.59U h; 

66:394 01 








^^A^ffl'*''*^"''"*' '"■■" 


1,767.816 IB 


















M0.OOU00 


6.690,043 00 






















Tot»l Bipendlture. 


16.844.571,131 03 


|651,C11,SM 46 


(6,189,93 


008 58 



re— Onljihe spproprUiione Aom which wu tapeadkiinB nerei 
ni of iho loul cBouiptB uud aipendllnrei of Um United BUtei, U 
FpropriatG heads Till be finmd on page 30a. 



iO iDClaslV*. ClHlUiMl 



213 , STATianoAL tables. 

N*. 8.— Batias ar DemMmOe defltKmtiiin* copuwrad wlOi KepubUcMi baneotr. 





11 


lOT.L. 


T..t*x. 


RE^m«^T,o«.. 


tlOD. 


BeoelplB. 


Lom«- 


■?" 


'^rr" 


^. 


Lou 

tl°OM 


ADlQlUll 
iDIULVBd. 


LoHes. 


»l,ffl» 


Jelfe™™'!!! 
VuBbiui"! 

IS^:-.:: 


1; 

1; 


Jcfl.MS.lai 

166.183.776 
1SB.94X.MH 
US,73B.0M 
a0l.8Sl.M8 
lll.90a.612 
383.1 7e.R2)> 
ai3,3«,B7a 

lilMtlisiEitSB 
II.Bia.lBB.ffJl 
l,T»a.«TB,W7 


t910,6Sl 

ta.348 
2a7;ifl(p 
aw.ini 

83S.HS 

S33.»63 

I4ia.»n 
ass.saa 

ia.io» 

ais.001 
iM.oas 


1; 
None, 


(GG ,136.033 
43,an,M8 
lOT.NG.SIl 
M6.1l.8.10f 

in!3ei'.00( 

333.Ma.D4S 
lS7.00*,Ba 
UM.l«,401 
305,194,700 
1*4.370,493 
385.838,875 
318.1 Ri.36S 
*, Ml .467 ,931 

a'am'.BM.ati 
1.687 ,oa4.i)e4 


*38.487 
190,9(10 

l.M6.44e 
1,188,141 

i,7ia,n» 

1,«S.1M 
B,69'.l.0a3 

ffiSl 


toea 

IS 33 
628 

MS7 

8 34 
764 

6il0 


tm.KM,Ml 

63d;7IM!Mt 
S7B.3ai,y:4 
U01,488,O77 

60t).aKi,7iJ 

386, 337. W9 

133,913,11117 
*M.Sfll,ii7« 
B0S.!B7,816 
B97.MW,HTa 
9.3Ra.Bti7,H4 

e.ou.ooa.KW 


'336,41 
003.16' 

3/a9:7"' 
s,7ai;ii 

3.343. 7 J-. 
l,6W.W3 

1.81 IJO^ 
3.1 07 .983 
2,669.101 
7.100.1184 
l.Biy.SW. 

»;a7( 


Is 

( 11 


Kb™ 

LIdodIu. 

iBbBKOL..... 

Onot. 

BWI«^ 


7« 

^3. 




ia.034.1U.41IJ 


S«9i.S1I 


41 


1T,)n4.03n.HB 


28,617 ,B67 


lei 


18,317 .flSO.TSn 


SS,a87.S.i8 
14S4i.SM 
14.44B.Ta« 


107 


Prior to Jon. S 


.■H 


is.i!xi.in',Hai 


iiamlsBi 


If* 




":SS:IS? 


B'! 


l,7.U.«il.l65 
Jl,6118, 168.607 


M 



a tnou 






3, In preparing thlBstalemeut. tliBnoelptamiidiUiilnuBeiiientaElnoe 

Dot belDt pnctlcalile U aepants tha Iosh* occaniDK in tbe tncUoDsl rei 
oumpired being of Ihe urns lengtb, tba nonlt It lubeUnUkU J i»n«ct. 

4. In nuking ChiBt«rMon no ocdlla bin bHQ lUavad for mona jm oollBotod ontsluioM due pi«*)a<u 
lEMR, being imiiu inunouut, luid Uu period of oreilLiMoerUlnklile oal; *ith macb UbDt. 



tancee, the; ftCtiuU; oi 

thongb ■ Ituse penenUg* 

4B. b&Ts bean cUmlBed bj 
sillad by caleudu' jen™ It 
L period i but tbs period! 



Ko. 0.—G«\trnmtat Pinwielal OperAtloDB. 

TVainiry Jfsnaniiuluni q^ OoMrnment jfmndiiZ cj>»- 
rabotu, ihouiiTig e/umj/a in Uieprmeaai qf lit Ivb- 
Ue Dttt dc., from AngiM SI, ISflS, (o Salmbir 
1, 18S0. 

fieiHcMm <ir/iil<niM«r*v JM(, 

Total luteneMwirlnB debt, hlghHt 
point AuguM 81. IDdS n.Ml,t30.3M W 

ToUil Intenst-beuiiig debt, Beptamber 

I. IBM 1,71»,19S,»«I OO 



Annnel IntereBt-cbifge, hlgbeet point 




Debt, ls« cwib In thBTnunrr. Mgta- 

eUpolDtAuguMtll, 18(;6lpr[noipii). tl.7M;4Sl,Sn i 
Debt. Jaw cwib In Troaiurr, Scpteoibor 

1. UBO (principAll J.t08.717,984 4 

Total n^iotlDn...... (847.713.6.^7 ( 



H or Moidi, 
BO-M'e (rf Jime, 

I of'im."! t 
CODBUlSOf IWI.'. 8 



(n,3U.13S«) 



IMn, Includlns 
refnndlug osrtt 

TolU 



H hon been eokl fo 



.... t90,UUO/IOO W.i 
BTlDgln intereit Ibn'iii 



1878, to repUce ooln liuud in pumeut ol the Unlliu 
eward. four per oeub. bondi of 19(r7i mmuuuULui to 



BTATISTIOAI. TABLKB. 



No. l«.-rBMle Debt AuMliBlB. trmm Jmij i, IBBS, M Jnlr 1, 188«. 



Yku. 


1 pet Cent..! pet Oentt. 


per Oenti. 


Bpettteni* 


B pet Cento. 


„;s.':„. 


TciUl iDMrert- 
b«ri«gdebt. 




1 . . 




»8,SM,00( 

BT.imiBOt 
«S,«fl.»0O 

a3.on.9oa 
nvtsa.ooo 
Sisslooj 

800,3 13.4S( 
MI.709,110 

M9,nB;Tai 
aoi,eea,««s 

sss 

m,Ka.»ois 
m.eM,30o 

»i*.5a7.soa 

TU .688.800 

loa.iee.iifO 

T03,Wa.6« 
«I8,140.3W 

*9*,ast,wo 


M,K1,MB 
ll.16t.tl3B 
9lj«^D3B 
ai.lM.S88 

iBtaiB.™ 

431,M*,B18 

1,11 Biisa! IBP 
,Ml.T38,*ail 
,lBB,&lfl,0« 

■Sil-iS-S? 

.S7S.30S.98* 
,BT«,S4T,«9 

ffiSffl 

.S7»,883,B00 

,a8i,ssa.S6o 

.318,SM.70O 
,100,BBS,M0 
BM.BBB.MO 
8M,«21,8S0 
7B8.S19,00(< 
M3,081,3W 
SM,7S0,*00 




$81,762,781 


























































tsi.ne.iie 




$1M.6W,«86 

]ae,B74.4ae 
i3e,aB0,B3e 

B71, 610,997 
880.000,000 

8i3.«o,e9i 

1!:a:S 




!£■::::::::. 


















IK5&"; 
















,148.007.887 




lw.ooa.«io 

i».Ho.ai» 
u.gMjom 

U,<Xo|oaO 

u.m:mo 
u.ow.flott 

1*,000,0M 
U.WO.DW 






.iM,D«),B9a 










j™'^ 




























.738.930.780 


















1110,000,000 
940,000,000 
SM.OOU.OOO 








ih'.bmIoui 



















PUBLIC DEBT ANAI.T9IS.-«antliiiiML 







Deblua 


r..^, 


OnlHuiiUilg 
pHndl^L 


r„..,n.b„ 


T.»„1.U 


".r.?- 


n,M 


iDler- 


Seu. 


el^e. 


ceued. 


b«ringno 
Inlareiit. 


7n^T 


Leffi Q^b Id 




™^w 


c^'u 


IBM-lBlTl.. 


)l,SCg,UG 


t90g,77S 




*^'I^-mI 








(0 36 


»07 
































8,198 


IflB 






SI2^ 


EOBIMU 




30 696 000 




































uiss. 


lU 


173[l»B 


tl68, 1191,890 
41I,7e7,tM 
05,487,371 
















1,119 7 33 31 






















SifcJS:." 




























































1»«S 




s 




430.003.064 




49 609 471 




38 688 371 


U43 


!S 
































































































11,*26,8M 


4MM7'l9a 


2,939,984.681 








16 Jh 














































































1860 


79,833 


J«. 




ase.sod.i'it 


2,liO.H5.370 


9ni.0BS,lll9 


l,9lH,3ai.?47 




37 74 


1 96 






at of outaUndlDg principal mt 



.—Tht Bgiires for July 1. IST^, w 
,^Tlie TBtnpomy Loui, per mot' 



bole amount oatatuidliig ■ 



up, KHamlng pending ruitding opentioni 

1861. IB inolnded In (be 4 per oentt. trom IS 

- •— ■ it Bl. 16i!S. this being tbe dal« »t w 

4 percent. toB par cent,, jind vn 

.._„ iglng. It bu tieeu considend mon 

be»rlng 4 par cent. Intereal on In iTenge (orlbo Jeir. 



214 



STATISTlOAIi TABLES. 



No, li.— Statement of tbe PubUe Debt of the United States. 

(For the month qf August, 1880.) 
tNTEREST-BfiABINa DEBT. 



TiTLX OF Loan. 


Rate. 


When 
Bedeemable. 


Total amount 


Interest due 
and unpaid. 


Aoonied 

InteiMt 


Loftn of February. 1861 


6 percent.... 




$14,867,000 

724.960 

163.893.100 

60.466.100 

480.140,450 

260.000.000 

738,241.360 

1.106.460 

14,000.000 


$66,1U 

6,968 

61,986 

45,040 

1,948,360 

133,718 

635.261 

78.378 


$148,870 

7,848 

1,088,881 

604,601 

8,001,710 

8,818,000 

4,881.608 

7if76 

70,000 


Oreoon War Debt 


6 percent.... 




Loan of July and August. 1831 

Loan Of 1863. CSl's) 


6 percent.... 
6 percent.... 
5 percent.... 
4)^ per cent.. 
4 percent.... 
4 per cent. ... 


June 30. 1881. 
June 80. 1881. 
Ifay 1. 1881. 
Sept 1.1891. 
July 1.1907. 


Funded Loan of 1881 


Funded Loan of 1891 


Funded Loan of 1907 


Befnndlng Oertifleates 

NavT-pension fnnd ..............t... 


S TMr cent 








Aggregate of interest-bearing debt 




$1,713,198,400 


$2,964,803 


$18,107,007 




Aggregate of debt on which interest has ceased since maturity. 


$6,128,036 


$771,412 




Aggregate of debt bearing no intei 


rest 


$386,059,831 


$7,827 


. 







RECAPITULATION. 








Principal. 


Interest 


T6tala. 


IntATeat-bearinff debt — Bonds at 6 per cent 


$229,440,160 00 

480,410,460 00' 

260,000,000 00 

738,241,350 00 

1,106,450 00 

14,000,00& 00 






Bonds at 5 per G&nt 






Bonds at 4^ per cent 


, 




Bonds at 4 per cent 






RefundiuR Certificates 






Navy-Pension Fund 






$16,072,400 80 
771.418 11 




/ 


$1,713,198,400 00 








T>Abt on which interest btw ceased since maturitT ......... 


$6,128,036 26 








Debt bearing no interest-~01d Demand and Legal-tender 

Notes 


$346,741,896 00 

11,300.000 00 

20.835.940 00 

7,181.995 37 




Certificates of Deposit 




Gk>ld and Silver Certificates 


■ 


Fractional Currencv 






. 






$386,059,831 37 






7.827 OS 




UnclftifnAd paniflft RtR. Interest 




• 








Total Debt 


$2,105,386,266 63 


$16,861,139 94 


$2,121,287,406 07 






Tfital riftah in the Trftssurv ...^..... 






8196.668.883 88 










Debt, less Gash in the Treasury. September 1. 1880 


$1,824,060,074 84 


a Debt less Cash in the Treasury. Auirust 7. 1880 






1.986.096.841 86 










Decroase of Debt duHna' the month , , , 


$12,087,167 00 










De*oTea8e of Debt since June 30. 1880 


ti7,A08.221 00 











^onds issued to the Pacific Railway GompanieSt Interest payaJbie by the United States, 

(All 6 jocr cent. 90-year BondtJ 





Principal 
outstanding. 


Interest ac- 
crued and not 
yet paid. 


Interest paid 

by the United 

States. 


Int'st repaid by Companies. 


Balance of in- 
terest paid by 
the^ited 
8t»tei. 


Name of Railway. 


By transporta- 
tion service. 


By cash pay- 
m'ts. 6 per ct. 
net earnings. 


Central Pacific 

friLTiauui PiLnifln 


$26,885,120 
6.303.000 
27.236.512 
1.600.000 
1.970.560 
1.628.320 


$258,861 20 
63.030 00 
272,365 12 
16.000 00 
19,706 60 
16,283 20 


$18,793,233 67 
4.994.793 09 
20.065.278 25 
1.261.808 26 
1.313.648 14 
1.171.199 99 


$3,200,778 77 

2.448.151 86 

7.819.485 44 

69.522 90 

9.367 00 

106,032 67 


$648,271 96 


$14,944,187 94 
2.646.641 78 


Union Pacific 




12.236.798 81 


Central Br.. U. P 

Western P 


6.926 91 


1.186,808 tf 
1,804,181 14 


Sioux City k Pacific. . 




1.060.167 88 






Totals 


$64,623,612 


$646,236 12 


$47,589,861 30 


$13,643,333 04 


$660,196 87 


$33,881,888 89 







-irr- 



The iaregoinfi Is a corract statement of the Public Debt, as appears from the books and Treasurer's Betuznf 
in the Treasury department at the close of business. August 31. 18S0. 

H. F. FRENCH, Acting Secretary of the Trecuury,